Confucian Self-Identity and Self-Realization in the Modern World

( Kwang-sae Lee ) 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 2009 儒敎文化硏究(中文版) Vol.0 No.12

我在本論文中探討儒敎與現代民主主義的關系。現代民主主義對決定意見過程或政治性的生活, 不約束于社會身分地位或性、宗族、階級、宗敎、肉體性障碍, 以及任何差別性因素, 追求盡可能最大的成員、盡可能最高的參與。現代民主主義所涵盖的重要的槪念之一就是關于個人的。我据在儒敎的多樣性以社會的個人(social individual)的杜威哲學(Deweyan)的主題來, 對比探討現在已變爲陳腐的現代西方傳統的自由主義者的槪念。作爲社會性存在的個人是, 在社會的脈絡上能勾有負責的選擇的個人, 幷且具有自己的自由與個人的權利相應的社會性責任。作爲社會性存在的個人經驗的自由(freedom或liberty)是, 我們借用深受康德(Immanuel Kant)影響的柏林(Isaiah Berlin)的話, 那么有多少否定性自由(negative liberty), 還有多少肯定性自由(positive liberty)。我把柏林的肯定性自由與通過自己的努力自得的“道”和享受自己責任的自任的孟子的雙胞胎槪念聯在一起。在儒敎中, 這個雙胞胎槪念借用狄百瑞(William de Bary)的意思的話, 就是“道德性個人主義(moral individualism)”, 我認爲, 由種種原因, 不稱之爲“道德的個人主義(moral individualism)”, 而稱之爲“整體論的個人主義(holistic individualism)”。 對于儒學者們來說, 眞正的自由就在特定文化或歷史上、社會性脈絡上, 意味着能勾做出負責行動的存在。這就是使個人對未來的做出新的可能性, 卽“溫故知新”。 “溫故知新”類似于海德格爾(Heidegger)的“時間性(Zeitlichkeit)”或個人槪念, 以杜威派的社會性存在。 我認爲儒敎的“德治”或“道德君子”槪念與現代民主主義能勾聯在一起。 卽參與政治的意思是照顧老百姓, 幷且讓他們過得更好、幇助他們受好敎育, 讓自己提高自己的尊嚴, 給他們顯示出“仁”。儒學的“正名論”相應于現代民主主義的權利分散理念。 在儒敎社會當中, 禮先于法, 像這樣, 在任何市民社會當中, 個人的主張要隨着市民社會的高階層。當今, 慣例(rites)與民權(rights)聯系起來不是那么不自然。我認爲在現代民主主義中能勾彌補儒敎的德治槪念, 以啓蒙的民權槪念。尤其是與福利國家的理念相關能勾次序的探討馬歇爾(T. H. Marshall)的公民權(civil rights)、政治性權力(political rights)、社會性權力(social rights)。這三種權力不可分離。公民權引導政治性權力, 再次露面社會性權力。我把?們與傳統的儒敎德治理念聯系起來。如依馬歇爾脫掉民主主義的模的民權, 不僅照顧敎育傳統儒敎的社會成員, 也讓他們過得更好、提高尊嚴性, 助于他們自己盡可能實現人類的潛在能力, 就符合德治理念。啓蒙的儒學者與啓蒙的自由主義者是相似的。自己本體性是自己實現, 卽完全性個人的人類潛在能力的實現。儒敎與現代民主主義是應當要見面的搭档。 In this paper I discuss the relevance of Confucianism to modern democracy. By modern democracy is meant the fullest possible participation of the greatest number of the people, regardless of their social origin, gender, race, class, religion, physical disability, and other differentiating factors, in the relevant decision-making procedures and processes of political life. One key concept integral to modern democracy is that of individual. I discuss the Confucian variation on the Deweyan theme of social individual as contrasted with the now antiquated notion of the classical modern Western libertarian concept of atomic individual. A social individual is an individual who can make responsible choice in social context; a social individual has social responsibilities commensurate with his/her freedom and individual rights. The sort of freedom (liberty) that social individuals exercise is positive liberty as well as negative liberty (to use the expressions coined by Isaiah Berlin as evidently inspired by Immanuel Kant). I relate Berlin’s positive liberty to the Mencian twin concepts of jadeuk (in Korean) or tzu te (in Chinese), that is, acquiring the Way by self-efforts and jaim (in Korean) and tzu jen (in Chinese), to wit, assuming one’s responsibility of one’s own accord. These twin concepts embody “moral individualism” (to use the expression invented by William de Bary) in Confucianism. In lieu of “moral individualism,” I use the expression “holistic individualism” for similar purposes. For Confucians, true freedom means being able to perform responsible action in specific cultural, historical, and social context. Which means that becoming thoroughly familiar with the old helps an enlightened individual to project new possibilities onto the future (onko chishin). Onko chishin has affinity with Heidegger’s Zeitlichkeit and the Deweyan concept of social individual. I discuss the relevance of the Confucian notion of rulership of virtue or virtuous statesmanship to modern democracy, that is to say, the relevance of practicing statesmanship to show humane care (in in Korean and ren in Chinese) for the people by nourishing them, furthering their well-being, helping them to be educated, and helping to enhance their dignity. The Confucian idea of rectification of names resonates with modern democracy’s idea of separation of powers. In Confucian society, for that matter in any civilized society, rituals (ye in Korean, li in Chinese) should have primacy over the law: self-assertion should yield to deference for pride of place in civilized society. Yet the coupling of rites/rights need not be an uneasy one. I submit that an enlightened concept of rights in modern democracy is complementary to the Confucian ideal of virtuous rulership. In particular, I discuss civil rights, political rights, and social rights as advanced by T. H. Marshall in relation to the idea of the welfare state. The three kinds of rights are inextricably interwoven with one another. Civil rights lead to political rights which in turn occasion the rise of social rights. I relate them to the traditional Confucian ideal of virtuous rulership. In fine, the rights as cast by Marshall in the mold of modern democracy resonate with the traditional Confucian ideal of virtuous rulership, that is to say, the ideal of nourishing and educating the people, furthering their well-being and dignity, and helping them realize their full human potentialities. For enlightened Confucians and enlightened liberals alike, self-identity is self-realization, that is, fully realizing one’s human potentialities. Confucianism and modern democracy are the twain that, pace Kipling, has met. [Article in Chinese]

한국사회의 연고주의 담론과 유교와의 무관련성 연구

장현근 경희대학교(국제캠퍼스) 국제지역연구원 2008 아태연구 Vol.15 No.1

Confucianism has been receiving a great deal of attention in Korean Society. Recently some scholars in fields such as Asian Studies, Political Economy and Sociology have emphasized that Confucianism can be attributed to core factors including the rapid economic development of Korea. Some Sociologists wish to call your particular attention to Korean network society as an affectional relationship. They think the 'network-oriented' nature of Korean society came from traditional Confucianism, and can understand it as a form of reducing 'transaction cost' for the entire Korean society, and steer industrialized Korea to prosperity. Some people say that conceptualized 'Confucian Democracy' or 'Confucian Capitalism'. It proved to be true? We know that Korean traditional society is very different from the West where society is ordered around individual values, but have a rich contents of community. Confucian values will be more esteemed and treasured by people as they became harder maintain, as it becomes impossible economically to practice those virtues. Confucianism not be connected with Capitalism. Network is extremely important for Human beings(not only Korean) because it is through building and maintaining ties that they order their world and pursue their goals. It is also an important means to build trust. As we all know, filial piety, discipline, work ethic, and meritocracy are not only traditional Confucian values, but also can be found in other cultures, they were shared and practiced in the U.S. during the forties and fifties, for example. To be sure, their opinion had the effect of booting public`s awareness of Confucianism. However, their overemphasize came to the detriment of serious and balanced inquiry into the history, logic, and ideals of this traditional Confucianism. There is not an indissoluble connection between traditional Confucianism and Korean discourse of nepotism or the network society. I would like to emphasize that the task of modernizing traditional Confucian values need not lead to conservative conclusions, and need to develop normative arguments which would explain why certain values should continue to remain influential and why others should not. 유교는 한국사회를 설명하는 데 여전히 유용한 틀이다. 최근 일부 학자들은 한국의 정치·경제·사회 현상을 설명하면서 유교의 역할을 언급하고 있다. 특히 몇몇 사회학자들은 현대 한국의 경제성장 요인을 분석하면서 핵심 동력으로서 유교적 인간관계를 언급하고, 그것을 연고주의로 풀어내어 이른바 거래비용을 줄이는 긍정적 역할을 한 것으로 설명하고 있다. 이러한 주장에 대하여 필자는 근래 한국사회의 연고주의가 원래 유교의 취지와 아무 관련이 없으며, 소위 유교민주주의니 유교자본주의니 하는 최근의 한국사회 담론들 또한 유가사상의 본질과는 관련이 없음을 밝히려 한다. 연고주의 담론이 왜 등장했으며 그것이 유교의 본질에 반하고 있다는 논지에서 출발하여, 한국 근대사회 연고주의 담론의 여러 문제와 병폐들을 지적하고, 유교는 원래 반연고주의를 본질로 함을 강조한 뒤 다음 두 가지로 결론을 이끌고자 한다. 첫째 한국사회 연고주의가 유교 전통에서 유래한 유용한 사회자본으로서 경제발전에 도움이 된다는 인식이 불철저한 유교인식에서 비롯되고 있음을 지적하고, 시민사회의 발전이 바른 길임을 천명하고자 한다. 둘째 [연고주의 ← 가족주의 ←유교]라는 도식으로 유교가 연고주의의 원산지라고 설명하는 방식이 근거가 없음을 밝히고, 거기서 나아가 연고주의가 전통 유가사상에 배치되며, 유가사상의 현대화는 연고주의 탈피를 통해 이루어질 수 있음을 주장하고자 한다.

유교의 생명관과 안락사 문제

김수청 釜山大學校 韓國民族文化硏究所 2004 한국민족문화 Vol.24 No.-

Confucianism is the tradition that seems to have declined most speedily in the 20th century. Even the so-called "last Confucian" has passed away. All particular traditional moral resources are rationally irrelevant to contemporary moral regulation. It (offers particular Confucian perspectives concerning important bioethical) issues. Specifically, this volume provides the Confucian views regarding the human body, health, virtue, suffering, suicide, euthansaia, "human drugs." human experimentation, and health care justice. Why is it necessary to pursue Confucian bioethics? And what is the epistemic status of Confucian bioethics? These questions are not new. In fact, as early as the 1960s, historian Joseph Levenson already vividly described the triumph of cosmopolitan culture over the Confucian tradition. He predicted that the fate of Confucianism was inevitably decline. It is necessary to pursue Confucian bioethics because its fundamental assumptions and premises are still in practice. Confucian values are still at home in East Asian areas such as Korea, Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and mainland China. Although many people in these areas no longer describe themselves as Confucians, Confucian teachings continue to be deeply involved in their lives. Moreover, as people move and emigrate from their motherlands to other countries, non-geographically-isolated moral communities have formed in the contemporary world. Just as we can find Christian communities in East Asian areas, we can find Confucian communities in North American areas.

한국 사회학계 유교연구 10년: 1997~2006년

이영찬 동양사회사상학회 2008 사회사상과 문화 Vol.17 No.-

This paper aims to analyse the present status of confucian studies in the academic world of Korean sociology statistically for the last 10 years(1997∼2006). According to the survey, the sociologists who have participated in confucian studies were 28 persons and they wrote 26 books and 144 papers. Classifying these papers by the subjects, there were 13 papers on the subject of general studies, 35 papers on the subject of methodology and theory formation studies, 18 papers on the subject of conception, ideology, human view and world view studies, 19 papers on the subject of modern life and social phenomena, 18 papers on the subject of confucian value and confucian democracy/capitalism, 19 papers on the subject of social institution and community, 13 papers on the subject of social thought study. These papers were published in 50 sorts of academic journals, and the half of the papers appeared in academic journals of sociology.The researched academic achievements were appended at the end of this paper. Several tasks to which confucian sociologists should keep attention were found. First, there lacks of constant supply of new confucian sociologists to achieve developmental succession in this academic field. Second, the confucian sociological study inclined heavily toward theoretical orientation. It is necessary to create alternative knowledge of the present society through the empirical research.Third, it is necessary for confucian sociologists to understand each other and to share interests in confucian studies.Forth, it is necessary to consolidate the basis of the sociology of knowledge in the study of confucian sociology. The modern interpretation of the confucianism can be realized by recreating a modern ideology from the historical confucianism. 본 논문은 지난 10년(1997∼2006)간 한국 사회학계의 유교연구 현황을 수량적으로 분석하는 데 목적이 있다. 조사 결과 사회학자로서 유교연구에 참여한 학자는 모두 28명이고, 그들의 저서가 26편, 연구논문이 144편으로 나타났다. 연구논문을 주제별로 분류한 결과 개설적 연구가 13편, 방법론과 이론형성 연구가 35편, 개념·이념·인간관·세계관 연구가 18편, 현대적 삶과 사회현상 연구가 19편, 유교적 가치와 민주주의·자본주의 연구가 18편, 사회제도와 공동체 연구가 19편, 사회사상 연구가 13편으로 나타났다. 그리고 이들 논문이 발표된 학술지는 모두 50종이며, 이 중 절반이 사회학 전문 학술지를 통해 발표되었다. 10년간의 연구 업적은 부록으로 첨부했으며, 분석 결과 유교사회학계가 주목해야할 몇 가지 과제를 발견하였다. 첫째, 연구 자원이 지속적으로 충원되지 못하고 있다. 그래서 연구의 발전적 계승이 이루어지지 못하고 있다.둘째, 유교사회학적 연구가 이론적 지향에 치우쳐 있다. 실증적 연구로 보완하여 현실사회 문제에 대한 대안적 지식을 창출해야 한다.셋째, 유교사회학적 연구가 사회학계 내에서 보다 소통되고 널리 공유될 필요성이 있다.넷째, 유교사회학적 연구의 지식사회학적 토대를 강화할 필요가 있다. 유교에 대한 현대적 해석은 역사적 맥락 속의 유교를 끌어내어 현대적 이념으로 재생시킴으로써 가능하다.

儒家文化의 道德性과 宗敎性

유희성(Yoo hee-Sung) 중국문화연구학회 2006 중국문화연구 Vol.0 No.8

This is the endless controversial argument that is the religiosity of the Confucianism from time to time. Nowadays, this argument is gathering the forth and becoming the one of the main discourse of modern Confucianism. It is said that the essential nature of the religiosity of the Confucianism is not merely the definition of the Confucianism but remarkably significant character that define the core and the status of the Confucianism. On one hand the Confucianism has plenty of political and moral aspects, on the other hand it has strong religious characters too. Some scholars said that the Confucianism is a kind of religion due to the religious aspects at the same time other persisted that the Confucianism is a moral philosophy and a political ideology as well. Because of variety spectrum that the Confucianism has, but, it is not reasonable to make the Confucianism as a religious system. There are two kinds of scholars are insisted that the Confucianismas a religion. The one is claimed that the Confucianism is general religion just like monotheism; the other is maintaining that the Confucianism is a moral oriented religion. The aims of this essay are to criticize of these scholars' fallacies and to offer the proper view of the Confucianism. Their fallacies lie in the misunderstanding between the morality and religiosity of the religious studies of the field of humanities.

일제강점기 유교의 종교화운동-眞庵 李炳憲과 海窓 宋基植을 중심으로-

김순석 한국민족운동사학회 2013 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.77

한말까지 지식인들은 대부분 유교를 중시하면서 유교적 소양을 가지고 살아온 사람들이었다. 유교를 사상적 기반으로 한 지식인들은 한말ㆍ일제강점기에 외세를 수용하는 형태에 따라 다양하게 나뉘어졌으며, 이들은 각기 현실인식과 대응방법이 달랐다. 유교적 지식인들이 취한 노선은 각기 달랐지만 이들이 가진 공통점은 유교의 가르침은 지고지순(至高至純)하므로 현실에 널리 실천해야 한다는 것이었다. 이들은 유교가 제대로 실천된다면 현실 문제를 극복할 수 있다고 보았다. 일제강점기 유교계는 식민통치에 저항하는 부류와 타협하는 유형이 있었다. 지금까지 진행된 일제강점기 유교계 활동에 대한 연구는 대체로 항일운동과 친일운동으로 진행되었다. 친일과 항일은 같은 유교에서 출발하였지만 사회진화론과 문명개화론 아시아 연대론 등을 현실에 적용하는 해석의 차이로 말미암아 나뉘어졌다. 이 논문은 이러한 이분법적인 시각에서 벗어나 유교계의 제3의 흐름을 살펴보고자 한다. 제3의 흐름이란 유교의 종교화운동을 말한다. 일제강점기 유교의 종교화운동은 현실 유교의 개혁을 통하여 민족의 단합을 도모하였다. 유교의 종교화운동을 진행한 사람들 가운데서 이병헌과 송기식을 중심으로 검토하고자 한다. 두 사람의 공통점은 중국 공교운동의 지도자 캉유웨이(康有爲)의 영향을 받았으며 대동사회를 건설하고자 하였다. 교주로서 공자의 신성성을 인정하고 숭배의 대상으로 삼았다. 두 사람은 모두 유교의 대중화를 지향하였다. 이들은 매주 정기적으로 모여서 강론을 듣는 교회식 유교의 종교화를 실현하고자 하였다. 이병헌과 송기식은 모두 서양철학을 탐독하고 세계정세에 밝았다는 점이다. 이병헌과 송기식의 차이점은 이렇다. 조선총독부는 1915년 「포교규칙」을 공포함으로써 유교를 종교의 범주에서 제외시켰다. 총독부는 종교를 신도(神道)ㆍ불교ㆍ기독교로 국한시켰다. 이병헌은 이 사실을 알고 있었으며 개인적인 차원에서 일본 내각과 총독부에 11차례나 시정을 촉구하는 서한을 개인적으로 또는 뜻을 함께하는 사람들과 연명으로 보내서 해결하려 하였다. 송기식이 「포교규칙」을 알고 있었느냐 하는 사실에 대해서는 의문의 여지가 있다. 그의 글 속에는 여기애 대한 서술이 없기 때문이다. 그러나 송기식의 학문의 깊이나 세계 정세인식으로 보면 이 사실을 몰랐다고 보이지는 않는다. 이 시기 송기식은 1919년 3ㆍ1운동 당시 청년 학생들과 더불어 만세 시위에 참가하였으며 이로 인하여 2년 동안 옥중생활을 하였다. 이병헌은 고향인 경남 산청에 배산서당을 건립하여 공자와 자신의 조상을 모셨지만 송기식은 고향인 안동에 인곡서숙을 세워 후진을 양성하였다. 이병헌은 조선에 중국 공교회의 지부를 설립하려고 하였지만 전국에 교회를 세워야 한다고 주장하였다. 이처럼 두 사람의 공교운동은 같은 점이 많지만 차별성 또한 적지 않다. 하지만 이병헌과 송기식의 공교운동은 총독부 체제하에서는 종교에서 제외된 유교를 종교화하려는 노력이었다. 그렇다면 이들이 전개한 공교운동은 넓은 의미에서 식민지 지배체제에 저항하는 운동이었지만 또한 체제 내에서 진행된 운동이었기 때문에 한계성 또한 분명하였다. Most intellectuals were living until the late period of Chosun by possessing Confucian knowledge by laying weight on Confucianism. The intellectuals who stand on Confucianism as their ideological base were divided diversely along with the type of receiving the foreign power in the late period of ChosunㆍJapanese colonial era, and they each had different recognition on reality and different confrontation method. Though the line that the Confucian intellectuals took were different from each other, however the common ground that they had was the point that the teachings of Confucianism must be practised widely in reality because it is very noble and pure (至高至純). They considered that the problems in reality can be overcome if only Confucianism is properly practised. In the Confucian world during Japanese colonial era, there were two types, one is those who resisted colonization and another is those who compromised it. The research on Confucian world’s activities in Japanese colonial era which has been researched until now mostly has proceeded as anti-Japanese movement and pro-Japanese movement. Though pro-Japanese and anti-Japanese started from the same Confucianism, however they were divided due to the difference in interpretation which applied the theory of social evolution, the theory of civilization, the argument for Asian solidarity, etc. to the reality. This thesis intended to investigate the 3rd stream of Confucian world by departing from this dichotomous view. The 3rd stream means religionization of Confucianism. Religionization of Confucian during Japanese colonial era aimed at the unity of the national people through the reformation of the actual Confucianism. Among those who proceeded religionization of Confucianism, this research intended to consider them mainly with Lee, byung-heon and Song, gui-shik. The common feature of the two persons was that they were influenced by Kang-yuwei (康有爲), who was the leader of Confucianism movement in China, who attempted to construct a big society. As a religious leader, he acknowledged Confucius' sacred character and made him as the target of cult. The two persons both aimed at the popularization of Confucianism. They intended to realize the religionization of Confucianism in church style which is to attend sermon in every week regularly. Lee, byung-heon and Song, gui-shik both avidly read western philosophy and were instructed in the world situation. The different points between Lee, byung-heon and Song, gui-shik were as follows. Chosun government-general excluded Confucian out of the category of religion by proclaiming 「Regulations of Propagation」 in 1915. Chosun government-general limited religion to Shinto(神道)ㆍBuddhismㆍChristianity. Lee, byung-heon knew this fact and attempted to solve this matter by sending the letters in personal dimension on 11 occasions urging correction to the Japanese cabinet and government general personally or under joint signature with participants. It is open to question regarding fact whether Song, gui-shik knew 「Regulations of Propagation」 or not. Because there’s no description in his writings about this matter. However, it doesn’t seem that Song, gui-shik didn’t know this fact if we consider the depth of his study or his recognition on the world situation. In this period, Song, gui-shik participated in hurra movement along with young students during March 1st Independence Movement in 1919, due to this, he had been in prison for 2 years. Lee, byung-heon founded Bae-san seodang in his homeland, Gyeongsangnam-do Sancheon and enshrined Confucius and his ancestors, however Song, gui-shik founded In-gok seosuk in his homeland, Andong and fostered the younger generation. Lee, byung-heon attempted to establish a branch of Chinese Confucianism in Chosun, however Song, gui-shik asserted to build churches all over the country. This way, the two persons’ Confucianism movement had lots of common ground as well as d...

宋代 荀子 비판과 新儒學 성립의 관계

홍승태(Hong, Seung Tae) 동양사학회 2018 東洋史學硏究 Vol.144 No.-

Confucianism, which was only a school of disciples in the Spring and Autumn period, was adopted as the political ideology of the nation for the first time in the Han Dynasty. However, Confucianism itself remained in the interpretation of rudimentary scriptures following the restoration of lost scriptures. When Confucian thought, which had been overwhelmed by the influence of Buddhism and Taoism for a long time, It came to a new turning point in the period of late Tang Dynasty to early Song. The first work that the Confucian scholars of the late Tang and early Song dynasty, representing Han Yu, who was able to oppose the Buddha and the Taoist, established the Confucian scholarship system after Confucius. As a figure connecting Confucian scholarship system with Mencius, Xun-zi was also evaluated as the Great Confucius, and his name was raised in the genealogy. However, in the middle of the North Song, contrary to the position of Mencius, Xun-zi was subjected to severe criticism of the Song Dynasty, and even suffered from `heresy`. The main reason was focused on his theory of human nature and relation of legalism. His theory that human nature is fundamentally evil is a point of confrontation with Mencius` principle of good nature, theory of human nature has become a crucial criterion to measure authenticity of Confucianism. The first task that Confucian scholars should solve in order to establish neo-Confucianism was to clarify the system of Confucianism theoretically. In this paper, Critique of Xun-zi in Song dynasty was approached from the viewpoint of the theorization of the system and the establishment of a new theory in the process of neo-Confucian formation. The criticism of Xun-zi was an ideological and philosophical work that was firstly required in the process of organizing the system to establish Neo-Confucianism. Free criticism and doubt about the main scriptures of Confucianism became a very important condition for the birth of the Neo-Confucianism.

유교와 그리스도교의 하느님 이해

이대근 신부(Prof. Fr. Daekeun Lee) 신학과사상학회 2017 가톨릭 신학과 사상 Vol.- No.79

This research intends to understand the Confucian view of the Absolute Being and explore the possibility of communication between the Confucian and Christian views of the Absolute Being. In Confucianism, the Absolute Being, i.e., the Ultimate Existence, is designated “Heaven” (天) or “Sovereign on High” (上帝), and in Christianity is called “God” (Deus). Confucian and Christian ideology possess the common point of venerating the Ultimate Existence as a personal Absolute Being. If we look at the nature of “Heaven” and the “Sovereign on High” that appears in the Confucian scriptures centered on the Book of Poetry and the Book of Documents, it appears first as the Source of all existence and Creator, and as the Overseer who oversees natural phenomena and all human affairs. Also, as a personal Being who possesses volition, emotions and clear spirit, it appears as an object of faith whom humans honor, fear, serve and to whom they pray. And it appears as an immanent and ethical Being manifesting through human nature at the same time it is a transcendent, overseeing Being. Confucius and Mencius inherited this view of a personal God of the Confucian scriptures and developed it into a theory of self-discipline. Confucius generalized as applying to all people the concept of “the will of Heaven” and “virtue” that originally applied only to rulers, and presented “benevolence” as the duty of serving Heaven and humans. Mencius proposed the path of interior and ethical heavenly works, serving Heaven, by maintaining the original heart bestowed by Heaven and cultivating human nature. The Jesuit missionaries who went to China in the latter half of the 16th century excluded the view of the impersonal Ultimate Existence of Buddhism, Taoism and neo-Confucianism, made the Sovereign on High of Confucianism and the God of Christianity coincide, and propagated Catholicism by way of the “theory of complementing Confucianism”. They demonstrated Christianity’s concept of the Lord of Heaven and main doctrine through the Confucian scriptures, introduced the Lord of Heaven as the Great Sovereign and Great Father, and presented the duty of humans toward the Lord of Heaven as “great loyalty and great filial piety”. The Jesuit mission method grounded in the theory of complementing Confucianism gained great results in the Chinese mission, but it had the limitations of not being able to advance in Christianity’s essential truth of revelation and of being inclined toward academic dialogue and intellectual acceptance. Compared to this, we can see that the acceptance of the Catholic Church in Joseon, though it began from the ideology of the Catholic Church complementing Confucianism, its form did not remain there but completely accepted and continued deepening Christianity’s truth of revelation from the first generation of entrants into the Church. The understanding of Catholic doctrine did not remain simply at the academic and intellectual level but from the beginning shows the distinction of advancing to the spiritual, faith and practical level. Most of all, since the most distinct feature of the faith of the Catholic Church in Joseon was “martyrdom faith”, the faithful of Joseon showed remarkable faith leading to martyrdom because of their human duty toward the Lord of Heaven who is the Great Sovereign and Great Father, and their love for and desire to emulate Christ, even in the midst of severe persecution. This is an entirely different aspect from the acceptance of faith in China of the Lord of Heaven. 이 연구는 유교의 절대자관에 대해 이해하고, 유교와 그리스도교의 절대자관의 상호 소통 가능성을 탐색하고자 한 것이다. 유교에서 절대자, 곧 궁극적 실재는 ‘천’(天) 혹은 ‘상제’(上帝)로 지칭되고, 그리스도교에서는 ‘하느님’(Deus)으로 불리워진다. 유교와 그리스도교 사상은 궁극적 실재를 인격적인 절대자로 숭경(崇敬)한다는 공통점을 지니고 있다. 『시경』과 『서경』을 중심으로 유교 경전에 나타나는 천∙상제의 성격을 살펴보면, 먼저 모든 존재의 근원이요, 조물주(造物主)이며, 자연 현상과 인간만사를 주관하는 주재자(主宰者)로 나타난다. 또 의지와 감정과 영명(靈明)한 지력을 지닌 인격적 존재로, 인간이 공경하고 두려워하고 섬기고 기도드리는 신앙의 대상으로 나타난다. 그리고 초월적이고 주재적인 존재인 동시에 인간 본성을 통하여 현현(顯現)하는 내재적이고 도덕적인 존재로서 나타난다. 공자와 맹자는 이러한 유교 경전의 인격적 천관을 계승하여 이를 도덕적 수양론으로 발전시켰다. 공자는 기존의 통치자에게만 적용되던 ‘천명’(天命)과 ‘덕’(德)의 개념을 만인(萬人)에게 해당되는 것으로 보편화시켰고, 하늘 섬김[事天]과 사람 섬김[事人]의 도리로 ‘인’(仁)을 제시하였다. 맹자는 하늘이 부여해 준 본심을 보존하고 본성을 기름으로써 하늘을 섬기는 내적·도덕적 사천의 길을 제시했다. 16세기 후반 중국에 온 예수회 선교사들은 불교∙도교∙성리학의 비인격적, 궁극적 실재관을 배척하고, 본원유학의 상제와 그리스도교의 하느님[天主]을 상통시켜 ‘보유론’(補儒論)적인 방법으로 천주교를 전파하려고 하였다. 그들은 그리스도교의 천주사상과 주요 교리를 유교 경전을 통해 논증했으며, 천주를 대군대부(大君大父)로 소개하고, 천주에 대한 인간의 도리를 대충대효(大忠大孝)로 소개했다. 예수회의 보유론에 입각한 선교 방법은 중국 선교에 큰 성과를 가져왔지만, 그리스도교의 본질인 계시진리로 나아가지 못한 한계와, 학술적 대화·지적 수용에 치우친 한계를 지니고 있었다. 이에 비해 조선에서의 천주교 수용은 비록 보유론적인 천주교 사상에서 시작되지만, 거기에 머물지 않고 입교한 첫 세대 교인들부터 그리스도교의 계시진리를 전적으로 받아들이고 심화시켜 가는 모습을 볼 수 있다. 그리고 천주교 교리 이해가 단순히 학적(學的), 지적(知的) 차원에 머무는 것이 아니라, 초기부터 영적(靈的), 신앙적, 실천적 차원으로 나아가는 특징이 있었음을 보여 준다. 무엇보다 조선 천주교회 신앙의 가장 큰 특징은 ‘순교신앙’에 있었으니, 모진 박해 속에서도 조선의 신자들은 대군대부이신 천주에 대한 인간의 도리와, 그리스도에 대한 사랑과 모방의 원의 때문에 순교에 이르는 놀라운 신앙을 보여 주었다. 이는 중국에서의 천주신앙 수용과 판이하게 다른 양상이다.

중국공산당의 ‘통치의 정당성’과 ‘유교중국’의 재구축

조경란 한국사회와철학연구회 2020 사회와 철학 Vol.0 No.39

The key question of this article lies in whether the Mainland Chinese New Confucians can move on to the stage of 'reflective Confucianism' without staying in 'Confucianism as a national-knowledge complex' in the cultural context of the 21st century. 'Reflective Confucianism' is the process of recognizing oneself as 'Confucianism as a critical discourse' based on the ‘Confucian tradition’ of criticizing 'Confucian China' on its own. Here, 'Confucian China' means Confucianism which has become a political ideology. ‘Confucian tradition’ refers to the traditions of intellectuals such as Hwang Jong-xi and Gu yan-wu, who have criticized the corrupt 'Confucian China.' Also, 'reflective Confucianism' is based on ‘Otherness’ and 'Confucian socialism as a living conduct.' The spiritual leader of the Mainland Chinese New Confucians is jiang qing(蔣慶), a cultural conservative. His key argument is that “if the ruling Communist Party of China wants to secure the legitimacy of rule in the future, they must reconfucianlize China. It is possible when the nation and society as a whole are based on Confucianism as not only culture and thought but also politics and institutions. It's the construction of a Confucian state in the unity of Church and state.” His claim was made based on the sense of crisis in the Tiananmen protests of 1989. In the 1990s and 2000s, a group of academic groups that were influenced by him emerged and are called "the Mainland Chinese New Confucians." Along with Jiang Qing, their goal is to bring the idea of Kang You-wei's "Civilization China." Kang You-wei found the last way he found in the situation of a modern transition period, was to maintain the Chinese Empire based on the religious base of Confucianism. That's Preservation of Qing Dynasty Territory. It is also the "preservation of China."

서구의 유교종교론 - 유교의 초월성에 대한 담론을 중심으로 -

이연승 ( Lee Youn-seung ) 한국동서철학회 2016 동서철학연구 Vol.0 No.81

이 글은 서구학계에서 이루어진 유교 연구의 역사를 통하여, 유교를 하나의 종교적 전통으로서 이해해왔던 양상을 살펴보고자 하는 목적으로 이루어졌다. 본고에서는 종교적 전통으로서의 유교 담론을 중심으로 서구의 유교연구사를 살펴보면서, 먼저, 유교가 세계종교의 하나로 이해되는 과정, 둘째, ‘축심 시대’에 이루어진 ‘정신적 돌파’가 갖는 ‘초월성’에 주목하면서 유교의 초월성에 주목하게 된 상황, 셋째, 북미에서 신유학 연구가 본격적으로 이루어지면서 유교의 종교성 및 초월성에 대한 연구가 다각화되었던 양상, 마지막으로 현대신유학에서 유교의 ‘내재적 초월성’이라는 명제를 제기한 이래 지금까지 이루어진 찬반의 논의들을 다루었다. 이를 통하여 유교가 세계종교의 하나라는 보편적 이해가 이루어진 이래, 유교의 종교성에 대한 서구학계의 연구는 주로 초월성에 대한 관심으로 인하여 촉발되어 일반화되었으며, 나아가 심화되고 또 중국어권의 학자들과 이론적인 교류와 소통이 진행되어 왔음을 확인하였다. It is well-known that there have been long discussions on the religiosity of Confucianism over 120 years in East Asian countries, due to the problem introduced by the Sino-Japanese translation of the Anglo-European words for ‘religion’. Whereas outside the Chinese-Characters Cultural Spheres, scholars generally have treated Confucianism just as the cornerstone of traditional Chinese culture. Even though Confucianism has been considered as one of the world religions since around the end of the 19th century, throughout most of the 20th century, it was the predominant view that Confucianism was not eligible for membership of world religions. However there still have been the discussions of whether or not the Confucian tradition can be considered as a religious tradition, and moreover on the religiosity of Confucianism. This paper is an attempt to explore the study of Confucianism focusing the religiosity in Western Academy. Firstly, the ‘axial age’ thesis and its ‘breakthrough’ idea developed by Jaspers had widely accepted by the late 1970s, and the discussions on the transcendence of Confucianism also held lively from time to time. Next, Theodore de Bary has provided intellectual leadership in the development of Neo-Confucian studies in North America, which also made the discourse on the transcendence of Confucianism extensive and diversified. Lastly, Mou Zongsan(牟宗三), the representative of the contemporary New Confucianism described the Confucian idea of ultimate reality, Tian(天) or Tiandao(天道) as ‘immanent transcendence’, and the concept of ‘immanent transcendence’ has widely been acclaimed especially among Chinese scholars, however, there have been some pros and cons presented concerning this idea. We can say that the concept of ‘transcendence’ always has been at the center of discourses on the religiosity of Confucianism in the Western Academy.