
http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
이연승 ( Lee Youn-seung ) 퇴계학연구원 2017 퇴계학보(退溪學報) Vol.142 No.-
Filial piety(孝, Xiao) was a central value in traditional Chinese culture, and the term Xiao(孝) appeared from the early Zhou(周), when it referred to ritual service to deceased parents. In Confucius’ Analects, the concept of Xiao included the relationship with living parents, for example, feeding parents with deep respect. Confucius and Mencius were the representative thinkers who most seriously discussed on filial piety during the pre-Qin period. The Xunzi(『荀子』)of the late Warring States developed some new aspects of filial piety, and we may characterize them by so-cialization or politicization of filial piety. This paper examines the discourse of filial piety in Chunqiufanlu(『春秋繁露』). Firstly, the theoretical characteristic of Dong’s discourse on fili-al piety is the theory of Yinyang-Wuxing(陰陽五行). Secondly, Dong was well acquainted with the Book of Filial Piety, and we found out that the entire chapter of ‘Weirenzhetian(爲人者天)’, the 41st chapter of Chunqiufanlu was the quotation and interpretation of some important parts of the Book of Filial Piety, and Dong especially focused on the im-portance of a monarch when he commented these passages. Lastly, the idea of the filial piety has a central meaning in Dong’s theory of sacrificial ritual to Heaven(郊祭) offered by the Son of Heaven(天子). This study has shown that filial piety became to be settled within the cosmology of Yinyang-Wuxing, and also was discussed from various perspectives.
가의(賈誼) 인성론(人性論) 연구(硏究) -초간 유가 문헌과의 연속성을 중심으로-
이연승 ( Youn Seung Lee ) 퇴계학연구원 2010 퇴계학보(退溪學報) Vol.128 No.-
The Guodian Chu Slips(郭店 楚簡) amplify our understanding of how the Confucian philosophical tradition evolved between Confucius` time and that of Mencius. Especially The Silk Manuscripts on the Five Elements (『帛書五行篇』) excavated at Mawangdui(馬王堆) and some of the Guodian Chu Slips, for example, The Five Virtues in Chu Slips(『楚簡五行篇』) and The Six Virtues(『六德』) offer us the chance to consider the continuity of thoughts of these pre-Qin(先秦) Confucians and Jiayi(賈誼), a Confucian of Former Han period. This thesis attempts to explain Jiayi`s ideas on Human Nature, focusing on the common ground of the thoughts of Jiayi and those appeared in Recipes for Nourishing Life(『性自命出』), one of the Guodian Chu Slips. Jiayi did not pay much attention to Human Nature, and never made a systematic explanation on it, but we can find that he also followed the same ideas on Human Nature, namely ``Life is what we call Nature(生之謂性)``. In Jiayi`s writings, Human Nature means what a man is and what he has by birth, for example, the biological phenomena, including the desire for living, the body and its features, the talents and personalities, etc. To Jiayi, learning(習) is considered more important than Nature by birth(性), situation(勢) also is considered more important than Nature by birth(性). The ideas of the relationship of Nature(性) and learning, and that of Nature and situation are seen in Recipes for Nourishing Life, too. Jiayi described Nature(性), one of the six elements of principles(六理) of Virtue(德), that qi(氣) constitutes Nature. We also can find this idea of considering Nature as something concrete(qi as a kind of material) in Recipes for Nourishing Life. Even though Jiayi said that there were three grades of rulers, I think that this can not be said to be the theory of Three Grades in Human Nature(性三品說). Jiayi`s understanding of Human Nature is related to the necessity of the leadership of the upper classes, in other words, the rulership of the emperor. Jiayi said that the original meaning of the common people(民萌) is being stupid or not bright, so the leadership of the upper class is necessary. In addition, Jiayi asserted that everyone had six elements(六行), but these were so subtle that only the Sage-Kings could grasp the real state of affairs, and all their teachings were in the six Confucian classics(六經). According to Jiayi`s thoughts, Confucianism naturally could be the educational orthodoxy, furthermore become the official orthodoxy.
이연승 ( Youn Seung Lee ) 한국종교문화연구소 2015 종교문화비평 Vol.27 No.-
Yi Byeongheon(李炳憲: 1870-1940), born and lived in the late period ofJoseon Dynasty and under Japanese colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula,has been known as a representative Confucian who developed thereligionization movement of Confucianism based on the thoughts of New textschool of Kang Youwei(康有爲). In this paper, I pointed out that Yi’s thoughtson Confucianism had established before he was greatly influenced by Kang,or absorbed in the thoughts of New text school. Yi had a positive attitude tocommunicate with the culture and ideas of the West, especially to Christianityrather than have an antipathy to them. The essence of religion was simply defined as saving the world or all thepeople and Confucianism as only teachings of Confucius, not including otherprevious Sage-Kings or following great scholars. Yi also insisted thatConfucius was the founder of the religion, Confucianism, because he had theintense intention of saving people. In other words, Confucius was the samebeing as Jesus and Buddha of Christianity and Buddhism. Yi tried toemphasize the religiousity of Confucianism by reinterpretation of themeanings of Confucian canons, especially the Book of Change(《周易》) andSpring and Autumn Annals(《春秋》). Even though the issue of ultimate reality was not his concern, Yi discussed on the traditional ideas of ultimate reality of Confucianism criticizing the article of ‘Shangdi is not Taiji(上帝非太極)’ written by A. Williamson, the missionary from Scotland to China. Yi identified Shangdi with Taiji, and also with the Principal(理), and demonstrated his good understanding in Song Confucianism(宋學). Yi laid great emphasis on the unworldly character of Shendao(神道) to prove Confucianism a religion, however, he pointed out that the factors of Shendao was almost in the core of Confucianism, not in the teachings of everyday life, and he thought that Confucianism didn’t come out of superstitions, but it was very mystical, which he supposed to be the superiority of Confucianism to other religions. Yi presented his ideas that ‘human mind/heart is spiritual god(心卽神)’, and his ideal way of Confucian cultivation of mind/heart could be located in Confucian context in this way. It can be regarded as the new development of the theory on ‘mind/heart’ in Korean Confucianism.
중국 고대의 흔례(?禮)에 대한 소고: 희생제의와의 관련성에 주목하며
이연승 ( Lee Youn Seung ) 한국종교문화연구소 2017 종교문화비평 Vol.31 No.-
There are three categories of rituals that use blood in ancient China: firstly, there was `blood sacrifice(血祭),` which is to pay blood when sacrificing mainly to Heaven and Earth, and at the Royal Ancestors` Shrines(宗廟); secondly, there were meetings of sovereigns of their deputies in ancient China to form alliances, and they were called by ritual of Huimeng(會盟禮); thirdly, there had been many kinds of ritual of Xin(?禮). I will examine the third case of rituals using blood, the ritual of Xin(?禮) in this paper. I tried to explain how the character Xin(?) had the meaning of applying or spreading blood, how it acquired the special meaning in the ritualistic context, and how the Xin rituals were performed in each case. There were various kinds of Xin ritual, but we can roughly divide into two; one is Xin rituals for some special buildings, expecially for the Royal Ancestors` Shrine, and the other is Xin rituals for ritual vessels, musical instruments, and arms etc. The core element of Xin rituals is blood itself, then what is the meaning of blood in ritualistic context? First, blood is the simple and unadorned offering for the purpose of interacting with the divine world, and second, it is the origin of Qi(氣) which contains the lifeblood. I think Xin rituals can be regarded as a kind of sacrifice, even though the recipient of these rituals are not so evident in some cases. Finally, I expect that the accumulation of the researches on East Asian sacrifices will change the outline and implications of the term sacrifice.