陳洪綬의 遺民意識과 〈何天章行樂圖〉

張俊九(Chang June-gu) 미술사연구회 2008 미술사연구 Vol.- No.22

Chen Hong-shou (陳洪綬, 1598-1652) was a late-Ming literati painter who made a significant contribution in establishing and reviving antiquarianism in figure paintings in the history of Chinese painting. Chen was an artist with diverse talents. He was a painter, a calligrapher of high-caliber, a famous illustrator for popular novels and romance, and a poet. Archaic and antiquarian thematic and pictorial styles formed the distinctive quality of Chen’s works. Existing researches on Chen Hong-shou have not yet investigated several important issues, such as how his paintings were inter-related with his state of psychology or to his varied and complex life experiences as a Ming leftover loyalist. I believe that Chen was fundamentally an anguished drifter unsettling in between neither Ming nor Qing dynasty. Ho T’ien-chang in The Pleasure Outing of Ho T’ien-chang can be regarded as a symbol of the collective identity of leftover Ming intellectuals, who decided to become hermit scholars like Tao Yuan-ming. In this imaginary group portrait, Chen Hong-shou depicted the thwarted and conflict-ridden lives of left-over loyalties of Ming dynasty, including the painter himself. Chen represented the main subject of life and culture of his contemporary leftover intellectuals such as Ho T’ien-chang by portraying him as Tao Yuan-ming, a legendary hermit scholar whom Ming loyalists wished to associate themselves with. In The Pleasure Outing of Ho T’ien-chang appears Ho T’ien-chang, who lived in retirement out of suffering and conflict from the fall of his country. He sits tranquil in a quite surrounding, which represents the life of Ho T’ien-chang as a hermit scholar who received high-esteem from Ming loyalists. Large pine trees, bamboos, and Taihu rocks in the background symbolize the pure image of Ho T’ien-chang. The large pine trees extending their branches wide, the bamboos standing behind the pines and the Taihu rocks lying in the foreground all refer to the way of life of a nobleman who does not give up their spiritual nobleness even in perilous conditions. These objects are no mere sceneries. They were traditionally metaphors of unbent will and integrity of the noble men situated in the time of hardships, and they visually amplify Ho T’ien-chang who led his life with a clean and pure spirit despite the desolate reality. However, The Pleasure Outing of Ho T’ien-chang takes note of the tragic reality where such a literati intellectual with exceptional talent and nobleness like Ho T’ien-chang should end his life as a drifter and a hermit scholar. An almost inconspicuous chrysanthemum on the corner of the rock to the right side of Ho T’ien-chang in the painting implies the unfortunate lives of drifters as a visual metaphor. Among the drifting intellectuals, chrysanthemums have thus been regarded as a symbol of hardship and frustration of Ming leftover loyalists. By depicting the portrait of Ho T’ien-chang, Chen Hong-shou attached strong social significance and a high level of pictorial symbolism in The Pleasure Outing of Ho T’ienchang. From the outer appearance, the painting seems to have rendered the “pleasure outing”of Ho T’ien-chang, but it is a symbolical painting of Chen Hong-shou who represents the common “consciousness of Ming leftover”among Ming loyalists and the artist himself.

중국 命理原典 『命理約言』 고찰

辛永鎬(Shin Yeong Ho),金萬泰(Kim Man Tea) 대한중국학회 2017 중국학 Vol.58 No.-

중국의 명리철학을 연구하는데 있어서 『명리약언』은 중요한 명리원전이다. 『명리약언』은 자평명리학의 역사적인 변천과정에서 子平法 반성시기에 진지린(자는 素庵, 1605~1666)이 저술했는데, 그는 청초에 홍문원 대학사를 지낸 유학자였다. 『명리약언』은 음양오행의 正理에 따라 사주학의 핵심을 간단하고 분명하게 정리하고 있으며, 格局과 用神 등의 여러 가지 이론을 하나의 공식인 ‘抑扶의 원리’에 귀일시켜 놓았다. 그래서 陸致極은 『명리약언』이 매우 정련된 명리학의 요강이며, 명리학이 비교적 표준화된 논명 수단과 실질적인 체계를 갖춘 것은 『명리약언』으로부터 시작되었다고 하였다. 『명리약언』의 명리 인식과 특징을 “음양오행의 정리을 중시하고 陰干陽干의 특성을 같은 氣로 인식하며 正格變格의 채택과 雜格을 배제하고 抑扶用神을 중시한다. 또 윤리적 관점에서의 六親 개념인식과 陰陽順行陰陽同生同死의 관점, 그리고 神煞 적용의 배제와 인간 의지의 중요성을 강조하는 것”으로 하고, 명리학이 숙명론을 지양하고 미래 지향적인 실천학문으로써 발전해 가야할 방향을 제시하고 있다. 중국의 명리 전적들을 보면 자평명리에서 과도기적 현상으로 신살과 잡격 등을 병용하여 오다가 진지린의 『명리약언』에서부터 신살과 잡격을 배제하고 오로지 음양오행의 정리에 따라 논명하는 진정한 자평명리의 내용을 갖추었음을 보게 되었다. In the study of Chinese Mingli philosophy, Mingliyueyan(命理約言)is the original and critical Principles of Mingli. Mingliyueyan was written by Chen Zhilin(the second name is Suan, 1605~1666) in the reflective period of Ziping method during the historic course of change of Ziping-Mingli Thoughts who was a confucian working as a great scholar for Hongmunwon. According to the right principles of yinyangxuewen(陰陽五行), Mingliyueyan summarized the essences of the Saju-thoughts simply and definitely and unites several principles such as geju(格局) and yongshen(用神) into the principle of Ukbu (抑扶). So, Lu Zhuiji regarded Mingliyueyan as the refined summary of Mingli Thoughts and argued that Mingli Thoughts as the form of means and procedures began from it. The features and Mingli cognition in the Mingliyueyan are the emphasis on the right principles of yinyangxuewen, the recognition of Yin and Yang as the same energy, the denouncement of the extra level except right level and changeable level, the stress of Ukbu-yongshen, the recognition of the concept about 6 elements in terms of ethics, the employment of the same life and death of Yin and Yang, and the exception of the application of Shinsal(神煞), the emphasis of the importance of human determination. It shows the direction that Mingli Thoughts should develop as the future oriented and practical thoughts sublating fatalism. Looking at the books related to Mingli Thoughts in China, you can recognize that Zipyung Mingli employed the methods of Shinsal and the extra level at the same time but it developed as the real Zipyung Mingli from Mingliyueyan by Chen Zhilin ruling out them.

幾에 대한 이해를 통해 본 진명수의 心體觀

서강휘 한국동양철학회 2019 동양철학 Vol.0 No.52

Chen Ming-shui is a student of the literary student of Wang yang-ming. From section 201 to section 247 of Chaunxilu(傳習錄) is a record by Chen Ming-shui. Chen Ming-shui,Wang Long-xie, Ou Yang-de and Zou Dong-kuo are the few disciples who were directly studied by Wang Yang-ming, but there is not much research on him. There are many reasons, but there may be some reasons why his literary works have not been printed and published. He developed his ideas through a total of three academic changes. He has a reason for being in junior scholar of Wang Yang-ming because he has presented a meaningful view regarding study and substancey integration. Among them, the Ontology of Xinwudingti(心無定體), is a prerequisite for explaining the unity of studying and the substance. He used Zhouyi(周易) and Tongshu(通書) to explain these rules about studying and substance. What the Xinwudingti(心無定體) is aiming for is that the substance is secured through study. And the possible points of this study are explained through the concept of Ji(幾). In particular, he has transformed the phrase “Cheng–Shen-JI are Saint(誠神幾曰聖人)” into “Cheng-Shen-JI are One(誠神幾一也)” and argued that the unity of study and substance is possible only through aesthetic practice study on Ji(幾), that is a significant point in the history of thought about the junior sholar of Wang Yang-ming. 진명수는 양명의 직전제자로서 전습록에서도 등장하는 인물이다. 전습록 201조목에서 247조목은 진명수의 기록이다. 왕용계와 구양덕, 추동곽과 함께 양명에게서 직접 사사 받은 몇 안되는 제자이지만 그에 대한 연구는 그리 많지 않다. 이유는 여러 가지 이지만 그의 문집이 활자화되어 출판되지 않은 이유도 있을 것이다. 그는 총 3번에 걸친 학문적 변화를 통해 자신의 사상을 발전시켰다. 그가 양명후학 내에서 존재이유를 갖는 것은 공부와 본체의 합일과 관련하여 의미 있는 견해를 제시했기 때문이다. 그 가운데 心無定體라는 본체관은 공부와 본체의 합일을 해명하기 위한 전제이다. 그는 심체에 대한 이러한 규정을 설명하기 위해 역전과 통서를 이용하였다. 심무정체가 지향하는 바는 본체는 공부를 통해서 확보된다는 점이다. 그리고 이러한 공부의 가능지점을 주역과 통서의 幾라는 개념을 통해 설명하고 있다. 특별히 그는 통서의 “誠神幾曰聖人”이라는 구절을 “誠神幾一也”로 변형하여 기미상의 실천 공부를 통해서만 본체와의 합일이 가능하다는 주장을 전개했는데 이러한 그의 주장은 양명후학에 대한 사상사에 있어서 의미있는 지점이라 하겠다.

중국 명조 진홍수 회화사상 연구

지효신 한국동양예술학회 2024 동양예술 Vol.63 No.-

본 논문은 중국 명대(明代) 진홍수 (陳洪綬, 1598년-1652년)의 회화사상 연구를 중심으로양명심학이 명대 말기 문예 창작에 미친 중요한 영향을 밝히고자 하였다. 진홍수는 명대 말기 인물화 분야의 대표적인 화가로 그의 고풍스러운 회화 풍격은 심오한문화적 함의를 담고 있다. 본 논문은 선행연구성과를 바탕으로 문헌연구법, 종합연구법 등의연구방법을 활용하여 철학적 연원에 적합한 개인의 예술적 패러다임을 정리하였다. 먼저 명말(明末) 예술 창작의 사상적 근원, 즉 광견(狂狷) 정신과 공존한 예술 사상을 규명하고 광견 문화를 수용한 사대부들의 예술적 이상을 토대로 진홍수 회화의 광견 사상과화풍 변화에 대해 중점적으로 분석하였으며, 예술 화제의 분석을 통해 광자(狂者)로 인한광개적(狂介的) 회화의 사상적 함의를 연구하였다. 광견 정신과 예술적 선택, 사상적 배경과화풍의 전환, 광견 정신의 제재(題材) 부합 등 세 방면의 연구를 통해 진홍수의 광견 사상적회화 풍격을 해석하였다. This paper takes Chen Hongshou's artistic thought in Ming Dynasty as the research center, and combines with the mainstream philosophical thought "Yangming Mind Theory" in late Ming Dynasty as the research basis, and makes it clear that the artistic style of the special historical period is closely related to the ideology of The Times. As an important representative painter in the field of figure painting in the late Ming Dynasty, Chen Hongshou's variation and typical style of the ancient calendar show the artistic result of the comprehensive influence of personal encounters and times thoughts. In this paper, literature research and comparative research methods are used, on the basis of previous research results, based on the influence of Yang Ming's mind science, the artistic choice of the crazy man, sorted out in line with the cultural foundation of The Times, and analyzed the formation of comprehensive artistic thoughts according to the typical artistic style. First of all, this paper expounds the origin and development of fanaticism cultural thoughts, and further analyzes Chen Hongshou's painting style and turn on . Keywords: Chinese Ming Dynasty, Chen Hongshou, crazy, crazy, Yang Ming mind .

陳洪綬의 《水滸葉子》와 明末의 憂國정서

장준구(張俊九) 한국미술연구소 2017 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.45

Since the late 16<SUP>th</SUP> century the Ming dynasty reached a high plane of achievements in terms of culture while it encountered crisis in terms of politics and military. In those days, The Story of the Water Margin (Shuihuzhuan, 『水滸傳』) was more than a novel. At that time its story was published in books and performed as a play. The general public enjoyed pictures pertaining to this novel and moreover indulged in this story even using gambling devices on which figures from this story were portrayed. This fever for Water Margin was one of the immediate causes of the situations brought about at the end of the Ming dynasty that was on the verge of ruin. The content of Water Margin can be deemed anti-government and anti-state. Characters in the story include outlaws who commit crimes, formed a group, and resist against the government in the first half of the novel. However, those heroic persons subjugated the Liao dynasty founded by the Khitan people and the Jin dynasty founded by the Jurchen people as well as suppressed rebellions domestically. With this content implicatively reflecting the situations of the late Ming dynasty, this novel has been able to work as a symbol of patriotic sentiment. Images associated with The Story of the Water Margin were existent mainly in the form of illustrations. The typical images are from Water Margins Game Cards (Shihu yezi, 《水滸葉子》) by Chen Hongshou(1599~1652). Water Margins Game Cards is a collection of the prints of 40 key figures Chen portrayed among 108 heroes in The Story of the Water Margin. Chen appropriated the image of Guan Yu who had respected as the guardian god of the state for Song Jiang and Lu Junyi and the image of Zhuge Liang who had been regarded as the epitome of wisdom for Zhu Wu and Wu Yong, thereby wishing for salvation from the threat of foreign power. He also represented patriotic sentiment with f lowers set on the heads of good-looking heroes such as Chai Jin and Shi Shou. Chen’s illustrations are not mere portrayals of figures from The Story of the Water Margin but reflect the painter’s patriotic sentiment. The manifestation of such sentiment by the medium of The Story of the Water Margin was closely associated with representations and expressions by ordinary personas as well as intellectuals during the end of the Ming dynasty. They enjoyed the novel The Story of the Water Margin in a variety of forms such as book, theater, painting, gambling, and discourse. The Story of the Water Margin, a novel that emerged at the end of the Ming dynasty was an alternative medium in its chaotic society and a spiritual haven as well as a symbol of patriotic sentiment and a phenomenon penetrating society.

한대(漢代) 참위서(讖緯書)의 유가철학과 그 사회·정치적 함의

박동인 ( Park Dong-in ) 한국동서철학회 2019 동서철학연구 Vol.0 No.92

이 논문의 목적은 한대 참위서의 유가철학을 탐색하고, 그것이 노정하고 있는 사회·정치적 함의를 찾아보는 것이다. 이 연구가 필요한 이유는 참위서 속에는 당시의 시대적 문제를 풀려는 의식들이 포함되어 있기 때문이다. 그리고 경에 결핍되었거나 혹은 충분하지 못했던 주제들이 좀 더 심도 있게 논의되고 있기 때문이다. 이 연구결과 참위서의 유가사상은 다음과 같은 특징을 가지고 있었다. 참위서에는 한나라의 정통성을 부정하고자 하는 세력과 옹호하고자 하는 세력이 뒤섞여 있다는 것이다. 부정하려는 세력은 동중서 이래의 천인감응설을 극단으로 몰고 가 ‘한온설’을 주장함으로써 유한 정권의 정당성을 부정하고 새로운 세력의 등장을 옹호하는 방향으로 나아갔다. 그리고 이들은 ‘기일원론’적 우주론을 통해 새로운 세력이 등장할 수 있는 이론적 기초를 마련했다. 그러나 이것은 당시 서한 정권의 무능과 일탈 및 각종 재이들이 부른 당연한 귀결이라 할 수 있다. 그러나 옹호하고자 하는 세력은 수명지부(受命之符)와 ‘도기이원론’적 우주론 및 괘기설(卦氣說) 등을 통해 유한 정권의 정통성이나 황제나 황제 주변의 기득권 세력, 그리고 이들의 정치적 필요에 부응하고자 했다. 수명지부가 한고조 유방의 스승 장량의 계보를 신비화시킴으로써 한나라의 정당성을 옹호했다면, ‘도기이원론’적 우주론은 형이상의 실체인 태역(太易)에서 형이하의 질료인 태초(太初)-태시(太始)-태소(太素)로 그 생성과정을 세분함으로써 봉건계급질서를 강화시키고 있기 때문이다. 그리고 괘기설은 기존 맹희와 경방의 괘기설보다 자연과 인사를 더욱 긴밀하게 연결시켜 그것을 신비화함으로써 보다 능동적으로 당시 통치권의 정치적 수요에 부응했기 때문이다. 이렇게 볼 때 참위서는 서한말의 엄혹한 환경을 빨리 종식시키고자 설정된 한온설과 ‘기일원론적’ 우주론을 제외하면 그 나머지는 유한 정권과 그 기득권을 옹호하는 기능을 했다고 할 수 있다. 그리고 참위설은 금문경학의 자의적 해석이라는 특징을 극단적으로 밀고 가 통치권의 사회·정치적 필요에 보다 능동적으로 대응하기 위한 필요 때문에 형성된 것이라는 점에서 참위서 속의 유가철학은 강한 정치적 성향을 가지고 있다고 평가할 수 있다. The purpose of this paper is to explore Confucian Philosophy of the Chen-wei books in the Han dynasty, and to find the social and political implications that it reveals. The study is needed because the Chen-wei books contain ideas for solving the problems of the times. And topics that are lacking or not sufficient in scripture are discussed in more depth. As a result of this study, the Confucian Philosophy of the Chen-wei books was discovered to have the following characteristics: The Chen-wei books were a mixture of those who wanted to deny the legitimacy of the Han dynasty and those who wanted to defend it. The forces that tried to deny it went in the direction of denying the legitimacy of the Liu-Han regime and defending the emergence of new forces by pursuing the theory of sensation between heaven and man (天人感應說) since Dong Zhong-Shu and insisting on ‘the theory of Hán-Wen (寒溫說: Han-Wen-Shuo). They also laid the theoretical foundation for a new force to emerge through Qi-monolithic cosmology. But this is a natural consequence of the incompetence, deviation, and the various Zaiyi of the West-Han regime at the time. However, those who wanted to defend the legitimacy of the Han dynasty wanted to meet the political needs of the emperor and the vested interests around the emperor as well as the legitimacy of the Liu-Han regime through Shou-Mìng-Zhi-Fu (受命之符), the Dao and Qi dualistic cosmology, the theory of Gua-Qi (卦氣說: Gua-Qi-Shuo) and other means. Because Shou-Ming-Zhi-Fu defended the legitimacy of the Han dynasty by mystifying Gao-Zu of Han Liu-Bang's teacher, Zhang-Liang (張良). Also because the Dao and Qi dualistic cosmology was strengthening the order of the feudal class as Cosmogony by subdividing its creation process from the substance of a metaphysical’s Tài-Yi (太易) to the matter of a physical’s Tai-Chu (太初), Tai-Shi (太始) and Tai-Su (太素). And it is because the theory of Gua-Qi was more active in meeting the political demands of the then ruling circles by connecting nature and personnel more closely by mystifying it, than that of the existing Meng-Xi and Jing-Fang. In view of this, the Chen-wei books, except for the theory of Han-Wen and the Qi-monolithic cosmology designed to quickly end the harsh environment of the end of the West-Han dynasty, served as a champion of the Liu-Han regime and its vested interests. The Confucian Philosophy of the Chen-wei books can be assessed as having a strong political inclination. Because the theory of Chen-wei was formed due to the need to pursue the characteristic of arbitrary interpretation of New-Text Scholarship in an extreme manner and respond more actively to the socio-political needs of the ruling.

노량해전의 승리 요인과 역사적 평가

제장명(Je, Jang-myeong) 순천향대학교 이순신연구소 2018 이순신연구논총 Vol.- No.29

노량해전은 임진왜란 시기 전투 중 가장 큰 전과를 거둔 전투이며 이순신이 전사한 해전이기도 하다. 이순신이 치른 다른 해전과 전장 환경이 크게 다른 해전임에도 승리할 수 있었던 요인이 무엇인가에 대한 검토를 하였다. 아울러 노량해전의 결과가 어떤 역사적 의미를 가지며, 당대 조정에서는 어떻게 평가했는가에 대해 정리해 보았다. 우선 노량해전의 승리 요인을 크게 4가지 관점에서 분석해 보았 다. 첫째는 전선과 무기체계의 우수성이다. 특히 조선의 전선이 우수한 점은 재론할 여지가 없지만 노량해전에서는 명 수군의 전선도 크게 활용되었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 둘째는 이순신의 탁월한 전술이다. 노량수로 좌단의 풍상 쪽에 위치하여 바람을 등진 채 화공전을 수행한 것은 해전 승리의 단초가 되었다. 이어서 전투 중반 이후 관음포에 적선을 몰아넣은 것도 조선 수군이 보유한 화포의 명중률을 높이는 데 크게 기여하였다. 셋째는 조명연합작전이 성공을 거두었다는 점이다. 4개월간 이순 신과 함께 지낸 명 수군 도독 진린과 휘하 장졸들도 이순신의 뛰어난 인품과 능력에 매료되어 작전에 적극적으로 협조하였다. 넷째는 수군 장졸들의 적극적인 참전이다. 장졸들 개개인의 사생 관과 능력에 기인한 전투의지가 실제 전투에서 유감없이 발휘된 것으로 평가할 수 있다. 한편 노량해전의 승리는 여러 가지 역사적 의미를 담고 있다. 노량해전은 조명연합작전 중 유일하게 성공을 거둔 해전이었으며, 명나라 수군에 대한 긍정적 인식을 형성하는 데 기여하였다. 아울러 조선 수군의 막강한 전력이 해외에 전파되는 효과를 주었으며, 무엇보다도이 해전의 승리로 전쟁의 상흔에 망연자실해 있던 조선 백성들에게 큰위안을 주었을 것이다. 노량해전의 승리와 이순신의 전사는 당대 조선 조정과 명군 지휘 부에 이순신과 조선 수군의 능력에 대한 긍정적 인식을 형성하는 데크게 기여하였다. 노량해전의 결과는 수군이 전란 극복에 가장 큰 기여를 했다는 역사적 평가를 이끌어 내었다. The Sea Battle of Noryang that Admiral Yi Sun-sin passed away is the great victory battle of Imjin War. It has been reputed as the great final battle and at the same time historically remarkable. However, in fact this battle has not been so subjected to understand the facts themselves and it has got the honorable names only. The most important issue I would like to point here is that there is very missing understanding of The Allied Korean-Ming China Navy. And still the researches so far are focused on Admiral Yi’s activities. It means Yi’s death is meaningful and social concerns are high. In the other hand, there are so lack of historic materials to research. In consequence of this, it always appeared on the researches how many ships of enemies’ and there are not so much keen researches appear of Joseon’s or Ming’s battle ships. I fully understand to analyze the reasons of Joseon’s winning at this battle is still young and out of accuracy. However, I’ve regarded it is time to be meaningful to suggest the reasons of victory.I have pointed four-fact of the victory of the Sea Battle at Noryang. The first fact is excellency of Joseon’s war ships and weapons that any study has been pointed out. But the difference of my point is this first fact is discussed on the two countries, Joseon and Ming while the most researches could say the single Joseon weapons superbity. Ming’s war ships were remarkable of the Sea Battle of Noryang. The Naval Forces of Ming-China which had been equipped cannons on its war-ship at the very narrow bay like Gwaneumpo-bay played a remarkable role during the battle. Second, Yi’s outstanding strategies. He knew how to serve the capacity power of Joseon’s weapon and carried out fire squadron and he start the maneuvers strike as he fully practiced the topography. The fire attacking by blocking on the wind at the very left Noryang Strait was the very single key. In the middle of the battle, that he lured the enemy to the narraw Gwaneumpo-bay was played a smart role for the accuracy of the cannons in use. Third, the strategy of the Allied Korean-Ming China Navy was successful. Yi’s humanized diplomatic actions were the core to harmonize the Admiral Chen Lin so that to be cooperative for the battle. Even the sub-commanders who stayed with Yi during the battle over 4 months were also attracted by Yi’s wiseness on duties and heartful personal characters. They became to face the battle actively and cooperated positively. Fourth, the naval men were to be active for the battle. Yi’s leadership to unite the group into one once people were on board on battle. At the same time, the soldiers themselves did their own duty by themselves regardless. That stepping on their abilities towards the battle, they did not even think to be died that the squadrons had to be close to the enemy is a great appraise. Above this, it can be specified the detailed mains to the victory of the Sea Battle of Noryang. I only sort out 4 reasons which could be helped readers to understand the battle. Meanwhile, the Sea Battle of Noryang also gave historical importances. The battle is the one of uncountable number of battles during the Imjin War and it is the largest successful battle. Along with, this battle was the first victory of the Allied Korean-Ming China Navy and it could change the image of dispatched troops to the public. Importantly, it effected let know the world Joseon Korea Naval Forces power. Furthermore, the nation people of Joseon who were so much distrait were to be comforted. The great victory at Noryang and Yi’s death fully gave perceiving the ability of Joseon Korea Naval Forces to the officials of dispatched Ming China. Seonjo king praised Yi’s distinctions. And Joseon did try hard to construct and reinforce the naval forces preparing other attack of Japan’s future invading.

從“回到康有爲”到“回到牟宗三” —— “大陸新儒家”政治儒學之反思

문벽방(文碧方),李想 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 2018 儒敎文化硏究(中文版) Vol.0 No.29

Since the beginning of the new millennium, in Chinese philosophy circles, there has been a trend towards deconstructing the enlightenment legacy and denying the legitimacy of modern universal values. This trend is associated in particular with Jiang Qing and Chen Ming, two prominent representatives of so-called Mainland New Confucianism. Jiang Qing criticizes such values of modernity as democracy and freedom for being negative universal values. He maintains that the superior universal value is political rule according to the ancient notion of the Kingly Way, based on which he proposes a set of formulations. In more recent years, Chen Ming’s slogan has been the call to return to Kang Youwei. Chen insists that it is necessary to transcend the narrative of revolution and the vision of the enlightenment, to return to Kang Youwei’s concept of national and state construction. In Chen’s opinion, the construction of the modern state and nation takes precedence over any values and should be ranked first; modern universal values such as fairness, justice, freedom, democracy, and constitutionalism are of secondary importance, or even trivial. On the other hand, contemporary Neo-Confucianism scholars such as Mou Zongsan, Tang Junyi, and Xu Fuguan are much more willing to accept modern values like science and democracy. They try to harmonize Chinese culture and modern values to get them to advance each other by drawing on the resources of Chinese traditional culture. In this respect, Mou Zongsan proposes what he calls the “self-negation of innate moral consciousness,” in order to sustain Chinese culture. This does not mean that he upholds Western values blindly and ignores traditional Chinese culture, as Mainland New Confucian critics accuse him. Therefore, it is better to re-understand, digest, and absorb the achievements obtained by Contemporary Neo-Confucians such as Mou Zongsan, rather than to return to Kang Youwei blindly and ignore modern universal values. 二十一世紀以來,當代中國哲學界出現了一股解構啟蒙、否定現代價值的思 潮,以蔣慶、陳明爲主角的“大陸新儒家”即是這方面的代表。蔣慶認爲,民主、自由 等現代性價值是劣質的普世價值,中國的王道政治則爲優質的普世價值,故提出了 一套他所認定的儒家王道政治的構想。“大陸新儒家”最近幾年的口號是“回到康有 爲”,陳明認爲,必須超越革命敘事和啟蒙規劃,回到康有爲國家建構與國族建構的 問題、思路和立場上來,現代國家建構與國族建構優先於任何現代性價值,必須放 在價值排序的首位。較之於當代“大陸新儒家”,“當代新儒家”則更能接受科學、民 主等現代價值,牟宗三所提出的“良知坎陷說”,是基於其對中西文化的深刻理解所 作的順暢中國文化生命的工作,絕非“大陸新儒家”所批評的一味接受西方的價值、 無視中國的傳統文化。因此,與其“回到康有爲”,罔顧現代性價值,則莫若“回到牟 宗三”來理解和消化他的成果。

한국역학사 서술을 위한 일본역학사 연구 고찰과 제언 ― 吳偉明과 陳威瑨의 연구를 중심으로 ―

김동진 동양철학연구회 2024 東洋哲學硏究 Vol.118 No.-

일본과 해외의 학자들이 일본 근세 유학자들의 역학사상에 주목하기 시작한 것은 비교적 최근의 일로, 일본역학사에 대한 체계적인 서술은 일본 자국의 연구자가 아닌 해외 연구자들에 의해 이루어진 상황이다. 본 논문에서는 그 대표적 성과인 응와이밍(吳偉明)의 易學對德川日本的影響 과 천웨이진(陳威瑨)의 日本江戶時代儒家≪易≫學硏究 를 중심으로 일본역학사 연구의 특징을 살펴보았다. 그들의 연구는 에도시대에 국한되기는 하지만 현재로서는 일본역학사에 관한 가장 체계적이며 특색 있는 연구라 할 수 있다. 그들의 연구는 일본역학사를 서로 다른 관점과 연구방법론을 바탕으로 서술하고 있기 때문에 한국역학사 서술과 관련해서 유용한 본보기로 활용할 수 있다. 양자의 특징을 간략히 설명하자면, 응와이밍의 연구는 지성사, 문화사적 관점에서 접근한 것이고 천웨이진의 연구는 경학사, 철학사적 관점에서 접근한 것이다. 본 논문에서는 이에 대한 고찰을 통해 한국역학사 서술과 관련해서 다음과 같은 시사점을 도출하였다. 첫째는 역학사의 접근방식이다. 둘째는 새로운 연구관점이다. 셋째는 한국역학 저작들에 대한 목록학적 고찰이다. 넷째는 한국역학사의 외연 확장이다. It was relatively recent that Japanese and foreign researchers began to pay attention to the philosophical thoughts of Japanese Confucian scholars on the I-Ching in the Edo period, and systematic descriptions of the Japanese history of I-Ching was made by foreign researchers, not Japanese researchers. This paper examines Wai-ming Ng(吳偉明)‘s The I Ching in Tokugawa Thought and Culture(易學對德川日本的影響) and Wei-jin Chen(陳威瑨)’s I Ching and Japanese Confucianism in the Edo Period(日本江戶時代儒家≪易≫學硏究), which are representative achievements. Although their studies are limited to the Edo period, it can be said to be the most systematic and distinctive study on the Japanese history of I-Ching at present. Because they described the Japanese history of I-Ching based on different perspectives and research methodologies, they can be used as a useful model in relation to the description of the Korean history of I-Ching. To briefly explain the characteristics of both, Ng Wai-ming's study was approached from the perspective of intellectual history and cultural history, while Chen Wei-jin's study was approached from the perspective of the history of Confucianism and philosophy. In this paper, through consideration of both, the following practical implications were derived in relation to the description of Korean history of I-Ching. The first is the approach methodology of the history of I-Ching. The second is a new research perspective. The third is a cataloguing review of Korean I-Ching works. The fourth is the expansion of the scope of research.

高麗版 『禮記集說』의 殘存本에 관한 硏究

박문열 한국서지학회 2019 서지학연구 Vol.77 No.-

본 연구는 『禮記集說』의 編纂과 版本 및 高麗 공양왕 3년(1391)에 慶尙道 尙州牧에서 覆刻된 高麗版 『禮記集說』의 殘存本과 그 版本的 특징 등에 관하여 考察한 것으로 그 결과는 다음과 같다. (1) 『禮記集說』은 雲莊 陳澔(1260-1341)가 至治 2년(1322)에 平易하고 분명한 설명으로 初學者들이 읽어도 바로 그 뜻을 알 수 있도록 하려는 의도와 목적으로 <校讎經文>․<援引書目>․<註說去取>․<音文反切>․<章句分段> 등의 著述觀을 발휘하여 49편 16권으로 저술하였으며 元朝 天曆 원년(1328)에 建安의 鄭明德家에서 初刊된 바 있다. (2) 元朝 鄭明德家版 16권본 『禮記集說』은 그 뒤 明朝 成化年間(1465-1487)에 간행된 30권본과 弘治 17년(1504)에 간행된 10권본 등의 판본과 함께 世間에 널리 유포되었으며, 鄭明德家版의 『禮記集說』은 高麗로 傳來되어 공양왕 3년(1391)에 慶尙道 尙州牧에서 覆刻의 형태로 初刊되었다. (3) 高麗版 『禮記集說』은 16권 完帙이 傳來되지 않고 권1-2․4-12 등의 11권이 殘存本으로 傳來되고 있을 뿐 권3․13-16 등의 5권은 어디에도 傳來되지 않고 있다. (4) 高麗版 『禮記集說』의 殘存本 일부에는 內容과 字體뿐 아니라 卷頭題․卷尾題․版心題․版耳題․邊欄․半郭․界線․行字數․版口․魚尾 등의 記錄과 樣式에서 그 版本的인 특징이 잘 나타나고 있다. (5) 高麗版 『禮記集說』의 殘存本에는 刻手의 失手로 인한 誤刻과 未刻의 현상이 곳곳에서 나타나고 있으며, 다양한 釋讀形 口訣과 함께 ‘러나’․‘러시나’․‘어’․‘어든’․‘어시든’․‘에’․‘회’ 등의 한글 口訣이 달린 곳도 있고 한글 發音이 板刻된 형태로 나타나는 곳도 있다. (6) 高麗版 『禮記集說』의 殘存本 일부에는 ‘東湖堂藏’․‘玉澗亭藏’․‘徐汝中’ 등의 藏書印이 날인되어 있어 이들 藏書印을 통하여 殘存本의 전래과정을 짐작할 수 있다. (7) 高麗版 『禮記集說』의 殘存本은 비록 元朝版의 覆刻版이나 우리나라 初刊의 稀貴本이라는 점을 비롯하여 朝鮮朝의 『禮記淺見錄』․『禮記類編』․『禮記補註』 등 각종 위대한 禮書들을 저술하는데 底本으로 사용되었다는 점에서 硏究․保存․管理할 만한 價値가 있을 殘存本으로 평가된다. This study analyzes on the extant volume of the Yegijipseol (Lijijishuo) published by Sangjumok in Goryeo Dynasty. The major findings are as follows: (1) The Yegijipseol was written in the second year (1322) of the Zhizhi era by Chen Hao (1260- 1341) in a manner that allows even beginners to easily read and understand the meanings clearly, in addition to his thoughts of writing. It consisted of 16 volumes with 49 parts, first published in the first year (1328) of the Tianli era in the Yuan dynasty by the House of Zheng Ming De in Jian-an. (2) The Ming-De Zheng House edition of the Yegijipseol in the Yuan dynasty was widely prevalent along with the woodblock-printed books with 30 volumes and 10 volumes, published in the reign (1465-1487) of the Chenghua Emperor of the Ming dynasty and in the 17th year (1504) of the reign of the Tongzhi Emperor, respectively. This edition was introduced to Goryeo, where it was first published in a form of re-engraving in Sangjumok, Gyeongsang-do, in the third year (1391) of King Gongyang in the Goryeo dynasty. (3) A complete set of the 16 volume Yegijipseol of the Goryeo edition has not been passed down. At present, 11 volumes, including volumes 1, 2, and 4 to 12, are extant, and 5 volumes, including volumes 3 and 13 to 16, have not been found anywhere today. (4) The extant volumes Yegijipseol of the Goryeo edition indicate the characteristics of the woodblock-printed book not only through their contents and letter styles, but also in the beginning, ending, centered and eared titles, four border lines, half inner size, between lines, number of lines and characters, entrance marks, and fishtail marks of the woodblock. (5) The extant volumes of Yegijipseol of the Goryeo edition have false and omitted engravings caused by engravers’ mistakes. Along with Gugyeol, which is a system for rendering texts written in Classical Chinese into understandable Korean, Korean endings were added to classical Chinese phrases or the original pronunciation of Hangeul was shown in a form of engraving. (6) The extant volumes Yegijipseol of the Goryeo edition have impression seals that read Donghodang-jang (collection of Donghodang), Okganjeongjang (collection of Okganjeong), and Seoyeojung, all of which serve as a clue for surmising the processes of passing down the extant volumes. (7) The extant volumes Yegijipseol of the Goryeo edition is considered worthwhile to be researched, preserved, and managed as a national cultural property in that it was a rare and first published in Korea even though it was a re-engraved version of the Yuan dynasty edition, and used as a basic work for writing great ritual books including the Yegicheongyeonrok, Yegiryupyeon, and Yegiboju in the Joseon dynasty.