신라 통일기 전염병의 유행과 대응책

이현숙 한국고대사학회 2003 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.31 No.-

This piece of research aims to determine why there were so many epidemics in the 8th and 9th centuries East Asia, paying particular attention to Korea, and the efforts by the Silla government to control the crises caused by epidemics. This subject is neglected in Ancient Korean History, owing to a lack of materials. I have tried to reconstruct the epidemics that occurred under unified Silla dynasty, by means of comparison with Tang China and Japan of same era. During the War of Unification in Korean Pennisula, Chinese Tang dynasty troops brought a number of new diseases with them into Korea. It seems that these were eruptive diseases, such as smallpox and measles. But the Korean population was not large enough to enable these eruptive diseases to become endemic childhood diseases. This is the main reason that outbreaks of epidemics occurred repeatedly and severely in Korea as well as in Japan. The epidemics usually came from China to Korea, and were finally transmitted to Japan via Korea. In this paper, I investigate the causes and the characteristics of the outbreaks of epidemics under the unified Silla dynasty, which were occurring more frequently than before(during the 5th and 6th century), and examine the policies devised by the Silla government to control and to cope with the crises. My conclusions are as follows. The causes of Epidemics were: First, Silla trade with T'ang China grew in leaps and bounds in the 8th and 9th centuries. With increased contact, more diseases carne over to Korea. Secondly, epidemics were a direct result of development of cities after Silla's Unification of the countries, in particular, the populations of capital city, Kyungju, increased to over 200,000. Thirdly, the development of network of roads for gathering taxes and for moving troops also contributed to the outbreaks of epidemics. The policies of Silla government were: First, a relief policy for the poor. The government supplied provisions and simple remedies to them, especially in the capital. Secondly, they encouraged the religious beliefs by constructing numerous statues of Budda's for praying purposes, especially medicine Budda. It helped to reduced the peoples complaints to the state and to heaven. Thirdly, they developed the remedies and published medicine books in order to enable the people to treat their own diseases. In a sense, the em of the unified Silla dynasty can be seen as process of adaptation for new diseases in the history of disease in Korea.

조선후기 문학의 역병(疫病) 재난과 대응 양상

이주영 열상고전연구회 2022 열상고전연구 Vol.77 No.-

This study is conducted on the epidemic disasters and coping patterns in the literature of the late Joseon Dynasty. Epidemics spread constantly on a massive scale during the Joseon Dynasty. Smallpox, measle, and typhus were prevalent. These infections became more severe in the late Joseon Dynasty, thereby causing tremendous damage, together with wars or abnormal climate and famine. In addition, cholera derived from the outside caused unprecedented damage in the 19th century. Including diary(日記), Philgi(筆記), Yadam(野談), biography(傳), Chinese poetry(漢詩), prayer(祭文), Gasa(歌辭), Pansori, shaman song(巫歌), the literature in the late Joseon Dynasty dealt with an epidemic as a subject matter. Philgi and Yadam contain many stories about gods of epidemics. This is based on the faith and imagination of the contemporaries about gods of epidemics. They were highlighted in the late Joseon Dynasty, and they were personified and appeared in narratives. This was a way to rationalize massive damage that a human can't handle, and it was an effort to find a countermeasure to minimize the damage. The literature on epidemics also reveals a critical perspective on the reality of the underprivileged suffering from epidemics. It also raises awareness of crisis from the experiences and memories of epidemics. Particularly in the 19th century, there was an outbreak of cholera with unparalleled contagiousness and fatality. The Joseon people called it 'Gwoi-jil(怪疾: unidentified epidemics)'. This was to evoke pathology or uncertainty inherent in society against the background of internal and external problems of the Joseon Dynasty in the 19th century. Gwoijil was also a symbol of the encounter with heterogeneous others including the West or the world system, or sometimes the rhetoric of disasters or the end. 이 글에서는 조선후기 문학에 나타난 역병(疫病) 소재를 대상으로 이 시기의 역병 재난과 대응의 양상, 그 의미를 탐색하였다. 조선시대에는 역병이 대규모로 창궐했으며 그 피해는 조선후기에 더욱 심해졌다. 조선후기의 일기(日記)와 인물 전(傳)에는 역병 재난이 일상화되어 나타난다. 17~18세기 문학의 특징적인 국면으로는 역귀(疫鬼)를 다룬 귀신담을 들 수 있다. 역귀라는 구체적인 귀신 유형은 조선후기에 부각되는 것이다. 역병은 인격화되어 서사에 등장하였으며, 역귀이야기는 어우야담(於于野譚) , 천예록(天倪錄) 을 비롯한 필기(筆記)와 야담(野談)에 실려 있다. 이 시기에는 각 역병마다 다른 귀신이 존재한다는 믿음이 있었으며 역귀에 대한 태도에도 차이가 있었는데, 역귀담에서 두드러진 것은 두창(痘瘡)과 두신(痘神)이었다. 이는 대규모의 역병 재난에 대해 납득이 가능하도록 나름대로 합리화하는 이해방식이자 피해를 최소화하기 위한 대응 모색의 노력이었다. 역병 소재 문학은 사회 및 현실에 대한 비판적 시선을 드러내기도 한다. 특히 19세기에는 전에 겪어보지 못했던 괴질(怪疾), 즉 콜레라가 처음 유행하였고, 판소리 <변강쇠가> 등에는 이 괴질에 대한 경험과 기억이 두드러진다. 괴질은 기존의 사고방식이나 관습으로 설명하거나 해결할 수 없는 질병이라는 점에서 공포를 불러일으켰다. 역귀이야기가 이 시기에 이르러 적극적으로 수용되지 못했던 것은 역병 인식의 시대적 변화를 보여준다. 19세기 괴질은 사회에 내재된 병리성이나 불확실성을 환기시키는 것이었다. 이는 이질적 타자와의 만남을 표상하는 것이기도 했으며, 재앙 또는 종말의 수사(修辭)로 사용되기도 하였다.

Epidemiological comparison of three Myco­plasma pneumoniae pneumonia epidemics in a single hospital over 10 years

Kim, Eun-Kyung,Youn, You-Sook,Rhim, Jung-Woo,Shin, Myung-Seok,Kang, Jin-Han,Lee, Kyung-Yil The Korean Pediatric Society 2015 Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics (CEP) Vol.58 No.5

Purpose: Mycoplasma pneumoniae (MP) pneumonia epidemics have occurred in 3- to 4-year cycles in Korea. We evaluated the epidemiologic characteristics of MP pneumonia in Daejeon, Korea, from 2003 to 2012. Methods: We retrospectively analyzed 779 medical records of children (0-15 years of old) with MP pneumonia admitted to our institution and compared the data from 3 recent epidemics. Results: In 779 patients, the mean age and male-to-female ratio were $5.0{\pm}2.2$ years and 1:1, and most cases were observed in autumn. There were three epidemics during the study period, in 2003, 2006-2007, and 2011. In our comparison of the three epidemics, we found no differences in mean age, the male-to-female ratio, hospital stay, or the rate of seroconverters during hospitalization. All three epidemics began in early summer and peaked in September 2003 and 2011 and in October 2006 and then gradually decreased until the next year's spring season, although the 2006 epidemic extended further into 2007. The peak age groups in the children in 2003 and 2006 were 3-6 year-olds (57.5% and 56%, respectively), but in the 2011 epidemic, the peak group was 1-4 year-olds (46.5%). The proportion of the <2 years of age group was 20%, 15.7% and 28.8%, and >10 years of age group was 5.2%, 13.8%, and 14.8% of total patients, respectively. Conclusion: MP pneumonia outbreaks occurred every 3-4 years. The pattern of 3 recent epidemics was similar in demographic characteristics and seasonality with some variations in each outbreak.

Epidemiological comparison of three Mycoplasma pneumoniae pneumonia epidemics in a single hospital over 10 years

김은경,윤유숙,임정우,신명석,강진한,이경일 대한소아청소년과학회 2015 Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics (CEP) Vol.58 No.5

Purpose: Mycoplasma pneumoniae (MP) pneumonia epidemics have occurred in 3- to 4-year cycles in Korea. We evaluated the epidemiologic characteristics of MP pneumonia in Daejeon, Korea, from 2003 to 2012. Methods: We retrospectively analyzed 779 medical records of children (0–15 years of old) with MP pneumonia admitted to our institution and compared the data from 3 recent epidemics. Results: In 779 patients, the mean age and male-to-female ratio were 5.0±2.2 years and 1:1, and most cases were observed in autumn. There were three epidemics during the study period, in 2003, 2006–2007, and 2011. In our comparison of the three epidemics, we found no differences in mean age, the male-to-female ratio, hospital stay, or the rate of seroconverters during hospitalization. All three epidemics began in early summer and peaked in September 2003 and 2011 and in October 2006 and then gradually decreased until the next year’s spring season, although the 2006 epidemic extended further into 2007. The peak age groups in the children in 2003 and 2006 were 3–6 year-olds (57.5% and 56%, respectively), but in the 2011 epidemic, the peak group was 1–4 year-olds (46.5%). The proportion of the <2 years of age group was 20%, 15.7% and 28.8%, and >10 years of age group was 5.2%, 13.8%, and 14.8% of total patients, respectively. Conclusion: MP pneumonia outbreaks occurred every 3–4 years. The pattern of 3 recent epidemics was similar in demographic characteristics and seasonality with some variations in each outbreak.

고려시대 불교와 전염병 치유문화

김영미 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2007 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.34

In the era of Goryeo, because of the limitations in medical treatment at times of epidemic disease occurrences, the government resorted to Buddhist rituals to heal epidemics. The basis for this attempt could be found in various Sutra such as the Mahaprajnaparamita Sutra and the Thousand Eyes and Hands Sutra, which mentioned healing of diseases; it was also true that nothing but religious miracles were to be depended on. Buddhist rituals to heal epidemic diseases were the most frequently carried out from the reign of Sukjong(肅宗) to Kojong(高宗), in other words beginning from the 12th century to the mid-13th century. The main reason for this is that this was a time of the most frequent epidemics, due to famines and war. This resulted in the debate on the three catastrophes, namely war, contagious disease and famine, all of which were mentioned in the Sutra. The monk Muki(無寄) argues in his Seokgayoeraehangjuksong(釋迦如來行蹟頌), written in the 15th year of king Chugsuk's reign(the year 1328), that his own age was not the prophesied time of the three catastrophes. This is thought to be reflective of the suspicion held by his contemporaries. The healing of epidemics became an important focus of the Buddhist world, so that the healing of diseases through dharani was extremely emphasized in biographical narration of the work of Choyu(祚猷) and Honwon(混元), both of whom were designated as Taeseonsa(大禪師). Therefore monks encouraged adherents to rely on the miraculous power of Buddha, and in particular faith in the Avalokiteśhvara Boddhisattva (Gwahn-se-eum Bodhisattva) was advocated as the solution to hardships of life. Disease healing was included among the miraculous powers of Buddha and Boddhisatva, which was mentioned in detail by various Sutra. According to Hyeyoung(惠永), the kundika and williows depicted in the Water-Moon Avalokiteśhvara painting(水月觀音圖), which was sealed with approval at the end of the Goryeo era, are related to epidemic disease healing. Also various versions of the Thousand Eyes and Hands Sutra was distributed around the nation to elevate faith in the Avalokiteśhvara Boddhisattva. In this Sutra, it was said that epidemics could be cured by reciting the holy words of the Avalokiteśhvara Boddhisattva. Thus the frequent epidemics in the era of Goryeo is understood as one of the reasons behind the popularization of faith in the Avalokiteśhvara Boddhisatva.

『簡易辟瘟方』에 기재된 돌림병의 예방과 치료

이윤심(Lee Yunsim),조원준(Chough Wonjoon) 한국한의학연구원 2007 한국한의학연구원논문집 Vol.13 No.1

As epidemics were spread over the whole Pyeongan province at 1524, Jungjong commanded the government officers like Kim Sunmong to publish Sokbyeokonbang, known as Ganuibyeokonbang; to cope with the epidemics. They regarded the cause of epidemics as abnormal climate, pathogen or grudge, and named the disease on the basis of cause. To prevent epidemics they presented three kinds of method. They used a charm to calm the people, used Sohaphyangwon to keep from getting infected with them and emphasized the importance of individaul sanitation. They proposed compound herb remedies like Sipsintang; Hyangsosan, Seungmagalgeuntang and so forth according to the symptoms. They presented lots of single herbs used for food or easily seeking herbs to lighten the people's expense, in addition.

도열병(稻熱病)의 발생요인(發生要因)

이순구 安東大學校 農業科學技術硏究所 1996 農業科學技術 硏究論文集 Vol.3 No.-

도열병의 대발생을 결정하는 가장 중요한 인자는 기주작물인 벼 식물체가 유전적으로 가지고 있는 도열병에 대한 품종 저항성이다. 1992년-1996년 동안 안동지역의 도열병 병원균 우점 레이스는 KJ-101이었으며, 이 레이스에 감수성인 품종에서만 도열병이 발생하였다. 이는 기상환경과는 아무런 관계가 없다. 감수성 품종을 재배할 경우 도열병 발병의 유무와 과다 및 대발생을 결정하는 가장 중요한 인자는 기상조건이다. 도열병의 발병은 지역의 대기상값보다는 벼 생육기중의 포장 실황 벼 식물군락 미기상에 의해 결정 되며 그중에서도 가장 중요한 것은 잎습전지속시간이었다. 개개 포장이 위치한 지형적인 요인이 해당지역의 대기상값보다 더 밀접하게 포장미기상을 결정하는 인자가 된다. Among the inciting factors of rice blast epidemics, the host genetic cultivar resistance to blast is the most decisive factor in real-time field conditions. The resistant cutivars are never diseased by the incompatible blast fungus, Piricularia grisea (P.oryzae, teliomorph : Magnaphorthe griseo) in any favorable field conditions to blast epidemics. The dominant race of P,grisea In Andong district has been shown to be KJ-101 in the years of 1992-1996. The weather conditions of blast-favorable is the most important determinant factors of blast epidemics in susceptible cutivars growing fields. In that case, the microclimate of each rice fields is different by the topological factors of it. Among the real-time rice field microclimate, Leaf Wetness Duration (LDW) has shown to be the most determinant inciting factor of rice blast epidemics.

최근 3번의 대유행 동안 한국 소아에서 발생한 마이코플라스마 폐렴의 임상적 특징

위화현 ( Hwa Hyun Wy ),민동훈 ( Dong Hoon Min ),김덕수 ( Deok Soo Kim ),박문수 ( Moon Soo Park ),심재원 ( Jae Won Shim ),정혜림 ( Hye Lim Jung ),심정연 ( Jung Yeon Shim ) 대한천식알레르기학회 2017 Allergy Asthma & Respiratory Disease Vol.5 No.1

Purpose: Mycoplasma pneumoniae (MP) is a major cause of community-acquired pneumonia in children. Since 2000, emerging macrolide-resistant MP has been reported. Three epidemics of MP pneumonia have occurred in Korea during the past 10 years: 2006-2007, 2011, and 2015. We investigated the differences in MP pneumonia of each epidemic in terms of clinical, laboratory, and radiologic perspectives. Methods: We retrospectively analyzed 529 medical records of children (1-18 years of age) who were admitted and diagnosed with MP pneumonia at Kangbuk Samsung Hospital during the past 3 epidemic periods. We compared the clinical, laboratory, and radiologic characteristics of MP pneumonia among individual epidemics and between children younger and older than 6 years of age. Results: The mean age of the patients was 5.7 years old, which had increased by each epidemic and showed the highest (6.3 years old) in 2015 compared to previous epidemics. Among 3 epidemics, there were no sex differences. The duration of fever after admission and hospitalization, and the percentage of lobar pneumonia and use of systemic steroids increased significantly in 2015 epidemic. Since 2006, the mean levels of erythrocyte sedimentation rate and lactate dehydrogenase had increased and in 2015 it marked the highest. Children older than 6 years showed a higher proportion of lobar pneumonia and pleural effusion as well as longer duration of fever (before and after admission) and hospitalization days than those younger than 6 years. Conclusion: This study suggests an increasing incidence of refractory MP pneumonia which required a more frequent use of systemic steroids over the past 10 years, and children older than 6 years were found to have more severe pneumonia than those younger than 6 years. (Allergy Asthma Respir Dis 2017:5:8-14)

日本 古代의 災害와 정신문화

박이순(Park Yi-Soon) 강원대학교 인문과학연구소 2018 인문과학연구 Vol.0 No.58

일본 고대의 災害-특히 疫病을 둘러싼 고찰을 통해 무엇보다도 먼저 지적할 수 있는 점은 疫病의 재해는 고대 일본인의 사유세계, 정신문화 형성에 강력한 영향력을 남겼다는 것이다. 疫病과 같은 재해는 神의, 또는 怨靈의 ‘분노’와 ‘저주’에 의한 것으로 이해되었고, 헤이안시대의 ‘穢’觀 등으로 연결되어 극단적인 忌避의식, 두려움과 공포 의식을 심화시키고, 고대 일본인의 사회, 정치적 현상에 대한 해석, 각종의 의식과 풍습 형성 등의 정신적 기저를 이루었다. 또한 疫病과 같은 재해적 상황은 무엇보다도 일본인의 神관념 형성에 지대한 영향을 끼쳤고, 종교적 심성의 발달로 이어졌으며, 그 靈驗만을 중시하는 實利주의적 종교관으로 정착되어갔다. 마지막으로, 疫病을 外来한 것으로, 疫神을 外来神으로 인식하면서, 그러한 疫病이 京域에 들어오는 것을 방어하기 위해 애썼던 일본고대 朝廷의 境界의 식과 맞물려, 신라·발해 등에 대한 현저한 警戒의식, 배타적 의식의 對外觀이 형성되었음도 확인할 수 있었다. One thing that can be pointed out before anything else through consideration of disasters in ancient Japan-especially epidemics-is the fact that the disasters of epidemics had great effects on the formation of ancient Japanese"s world of thinking and moral culture. Disasters such as epidemics were understood to have been caused by the "anger" and "curse" of God or vindictive spirits and were linked to the view of "dirtiness" in the Heian period to deepen extreme consciousness of avoidance, dread, and consciousness of fear and form the mental bases of the interpretation of ancient Japanese social and political phenomena, and the formation of various rituals and customs. In addition, catastrophic situations such as epidemics had profound effects on the formation of the Japanese idea of God above all, leading to the development of religious mentality, and the establishment of a pragmatic religious view that emphasizes only the miraculous virtues of regions. Finally, it could be seen that as epidemics were believed to be foreign and Epidemic God was regarded as a foreign god, in line with the border consciousness of ancient Japanese regimes that strived to prevent such epidemics from entering the capital, remarkable guard consciousness, exclusionary consciousness, and a view of outsiders against Silla and Balhae were formed.

냉전 이데올로기로부터 전염병의 서사까지: <신체 강탈자들의 침략>의 변주를 중심으로

최정민 문학과영상학회 2010 문학과영상 Vol.11 No.3

Don Siegel’s classic cult, Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1956) was repetitively produced in 1978, 1993, and 2007. These variations, based on Jack Finney’s novel, The Body Snatchers (1955), reflect the malaise of the American society dating from 1950s to the early twenty-first century. Don Siegel’s film of the 1956 reveals the contemporary paranoia of communist infiltration, as well as the frenzy of McCarthyism. In a bigger perspective, however, this film shows the anxiety toward totalitarian conformity, per se. The Cold War ideology of the 1950s began to appropriate the discourses of virology, which was then actively evolving. The metaphors of virus, which infiltrates the host from the outside and implodes it inside, had an analogous structure with that of the Communist subterfuge. The viruses, originally considered as mysterious entities, began to take on the ominous and secretive nature of aliens. Both in viral contagion and communist infiltration, ‘information’ plays an important role. The spread of pods in Finney’s novel follows these pattern with the act of stealing physical information and contaminating them. The message of Invasion of the Body Snatchers, which had begun as an allegory of conformity, began to be transformed into the narrative of epidemics by appropriating the discourse of virology. Philip Kaufman’s 1978 remake unfolding against the backdrop of the New Age San Francisco, foreshadows the mass hysteria such as AIDS. Basically, this period was characterized by less concern on the physical disease than the behavioral malfunction and psychotherapy. But the invasion of the pods changes the cultural malaise into apocalyptic anxiety. Abel Ferrara’s remake of 1993, which was made after the first Gulf War, is less focused and digressive in terms of dramatic tension. This film is rather regarded as a revival of Hollywood family melodrama, though the conflict between father and daughter is not convincing. Oliver Hirschbiegel’s Invasion overtly showcases the outbreak narrative of epidemics. The epidemics might be the one feasible beyond AIDS, such as SARS or Avian Flu. On top of that this film also combines the fear from terrorism, presumably originating from 9/11. Even though the human species are said to have accommodated to the hostile environment, the fear against the Unknown is still prevalent. Especially ever since the middle of the twentieth century, we live under the trauma that the collective incineration and extinction might come any time.