제조프로세스 재구성을 위한 생산설비간 정보 협상 모델 개발

이상일,박유진,류광열 한국엔터프라이즈아키텍처학회 2016 정보기술아키텍처연구 Vol.13 No.1

Manufacturing system has been developed with requirements of society and technologicaladvance. Increase of flexibility and reconfigurability are one of efficient method in order to satisfysustainable development and eco-friendly for manufacturing system. Therefore, in this paper,we proposed negotiation model between manufacturing facilities for manufacturing process reconfigurationin order to increase flexibility based on multi-agent system. Proposed negotiation modeluse the information such as system’s goal, facilities’ resource, and task inside manufacturing system. And proposed negotiation model consist of three types; a) Resource-based Negotiation, b)Task-based Negotiation, and c) Hybrid-typed Negotiation of a) and b). According to the results ofresource-based and task-based negotiation, manufacturing processes can be reconfigured by reassignmentof resource and re-allocation of tasks, respectively. The hybrid-typed negotiation usesgenetic algorithm to find the best way to process reconfiguration. The proposed model can be usedto improve flexibility and reconfigurability of manufacturing processes. 생산시스템은 시대의 변화와 기술의 발전에 따라 많은 변화를 겪어 왔으며 생산시스템의 유연성과 재구성력의 증가는 지속가능한 생산과 친화경적인 생산을 추구할 수 있는 효율적인 방법 중 하나이다. 이에 본 연구에서는 멀티 에이전트 기반의 생산시스템에서 제조프로세스의 유연성 증가와 제조프로세스의 재구성을 위한 생산설비간 정보 협상모델을 제안한다. 협상은 생산시스템 내부의 에이전트가 생산시스템의 자원, 과업과 같은 생산시스템 내부의 정보를 활용하여 진행된다. 제안된 협상모델은 a) 자원기반 협상(Resource-based negotiation), b) 과업기반 협상(Task-based negotiation),c) 하이브리드 협상(Hybrid-typed negotiation)으로 구성되어 있다. 자원기반 협상과 과업기반 협상은 협상 방법의 결과에 따라서 자원의 재분배, 과업의 재배치 및 제조프로세스의 재구성을 지원하며하이브리드 협상은 자원과 과업을 동시에 고려한 협상방식이며 유전알고리즘을 활용하여 제조프로세스의 재구성을 지원한다. 제안된 협상모델은 생산시스템 내부에서 생산설비간 유연성과 제조프로세스의 재구성력을 높일 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

경기도 도시계획 사전협상제 도입방안

이성룡,이지은,유치선 경기연구원 2017 정책연구 Vol.- No.-

도시재생 등 기존도시 활성화에 대한 움직임이 많은 시기임에도 경기도에는 외곽지역의 저렴한 토지를 이용한 각종 신규개발이 지속적으로 추진되고 있다. 용도지역의 변경을 수반하여 추진되는 신규개발은 토지가격의 상승과 개발이익을 발생시켜, 공공에서는 이를 적절히 환수하기 위한 조치로 공공시설 기부채납 등의 방안을 강구하고 있다. 지방자치권이 점차 확대되어 가는 추세에서 지방정부는 지역주민의 요구에 대응하고 개발수요를 유치하기 위해 신규개발을 지속하고 있어, 특혜소지를 방지하면서도 적정한 개발용량을 관리하고 공공기여를 확보하며, 해당 지자체뿐만 아니라 광역적인 영향을 관리할 수 있는 토지이용규제 수단으로 “사전협상제”가 제도화 되었다. 그러나 대도시를 중심으로 도입되어 시행 초기 단계에 있는 이 제도는 용도지역상 도시지역만을 대상으로 하고 있어, 비도시지역에서 이루어지는 개발에 대한 관리가 필요한 경기도에서 개발수요와 공공기여를 확보하기 위한 수단으로 어떻게 활용할 것인가에 대한 논의가 필요하다. 2009년 서울시에서 사전협상제를 제도화 한 이후, 부산광역시, 광주광역시, 경기도 부천시에서 사전협상제를 도입하였고, 이전부지 개발, 역세권 조성, 미개발부지 활용 등 서울시에서 4건, 부천시에서 1건의 개발사업에 대한 사전협상이 이루어졌다. 사전협상의 결과는 지구단위계획으로 결정되는데, 대부분의 도시계획 결정권한을 보유한 대도시와는 다르게 지방자치권 강화를 위해 지구단위계획 결정권한이 시 · 군으로 이양된 경기도에서는 시 · 군에서 발생하는 사전협상에 직접적으로 관여할 수 있는 범위가 매우 한정되어 있는 상태이다. 그러나 사전협상의 진행을 위해서는 협상조직 구성, 자문, 공공기여량 산정 등 많은 절차와 행정력이 필요하기 때문에, 경기도에서는 시 · 군 주도에 의한 사전협상이 원활히 추진될 수 있도록 선제적으로 제도를 구성하고 지원할 필요가 있다. 사전협상이 필요할 것으로 예상되는 대상지에 대한 사전 평가를 추진하고, 사전협상 추진에 필요한 절차, 조직, 공공기여 등을 설정한 운영지침을 수립한다. 또한 경기도 차원의 관리가 필요한 핵심사업 등에는 시 · 군과의 협의를 통해 협상과정에 참여하고, 비시가화지역에서 도시계획과정을 거치지 않고 특별법 · 개별법에 의해 추진되는 사업에는 연계업무처리지침이나 사전의견제시 등을 통해 사업의 영향을 평가 · 관리한다. 2018년부터 한시적으로 도지사에게 결정권한이 위임되는 입지규제최소구역은 개발에 제한이 되는 규제를 완화하는 대신 공공기여를 제공한다는 점에서 사전협상제와 유사한 특성을 가진다. 경기도에 권한이 위임되는 기간 동안 입지규제최소구역의 지정신청이 제안되는 경우에는 사전협상 대상 적합성 여부를 판단하는 방법을 적용하여 입지규제최소구역의 지정 적합성을 판단하고 공공기여 기준을 제시하는 방안이 필요하다. 사전협상제는 지역성장을 위해 필요한 개발을 유도하면서 적정한 공공기여를 확보할 수 있는 장점을 가지고 있으나, 사전협상이 무분별하게 적용되면 우리나라 도시계획제도의 기본인 용도지역제의 의미를 훼손할 우려가 있다. 따라서 사전협상이 필요한 지역과 대상에 대한 명확한 기준을 설정하여 제한적으로 적용하고, 형평성있는 공공기여 기준을 마련해야 한다. 경기도는 사전협상 적용 대상지에 대하여 사전조사와 평가를 시행하여 실제 협상 과정에서 기준과 목표로 활용하고, “(가칭)사전협상 업무처리지침”을 통해 경기도 내에서 사전협상제 운영을 위한 매뉴얼로 활용해야 한다. In Gyeonggi-Do, development activities in undeveloped-peripheral areas still thrive due to availability of low-priced land. Since such developments that entail rezoning induce increase land values and development benefit, the public has prepared countermeasures. Pre-negotiation system, one of the countermeasures, is adopted by several local governments as a land regulation method since it can manage development capacity and secure public contribution. Ever since Seoul enacted Pre-negotiation in 2009, other local governments – Busan, Gwangju, and Bucheon - successively legislated the system, and four projects from Seoul and one project from Bucheon were achieved through the system. Currently, however, the applied Pre-negotiation systems only refer to Urban areas. Thus, Gyeonggi-Do, where in substantial portion of development occurs in non-Urban areas, needs to elaborate Pre-negotiation system that can be suitable to its circumstances and conditions. The result of Pre-negotiation is the agreement on development and public contribution plan between the public and private, and actualized by District Unit Plan(DUP, 지구단위계획). Unlike major cities that have legal planning authority, Gyeonggi-Do has limited authority in planning process since jurisdiction of DUP was devolved to cities and counties as a part of consolidation of local self-governing system. Nevertheless, it is obligatory for Gyeonggi-Do to support cities and counties in its jurisdiction managing Pre-negotiation process since the process requires a great deal of administrative resources and procedures. Further, Gyeonggi-Do should pre-evaluate areas where huge-scale development is expected, and provide a guideline of Pre-negotiation process for such areas, while direct intervention in the process is plausible when the scale of development is huge, through consultation with local governments. Development project in undeveloped areas that are not regulated by urban planning process should be evaluated and managed its influences by Pre-negotiation related guidelines or pre-submission of opinion. Minimal Regulation Zone(입지규제최소구역, MRZ) that its jurisdiction will be temporarily entrusted to province governors from 2018, is similar to Pre-negotiation system in that regulation on development is lessened in exchange of public contribution. Thus, Gyeonggi-Do should apply same process as Pre-negotiation system on designating MRZ and suggest standard of public contribution. Further, balance between deregulation and public contribution should be managed with consideration of local conditions. Pre-negotiation system can be beneficial since it can induce necessary development for regional growth and secure public contribution from developers. However, it can incapacitate current land use regulation and zoning system, if applied abusively. Thus, the system should be applied limitedly, based on the strict criteria as well with equitable standard of public contribution. Further, Gyeonggi-Do should figure out and appraise potential areas for Pre-negotiation beforehand so as to prepare for the negotiation, and provide “Pre-negotiation Process Guidance” that can be utilized in the negotiation process by governments.

Path Dependence In North Korean Military Negotiation Agendas

이미숙 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 2018 Journal of peace and unification Vol.8 No.1

Analyzing the agendas of the North Korean military negotiations, we see that they were varied according to situations, but their objective for negotiations toward South Korea, “maintaining the North Korean system” did not change. In the early 1990s, proposals for “important military negotiations, ” such as nonaggression and disarmament were mainly on the table, but they used to end up as declaratory military issues showing the characteristics of pseudo-military negotiations. However, in the early 2000s, such general military negotiations as connecting railways and roads and building military confidence were proposed and carried out to make them look like realistic negotiations, though they were still locked in the box of maintaining the regime. Therefore, the change was not in the character of the negotiations, but simply the negotiation items varied in favor of the situations in order to achieve the goal of “protecting the system.” As Thelen pointed out, the change was not targeted for the core element of maintaining the North Korean regime. Instead, the change was made in the military negotiation agendas in order to secure the regime in terms of the North’s strategy toward South Korea’s negotiation, thereby keeping up its path dependence. Analyzing the agendas of the North Korean military negotiations, we see that they were varied according to situations, but their objective for negotiations toward South Korea, “maintaining the North Korean system” did not change. In the early 1990s, proposals for “important military negotiations,” such as nonaggression and disarmament were mainly on the table, but they used to end up as declaratory military issues showing the characteristics of pseudo-military negotiations. However, in the early 2000s, such general military negotiations as connecting railways and roads and building military confidence were proposed and carried out to make them look like realistic negotiations, though they were still locked in the box of maintaining the regime. Therefore, the change was not in the character of the negotiations, but simply the negotiation items varied in favor of the situations in order to achieve the goal of “protecting the system.” As Thelen pointed out, the change was not targeted for the core element of maintaining the North Korean regime. Instead, the change was made in the military negotiation agendas in order to secure the regime in terms of the North’s strategy toward South Korea’s negotiation, thereby keeping up its path dependence.

선거제도의 기본원칙과 공직선거법의 개혁방안

고문현(Koh, Moon-Hyun) 한국토지공법학회 2020 土地公法硏究 Vol.90 No.-

Despite the COVID-19 emergency that hit the world, the 21st National Assembly election was completed without a hitch, and the world is paying attention to the achievements of the Republic of Korea. The ruling party, the winner of the general elections, has gained momentum to push ahead with its reform agenda based on public support, while the defeated Future United Party and others are in a panic, and the party should be reorganized by analyzing the cause of the election defeat quickly. The ruling and opposition parties should fully analyze the public s intentions in the upcoming general elections and make political reforms based on them to pave the way for a balanced Korea. Reform of the electoral system, which has been in trouble in the 21st general election, is very important and urgent. Here, the political reform tasks under the Public Official Election Act to be accomplished in the 21st National Assembly are as follows. At the heart of the reform debate are reform of the current majority-representative system in favor of the majority party, the direction of future reform on the current quasi-linked proportional representation system, improvement of the fixed-list party list system and relaxation of quorum requirements of a parliamentary negotiation body. First of all, the current majority representation system of the elected district system should be reformed and changed to a minority representation system of the mid- and large-scale constituencies. In the 21st general elections, the Yeongnam-based Future United Party and the Honam-based Democratic Party swept the region, deepening regional leanings compared to the 20th general elections. The current system of majority representation in the two major parties based in Yeongnam and Honam should be reformed to reduce the number of wasted votes and change to a minority representation system in which minorities can be elected as representatives. To this end, the Public Official Election Act should be revised in the 21st National Assembly to prepare for an institutional framework to represent the interests of minorities. Second, the direction of future reform on the current quasi-linked proportional representation system needs to be focused on curbing the emergence of satellite political parties in the semi-linked system. As a way to block the emergence of satellite parties, the proposed state election model in Germany can be adopted as an example. The Bavarian state election system, which is being linked, adopts a method of determining the seats of a political party as a result of the sum of regional and party votes. The introduction of this method will reduce the chances of the emergence of satellite political parties because it will be difficult to secure seats as expected by the parent political party that established the satellite party or the satellite political party. Third, the proportional representation parliamentary elections based on the current fixed-list party list system should be revised to a variable-list party registry system. The fixed-list party list system allows voters to vote only in favor of the party list set by the leaders of each party when preparing the proportional representation list in each party, and it cannot affect the order of proportional representation lists at all. Therefore, by exploiting these blind spots, when ranking proportional representation candidates at the head of each political party, candidates who paid more illegal contribution to the party than candidates abilities or qualities have been placed in the top ranks of the party list. Now, the government should boldly correct such abuses and adopt a variable list proportional representation system that allows voters to change all the rankings of proportional representation lists presented by political parties. If this happens, even if a candidate is placed at the top of the proportional representation list drawn up by each party, voters can push him or her to the bo 세계를 강타한 코로나 비상상황 속에서도 제21대 국회의원선거가 대과없이 마무리 되어 전세계가 대한민국의 성과에 주목하고 있다. 이번 총선의 승자인 여당은 국민의 지지를 바탕으로 개혁과제를 추진할 동력을 얻게 되었고, 패자인 미래통합당 등은 패닉상태에 휩싸여 있는데 빨리 패인을 냉철히 분석하여 당을 재정비하여 하여야 할 것이다. 여야는 이번 총선에서 나타난 민의를 충분히 분석하여 이를 토대로 정치개혁을 이루어 반듯한 대한민국의 초석을 다져주기 바란다. 이번 제21대 총선에서 문제점이 노정된 선거제도의 개혁, 특히 국회의원 선거제도의 개혁이 매우 중요하고 절실하다. 여기에서 제21대 국회에서 이루어야 할 공직선거법상의 정치개혁과제를 살펴보면 다음과 같다. 개혁 논의의 핵심은 다수당에 유리한 현행 소선구제 다수대표제의 개혁과 현행준연동형 비례제의 향후 개혁논의의 방향, 고정명부식 정당명부제의 개선방안, 원내교섭단체의 정족수 요건 완화 등이다. 먼저, 현행 소선구제 다수대표제를 개혁하여 중 대선거구제 소수대표제로 바꾸어야 한다. 이번 21대 총선에서 영남을 기반으로 하는 미래통합당과 호남을 기반으로 한 더불어민주당이 휩쓸어 20대 총선에 비하여 지역 쏠림현상이 심화되었다. 현재 영호남을 각각 기반으로 하는 양대 다수당에 유리한 현행 소선구제 다수대표제를 개혁하여 사표(死票)를 줄이고 소수자도 대표로 선출될 수 있는 중 대선거구제 소수대표제로 전환해야 한다. 이를 위하여 21대 국회에서 공직선거법을 개정하여 소수자의 이익을 대변할 수 있는 제도적 틀을 마련해야 한다. 둘째, 이른바 준연동비례대표제 관련 ‘공직선거법’ 일부개정법률안의 경우는 원안과 수정안의 차이가 더욱 심각하다. 원안의 취지와 내용을 벗어나지 않은 정도의 개정에 대한 주요내용은 선거권 연령의 18세 하향과 비례대표후보자 후보자 추천의 ‘민주적 절차’뿐이다. 또한, 비례대표 의석의 연동의 경우도 2020년 4월 15일 실시하는 제21대 국회의원 총선거만 특별히 모든 의석의 연동이 아닌 일부 의석의 연동으로 수정하였다. 이 또한 원안의 연동형비례대표제 도입의 취지를 명백히 위반하는 것이다. 현행 준연동형 비례제의 향후 개혁논의의 방향은 준연동형에서 위성정당의 출현을 억제하는데 중점을 둘 필요가 있다. 위성정당 출현을 차단하는 방안으로는 독일에서 제안된 ‘바이에른 주의회선거 모델’을 검토해볼 수 있다. 연동형을 실시하고 있는 바이에른 주의회선거제도는 지역구득표와 정당득표를 합산한 결과로 정당의 의석을 정하는 방식을 채택하고 있다. 이 방식을 도입하면 위성정당을 설립한 모(母)정당이나 위성정당이 기대한 만큼 의석을 확보하기 어렵기 때문에 위성정당의 출현 가능성이 낮아진다. 셋째, 현행 고정명부식 정당명부제에 기초한 비례대표 국회의원선거를 가변명부식 정당명부제로 개정하여야 한다. 고정명부식 정당명부제란 각 정당에서 비례대표명부를 작성할 때 각 정당의 수뇌부에서 정한 정당명부에 유권자가 단지 찬성표만 행사할 수 있는 것으로 비례대표명부의 순서에는 전혀 영향을 미칠 수 없다. 따라서 이러한 맹점을 악용하여 각 정당의 수뇌부에서 비례대표 후보의 순위를 정할 때 후보의 능력이나 자질보다는 당에 공천헌금을 많이 납부한 후보나 당수뇌부의 측근 등을 정당명부의 상위순위에 배치하여 왔다. 이제는 이러한 폐단을 과감히 시정하여 유권자가 정당에서 제시한 비례대표명부의 순위를 전부 바꿀 수 있는 가변명부식 비례대표제를 채택하여야 한다. 이렇게 된다면 각 정당이 작성한 비례대표명부에서 설령 1순위에 배치된 후보라 하더라도 유권자들이 보기에는 공천헌금을 많이 납부하거나 능력도 없이 단지 정당수뇌부의 최측근이어서 상위순위에 배치된 후보라는 이유로 비례대표명부의 최하위로 밀어낼 수가 있다. 그 결과 처음 정당 명부상에서 상위순위에 배치된 후보이더라도 최종 선거결과 동일한 순위로 남아 있을 것이라고 확신할 수가 없게 되어 공천 헌금 납부를 거부하거나 정당수뇌부에 맹목적으로 충성하는 일이 없게 될 것이다. 이렇게 되면 공천 헌금의 폐해와 측근정치의 폐해를 청산하여 선거혁명을 이룩할 수 있게 될 것이다. 넷째, 다원화된 이익을 제대로 반영할 수 있도록 현재 동일정당 소속 국회의원 20인을 요건으로 하고 있는 원내교섭단체의 정족수 요건을 대폭 완화하여 5인으로 완화하여야 한다. 현행 국회의원 20인 요건이 완화되지 않는다면 제3의 소수이익을 대변할 수 있는 정당의 출현이 용이하지 않게 되고 그 결과 민의를 충분히 반영하는 정치체제가 되기 어렵다. 이상에서 살펴본 개선사항을 중심으로 여야 정치권은 시대정신과 헌법 가치에 부합되는 선거제도의 개혁을 이루어 코로나19에 지혜롭게 대처하여 위상을 드높인

멀티 에이전트를 이용한 인터넷 채용 협상 시스템의 구현

이근수(Keunsoo Lee),윤선희(Sunhee Yoon) 한국컴퓨터정보학회 2006 韓國컴퓨터情報學會論文誌 Vol.11 No.2

본 논문은 인터넷을 이용한 채용이 보편화되어 지원자와 고용자의 채용 조건에 대한 협상이 요구되는 시점에서, 지원자와 고용자를 대신하는 협상 에이전트를 이용한 인터넷 채용 협상 시스템을 제안한다. 기존 협상 시스템이 다중 속성에 대하여 사용자의 선호도와 순차적 협상을 이용하는 것에 반하여, 제안하는 협상 시스템은 각 속성의 병렬적 협상을 수행한다. 각 속성에 대한 병렬적 협상은 단일 속성을 포함하는 다중 속성에 대한 협상을 가능하게 하며 각 속성에 대한 개별적인 협상을 통한 협상결과를 제공한다. 본 논문에서는 사용자의 선호도에 따른 가중치를 적용함으로써 보다 효율적인 협상을 제공한다는 것을 실험을 통하여 우수한 결과를 얻었다. These day, Internet Recruiting needs negotiation of recruiting items. So in this paper, Internet Recruiting Negotiation System(IRNS) proposes multilateral negotiation that substitutes applicants and employers. Previous NSS uses preference value of multi-attribute and sequential negotiation. But proposed IRNS uses parallel negotiation of multi-attribute. parallel negotiation supplies multi-attribute negotiation including single-attribute and results of parallel negotiation. This paper proposes effective negotiation using weight strategy of multi-attribute.

북∙중 헌법과 정당체제에 대한 비교론적 연구 - 체제비교론적 관점에서의 북한체제 및 권력구조의 변화 -

백근현,강수진 육군군사연구소 2017 군사연구 Vol.- No.143

Democratic People's Republic of Korea has a pre-modern political system and ran by successive one-party national system which resembles a dynastic system. Therefore, this article, to verify North Korean regime as an one-party national system, comparatively analyze North Korean labor party and Chinese Communist party, and North Korean Constitution and Chinese one respectively. In conclusion, this article suggests directions for reform of North Korean regime and power structure in near future. North Korea and China, being political alliance for a long period of time, shares a same system where only one party rules the whole nation. However, despite they seem to have the same polity, internally, they are walking different path. In other words, North Korean regime, being autocratic nation, has established a system for dynastic succession of power based on political ideas including Kim Ilsung's self-reliance ideology and sage king ideology. China, through 1982's constitutional amendment, changed the paradigm from communist party-led national administration to nation-led constitutional state as a new nation. Therefore, unlike the past, North Korea-Sino relationship should be newly established. The basic background why these phenomenons appear follows: North Korea and China were established during late 19 century when Joseon and Qing dynasty, pre-modern nations, came to an end. And also, imperialism prevailed at that time in North East Asia intensifying internal and external chaos. First, under political slogan of establishment of socialism based on Marxism and Leninism, Joseon labor party and Chinese Communist party were organized. And later, these two parties established DPRK and PRC respectively. North Korea's Kim Il Sung and China's Mao, using Armed Forces' power, advocated one-party's dictatorship based on ideologies from Marxism-Leninism. And they tried to construct one-person autocratic system, them being most powerful. Mao Zedong, through cultural revolution, attempted to be the only one who rules the nation but failed due to peculiar political characteristics such as Multi-party cooperation system and Democratic Centralism. However, Kim Il Sung purged his enemies since the organization of the party and succeeded in being the only power. And witnessing what happened after Stalin's and Mao's death, determined he should descend his power to his offsprings. In conclusion, unless there is an invasion from the outside or external plan that would induce collapse of the system, North Korea would maintain the one-party national system coping with external situation. The reason is that, as seen from the changes of power structure in North Kroean Constitution, North Korea has a homeostatic tendency. Therefore, North Korea would find new paths, externally resetting NK-Sino relationship and internally reforming power structure to the extent they can handle. However, separating labor party from nation like China or transferring power from Kim's family to a group-leading system where Kim's relatives or meritorious retainers have power, to overcome systematical paradox within NK, would cause collapse of present system. So, the possibility would be extremely low. Nevertheless, NK needs new political system for their survival in preparation of impending threats. Kim Jung Eun, North Korea's leader, is attempting to transform North Korean national system from 'emergent national system' to 'normal national system'. As a part of this movement, he abolished national defence committee and reformed it to a state council. The factors that gave rise to these changes are economic system and culture of capitalism which are threatening North Korean regime. Therefore, policy toward North Korea should actively use first-hand and second-hand access strategy that would induce North Korea to slowly walk the same path of China while admitting their system. 조선민주주의인민공화국은 전근대적인 정치체제로써 왕조체제를 연상케 하는 세습적 당국가체제의 국가이다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 북한체제가 세습적 당국가체제로서 이를 검증하기 위하여 외재적 접근으로 조선노동당과 중국공산당 그리고 북한헌법과 중국헌법을 비교분석하여 향후 북한체제와 권력구조 변화의 방향성을 논하였다. 북한과 중국은 오랜 기간 정치적 동맹을 함께 해온 유일당의 일당국가체제임에도 불구하고, 외부적으로는 맥을 같이하면서도 내부적으로는 서로 다른 길을 걷고 있다. 다시 말해서, 북한체제는 수령체제로서 김일성 주체사상과 선군정치라는 정치사상적 기반을 토대로 권력세습을 통한 왕조적 권력을 구축하여 왔으나, 중국은 1982년 헌법 개정을 통하여 공산당 주도의 국정운영에서 국가가 주도하는 법치우선의 새로운 국가운영으로 패러다임이 변화하였다. 따라서 북·중 관계는 과거와 달리 상호관계 재설정의 필요성이 대두되고 있다. 북·중 관계에서 이러한 현상이 나타나게 된 근본 배경을 화이부동의 개념 하에서 살펴보면 다음과 같다. 북·중은 19세기말 전근대국가였던 조선과 청나라의 멸망 그리고 동북아에서 제국주의가 발호하여 내외적인 혼란이 가중되는 시기에 태생된 정치체제이다. 양 정치체제는 정치 이념적으로 마르크스와 레닌주의에 입각한 사회주의 건설이라는 정치적 슬로건 아래 먼저 조선노동당과 중국공산당이 창당되었으며, 이들 정당이 주축이 되어 조선민주주의인민공화국과 중화인민공화국을 창건하였다. 북한의 김일성과 중국의 모택동은 군대의 힘을 이용하여 마르크스-레닌주의를 사상적 기초로 한 유일당의 독재를 주창하면서 최고 권력자로서 1인 지배체제를 구축하고자 하였다. 모택동은 문화혁명을 통한 유일적 1인 지배를 시도하였으나 다당합작제와 민주집중제라는 독특한 정치시스템의 속성으로 인하여 불가능하게 되었다. 그러나 김일성은 창당 초기부터 정적을 숙청함으로서 1인 독재 수령체제를 구축하고 스탈린과 모택동의 사후를 보면서 자신의 적통자에게 권력을 계승해야한다는 생각을 갖게 되었다. 결론적으로 북한은 외부의 침략이나 체제붕괴를 유도하는 외부적인 책략이 없는 한 주변상황에 대응하면서 세습적 당국가체제형태로 체제의 지속성을 유지 할 것이다. 그러한 이유는 북한헌법 상 권력구조의 변화과정에서도 나타났듯이 조직의 항상성을 유지하려는 경향이 보이고 있다.1) 따라서 북한은 대외적으로는 중국과의 관계재설정과 내부적으로 통제 가능한 범위 내에서 권력구조의 변화를 꾀하면서 새로운 방향으로의 변화를 모색할 것이다. 그러나 북한이 안고 있는 구조적 모순을 극복하기 위하여 당국가체제하에서 중국과 같이 당이 국가로부터 분리되거나, 김일성 가계중심에서 척신세력 또는 공신세력 중심의 집단지도체제로의 방향 전환은 체제 붕괴를 의미하므로 거의 그렇게 변할 확률은 희박하다고 보아야 한다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 북한체제는 가까운 미래에 닥칠 위협에 대비하여 그들의 생존을 위한 새로운 정치시스템을 필요로 하고 있다. 북한의 김정은은 국방위원회를 폐지하고 국무위원회로 개편하는 등 ‘비상국가체제’가 아닌 ‘정상국가체제’로 변화를 꾀하고 있다.2) 이러한 변화를 견인하는 요소가 바로 북한체제를 위협하는 자본주의적 경제체제와 문화라고 할 것이다. 따라서 ...

자치경찰제 도입에 대한 차기정부의 과제 -자치경찰제 도입실패를 중심으로-

이승철 ( Seung Chal Lee ) 한국경찰학회 2012 한국경찰학회보 Vol.14 No.5

자치경찰제의 도입에 대한 논의는 지속적으로 추진되었지만 전국적인 자치경찰제의 도입은 아직 되지 않고 있다. 자치경찰제는 지방자치 및 지방방분권화의 측면에서 매우 중요한 사안임에도 불구하고 도입에 대한 지속적인 실패는 지방자치를 발전시키는데 커다란 문제점으로 되고 있다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 자치경찰제 도입을 위하여 각 정부에서 추진되어 온 자치경찰제의 도입실패 살펴보고 이를 기초로 차기정부에서 자치경찰제 도입에 대한 정책적 시사점을 제공하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 자치경찰제 도입이 정책의 우선적과제가 되어야 한다. 지방분권을 구체적으로 실현할 수 있는 중요한 정책 중의 하나가 자치경찰제 도입임을 인식하고 자치경찰제 도입을 정책의 우선과제로 인식해야하고 추진해야 한다. 둘째, 자치경찰제 도입을 위한 대통령의 확고한 의지와 협상력의 강화이다. 자치경찰제 도입을 위해서 대통령은 확고한 의지를 가지고 지속적인 정책을 추진해야 한다. 이를 위해서는 수사권 독립 및 지방행정체제개편의 정책은 자치경찰제 도입과 구분하여 접근해야 할 것이다. 또한 자치경찰 제도입과 관련한 각각 정책참여자(국가경찰, 정부, 여당, 국회, 자치단체장)들과의 협상능력을 강화해야 한다. 셋째, 자치경찰제 도입을 위한 보다 정교한 모형 설계가 필요하다. 도입단위와 관련한 정책참여자(국회의원, 자치단체장, 국가경찰)간 예산 및 인사와 관련하여(중앙정부, 지방정부)간 등을 신중히 고려하여 보다 정교한 자치경찰제 도입안을 수립해야 한다. Korea must introduce self-governing police system in the aspect of promoting inhabitants` responses and securing public order services as well as coming true regional decentralization. So, this study presents some political implications on self-governing police system introduction at the next government through the failure cases of the past governments` introduction helpful to the self-governing police system introduction. First, self-police system introduction must be the major subject. Korea must recognize that one of the important polices for coming true regional right division concretely is self-governing police system introduction and must promote self-governing police system. Second, the president must strengthen the wills and negotiation abilities to introduce self-governing police system. The president must promote police continuously with firm wills to introduce the system. The independence of investigation rights and the reversion policy of local administration system must be discriminated from the self-governing police system introduction. The negotiation ability must be strengthened, with policy participants (national police, governing party, national assembly, self-governing body chief), related with self-governing policy system introduction. Third, a plan of exquisite models is essential to self-governing police system introduction. Concerning on introduction units, participants in policies (national assembly member, self-governing body, national policy) must establish an exquisite plan for self-governing police system about assets and personnels. The self-governing police system introduction was discussed on for a long time comparatively, but recently the government makes an effort to carry out introduced self-governing police system. All of the participants sympathize the recognition on the necessity of the system introduction, but there are sharp conflicts on how to introduce the system, because it is related to organization reduction and enlargement. The participants in policies must convert their recognitions to access it in view of organizations and inhabitants about self-governing systems.

북한의 대남 협상전술과 주요 협상가

최대석,정영철,장인숙 평화문제연구소 2007 統一問題硏究 Vol.19 No.2

A lot of negotiations are going forward between South and North Korea. At same time, many negotiators of North Korea are coming out. They are under arms with ideology and have an ability to change their mind to get profit practically. At the negotiation, North Korea makes proposals continuously that we are unpredictable, thus the partners are easy to lose a will to negotiate with North Korea. This is the root of North``s negotiation tactics and the source of misunderstanding North Korea``s negotiators. We will have more negotiations with North Korea in the near future, and then we will come in contact with more negotiators. North Korean negotiators are to be trained in system. Also, they have specialities. Recently new generation, the young negotiators have been coming out. This paper is to analyze the negotiation tactics and negotiators of North Korea since 2000 summit meeting. We are expected to have more negotiations with North Korea. Therefore, We should improve our negotiation abilities to confront North``s negotiators efficiently and practically.

電子登錄 株式의 保有에 대한 檢討

오길영 한국상사법학회 2008 商事法硏究 Vol.27 No.2

The concept of stocks was a legal system to embody intangible properties on a certificate of their rights and to make it easy to use or exchange the rights. In other words, it was a physical certificate which not only made itself to have a unique legal character that was separate from it's rights but also made itself having it's own rules different from the rules of obligations. As the use of stocks increased, people began to deal with enormous amounts of stocks. Thus instead of signing the stock itself they started to use a special register and registered the owner for the exchange of stock or stocks. Through the register system, the original stock system which needed to be held and delivered physically became less important, and registering the owners name on the register had the importance for delivering stocks. That made to bring amendments of the original stock system. But the important issue was that the rights which had to be registered were not the obligatory rights which was in the prior stage of the stock itself, instead the stocks rights itself and that for these reasons it needed to be bound by the legal character of stocks. The academia solved this problem by making a legal theory that the stocks could be in bailment based on the concept of tenants in common. It focuses on several legal mechanisms; the one who have a possessory right of stock, is not the owner but the custodian, and as the method of conferring possessory right to owners, constructed tenants in common mechanism is used. So each owner only have his or her pro rata property interest on the stock. Not only the owner could receive the material rights but he or she could obtain the stock itself, and the owner was protected by the register so that the registered person had the same rights as a true stock holder. Moreover even when the stock holder didn't have his or her own stock certificate, he or she could easily circulate its rights. But the nowadays the electronic stage made the detour process quite difficult. Electronic stocks has in its word 'electronic', which means its material does not exist. Which means a stock without certificate can be brought up in the stock market. Whereas a certificate is the tool for embodying the rights in the stocks, electronic stocks erased the embodied substance for multi and mass transfers of stocks in order to make the market a highly utilized system. While in the existing legal characteristics rights as a shareholder and the rights for the stock certificate was clearly differenciated for its realistic and symbolized existence, in the characteristics of electronic stocks both rights are not easy to divide be cause of the non-existence of the physical certificate. So a difficult question has been brought about the legal theory asking whether the stock without certificate could be in bailment based on the concept of tenants in common. Moreover, when the electronic stocks is used for exchange, its legal process and status are another problem. This thesis presents the problems that are laid in front of us, and brings the matters to an appropriate solution. The concept of stocks was a legal system to embody intangible properties on a certificate of their rights and to make it easy to use or exchange the rights. In other words, it was a physical certificate which not only made itself to have a unique legal character that was separate from it's rights but also made itself having it's own rules different from the rules of obligations. As the use of stocks increased, people began to deal with enormous amounts of stocks. Thus instead of signing the stock itself they started to use a special register and registered the owner for the exchange of stock or stocks. Through the register system, the original stock system which needed to be held and delivered physically became less important, and registering the owners name on the register had the importance for delivering stocks. That made to bring amendments of the original stock system. But the important issue was that the rights which had to be registered were not the obligatory rights which was in the prior stage of the stock itself, instead the stocks rights itself and that for these reasons it needed to be bound by the legal character of stocks. The academia solved this problem by making a legal theory that the stocks could be in bailment based on the concept of tenants in common. It focuses on several legal mechanisms; the one who have a possessory right of stock, is not the owner but the custodian, and as the method of conferring possessory right to owners, constructed tenants in common mechanism is used. So each owner only have his or her pro rata property interest on the stock. Not only the owner could receive the material rights but he or she could obtain the stock itself, and the owner was protected by the register so that the registered person had the same rights as a true stock holder. Moreover even when the stock holder didn't have his or her own stock certificate, he or she could easily circulate its rights. But the nowadays the electronic stage made the detour process quite difficult. Electronic stocks has in its word 'electronic', which means its material does not exist. Which means a stock without certificate can be brought up in the stock market. Whereas a certificate is the tool for embodying the rights in the stocks, electronic stocks erased the embodied substance for multi and mass transfers of stocks in order to make the market a highly utilized system. While in the existing legal characteristics rights as a shareholder and the rights for the stock certificate was clearly differenciated for its realistic and symbolized existence, in the characteristics of electronic stocks both rights are not easy to divide be cause of the non-existence of the physical certificate. So a difficult question has been brought about the legal theory asking whether the stock without certificate could be in bailment based on the concept of tenants in common. Moreover, when the electronic stocks is used for exchange, its legal process and status are another problem. This thesis presents the problems that are laid in front of us, and brings the matters to an appropriate solution.

Path Dependence In North Korean Military Negotiation Agendas

( Misook Lee ) 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 2018 Journal of peace and unification Vol.8 No.1

Analyzing the agendas of the North Korean military negotiations, we see that they were varied according to situations, but their objective for negotiations toward South Korea, “maintaining the North Korean system” did not change. In the early 1990s, proposals for “important military negotiations,” such as nonaggression and disarmament were mainly on the table, but they used to end up as declaratory military issues showing the characteristics of pseudo-military negotiations. However, in the early 2000s, such general military negotiations as connecting railways and roads and building military confidence were proposed and carried out to make them look like realistic negotiations, though they were still locked in the box of maintaining the regime. Therefore, the change was not in the character of the negotiations, but simply the negotiation items varied in favor of the situations in order to achieve the goal of “protecting the system.” As Thelen pointed out, the change was not targeted for the core element of maintaining the North Korean regime. Instead, the change was made in the military negotiation agendas in order to secure the regime in terms of the North’s strategy toward South Korea’s negotiation, thereby keeping up its path dependence.