班固(32~92)의 匈奴 문제 대응과 그 영향

정재훈 중앙아시아학회 2022 中央아시아硏究 Vol.27 No.1

In 48, the North-South division of the Xiongnu greatly reduced the threat to Han dynasty(漢朝). The Han Dynasty tried to maintain its superiority by using the Southern Xiongnu(南匈奴) to keep the Northern Xiongnu(北匈奴) in check. In response, isolated Northern Xiongnu actively negotiated to overcome this situation. However, since then, the relationship has not been maintained as conflicts with Northern Xiongnu began in earnest. Ban Gu(班固) compiled a history book, Han Shu(漢書), as a family business. He also went further and participated in the Northern Expedition to actively solve the Xiongnu issue. Ban Gu focused on solving the Xiongnu problem and wrote the Biology of Xiongnu, and supplemented the contents by accepting Sima Qian(司馬遷)'s records, Shi ji(史記), as they were. In addition, he tried to edit the contents by focusing on the establishment of measures to suppress the Xiongnu in his writings. This was different from Sima Qian, who tried to objectively describe the Xiongnu and provide accurate information. Ban Gu defined the Xiongnu as a ‘barbarian’ and tried to control them loosely(羈縻), emphasizing their differences from the position of disparaging them. This perception and response to Ban Gu's Xiongnu also had a great influence on Fan Ye(范曄) who later recorded the Southern Xiongnu as an example, and this was further strengthened afterwards. This was a natural result of the stronger confrontation with the Xiongnu and eventually being ruled by them. It should be noted that, contrary to this negative position, the record of Sima Qian tried to provide objective information. This shows the difference between the two recorders and allows them to compare the characteristics of the two records. Considering the characteristics of these records, it is necessary to study the history of Xiongnu in the future.

정치적 수사의 완성작, <兩都賦> — 洛邑을 노래하여 예의를 설득하다 —

염정삼 중국어문학회 2017 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.60

Wenxuan(文選) is a selection of various pieces of Chinese literary works from the Warring States period to the Liang dynasty. It contains 761 pieces grouped into 37 categories, compiled in the 6th century by the Crown Prince of Liang dynasty, Xiao Tong and other scholars. Positioned in the first category in the collection, and considered as the “remarkably representative selection of major works,” fu(賦, rhapsodies) writings became exampla in itself literal meaning Wen(文), being widely read and practiced in the East Asian culture. Fu section begins with pieces describing and arguing for the ancient Chinese cities (which we call “City Fu”), such as Ban Gu’s Liangdufu(兩都賦, Fu on the Two Capitals), and Zhang Heng’s Erjingfu(二京賦, Fu on the Two Metropolises). This paper is focusing on the such “City Fu” writings, exploring the nature of the rhetoric developed with these rich, complex texts and clarifying the values of cities that imaginary dialogues of Liangdufu argues for; it will then analyze the rhetorical devices and structures for those arguments. At the same time, it raises the issue of the original purposes for which this text was written, for it could be the showcase work presented to seek for the royal acknowledgment and fame. In this way, our study aims at an elaborate analysis of the work and also tracing the tradition of rhetoric embedded in this highly representative literary genre, Fu. What Ban Gu tried to inherit was the concept of ritual禮儀 rooted in Xunzi荀子 of Zhanguo戰國 period and the literary expressiveness of Fu writers from Former Han. In other words, during the early years of Latter Han Ban Gu used fu as a way to convey the theory of Wenci文辭, started in Zhanguo period, for Latter Han dynasty’s Emperors. Ban Gu used Fu as a literary genre to recite the history, background and structures of a city that abides to the rules of ritual禮儀, describing it in a beautiful, detailed yet useful way. The initiative here was to suggest an answer to how a ruler with high morals should build a city and how such a city should be described in literature. Through Liangdufu, Ban Gu completed a balanced Wenci文辭 of ethics and literature that was demanded by in his time.

정치적 수사의 완성작, <양도부(兩都賦)> - 낙읍(洛邑)을 노래하여 예의를 설득하다 -

염정삼 중국어문학회 2017 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.60

Wenxuan(文選) is a selection of various pieces of Chinese literary works from the Warring States period to the Liang dynasty. It contains 761 pieces grouped into 37 categories, compiled in the 6th century by the Crown Prince of Liang dynasty, Xiao Tong and other scholars. Positioned in the first category in the collection, and considered as the “remarkably representative selection of major works,” fu(賦, rhapsodies) writings became exampla in itself literal meaning Wen(文), being widely read and practiced in the East Asian culture. Fu section begins with pieces describing and arguing for the ancient Chinese cities (which we call “City Fu”), such as Ban Gu`s Liangdufu(兩都賦, Fu on the Two Capitals), and Zhang Heng`s Erjingfu(二京賦, Fu on the Two Metropolises). This paper is focusing on the such “City Fu” writings, exploring the nature of the rhetoric developed with these rich, complex texts and clarifying the values of cities that imaginary dialogues of Liangdufu argues for; it will then analyze the rhetorical devices and structures for those arguments. At the same time, it raises the issue of the original purposes for which this text was written, for it could be the showcase work presented to seek for the royal acknowledgment and fame. In this way, our study aims at an elaborate analysis of the work and also tracing the tradition of rhetoric embedded in this highly representative literary genre, Fu. What Ban Gu tried to inherit was the concept of ritual禮儀 rooted in Xunzi荀子 of Zhanguo戰國 period and the literary expressiveness of Fu writers from Former Han. In other words, during the early years of Latter Han Ban Gu used fu as a way to convey the theory of Wenci文辭, started in Zhanguo period, for Latter Han dynasty`s Emperors. Ban Gu used Fu as a literary genre to recite the history, background and structures of a city that abides to the rules of ritual禮儀, describing it in a beautiful, detailed yet useful way. The initiative here was to suggest an answer to how a ruler with high morals should build a city and how such a city should be described in literature. Through Liangdufu, Ban Gu completed a balanced Wenci文辭 of ethics and literature that was demanded by in his time.

“先黃老後六經”설을 통해서 본 司馬遷의 黃老思想 수용양상 ― 「老子韓非列傳」‧「孟子荀卿列傳」‧「儒林列傳」을 심으로

김원중 한중인문학회 2019 한중인문학연구 Vol.65 No.-

Ban Gu (班固), a major Confucian historian, compiled the biography of Sima Qian, adding a lengthy appraisal on Sima Qian in his Hanshu (History of the Former Han). Ban Gu’s writing of “Huanglao Comes Before the Six Books (先黃老後六經)” expressed his judgment on Sima Qian’s writing perspectives and ideas. This paper argues that examining a Taoist tradition called “Huanglao” is essential to understand the meaning of “Huanglao Comes Before the Six Books” and the interrelation of Sima Qian’s and Ban Gu’s writing perspectives. This paper shows Sima Qian’s acceptance of the idea of the Huanglao School focusing on the “Biographies of Laozi and Han Feizi” (老子韓非列傳) and “Biographies of Mencius and Xun Qing” (孟子荀卿列傳) and “Biographies of Confucian Scholars” (儒林列傳) in Shiji (Historical Records). By examining the validity of Ban Gu’s idea on “Huanglao Comes Before the Six Books,” this paper shows Sima Qian’s acceptance of the Huanglao School makes his work different than the official historical record in terms of writing perspectives. 유가적 입장의 역사가 班固는 『漢書』에 司馬遷의 傳記를 긴 편폭으로 수록하고 맨 마지막에 장문의 贊을 붙이면서 “先黃老而後六經”이라고 하여 『史記』의 사상과 서술시각을 평가하였다. 본고에서 필자는 “先黃老後六經”설에 대한 숨겨진 사상적 연원이나 사마천의 서술시각 등이 매우 복합적이라는 점을 간과할 수 없다는 인식하에, 이 설의 심층적 파악을 위해서는 황로사상의 맥락을 핵심 논의의 대상으로 삼아야 한다고 판단하여 반고의 시각과 사마천 관점의 상호관계에 주목하였다. 이 점은 사마천을 황로 우선과 경전 홀시라는 관점에서 평가절하할 수 없다는 이유가 될 것이지만, 근본적으로 황로사상과의 연관성을 부인할 수는 없다는 취지다. 사마천은 도가와 법가, 유가 사상의 근원적 맥락을 황로 사상과 연계시킴으로써 본인의 서술시각을 분명하게 보여주고 있다. 특히 본고는 사마천의 황로사상 수용양상을 「老子韓非列傳」, 「孟子荀卿列傳」과 「儒林列傳」를 통해 입증하고자 하였으며, 반고의 “先黃老後六經”설의 타당성 여부를 검토해 봄으로써 사마천의 황로사상 수용이 다른 정사와 차원이 다른 서술시각으로 확충되어 연계되었다는 점을 재인식하게 되는 결론을 도출하고자 했으며, 그 주된 근거로 도가, 법가, 유가의 주요 편명인 세 편을 선정하여 고찰한 것에 의의를 두고 있다.

班固评屈 “露才扬己” 说当为贾逵语

汤,洪(Tang Hong) 한양대학교 수행인문학연구소 2008 수행인문학 Vol.38 No.2

Among a variety of critical assessments of Qu Yuan by writers in the Han period, one of the principal critique is produced by Ban Gu His high appraisal of the ancient poet as the poet of ‘lu cai yang qi’ (露才揚氣), deriving from the viewpoint of Confucianism, was in effect acknowledged as the mainstream of literary criticism on Qu Yuan for Han critics and writers. This paper tries a comparative analysis between Ban Gu’s two texts, Li Sao Xu (『離騷序』) and Li Sao Zan Xu (『離騷贊序』), by reference both to the corrections by Wang Yi in his Li S;/O Hou Xu (『離騷後敍』) which is in turn cited in Hong Xin Zu’s Chu Ci Bu Zhu (『楚辭補注』) and to a question Hong Xin Zu raises as he denies of Ban Gu as the designer of the phrase ‘lu cai yang qi’ My decision that the phrasal critique was originated by Jia Da is made, along with considering Jia Dais academic tendency and literary career, on the basis of an analytic comparison of the words from the extant version of Li Sao Xu with those cited in “Bian Sao” (“辨騷”) part in Liu Xie’s Wen Xin Diao Long (『文心彫龍』).

고려 이규보와 후한 반고의 부 비교 연구

위샤오징 중앙어문학회 2022 語文論集 Vol.90 No.-

Rhyme prose, an ancient Chinese style of poetry, has the characteristics of both poetry and prose. Rhyme prose, started in the pre-Qin period and prospered in the Han Dynasty. Since ancient times, the Korean Peninsula and China have shared close relations in politics, economy, society, and culture. Therefore, the Korean rhyme prose is also influenced by Chinese rhyme prose. Lee Gyu-bo, a literatus in the mid-Goryeo period, was rated as a highly accomplished scholar in literary creation. Similarly, Ban Gu, a literatus who live during the late Eastern Han Dynasty, had high literary quality and numerous achievements. From the perspective of literary history, this article conducts a comparative analysis of Lee Gyu-bo’s rhyme prose and Ban Gu’s rhyme prose. First, this paper will describe in detail the research purpose. Then, it will clarify the research conditions. Finally, it will discuss the similarities and differences between their rhyme prose in the aspects of forms, ideology, and literature expression. This article, therefore, makes a comparative study of all aspects of Lee Gyu-bo and Ban Gu’s rhyme prose to explore their similarities and differences. This study can help us attain a richer understanding of their rhyme prose works. 부는 중국 고대의 문체 중의 하나로, 시와 산문 사이의 성격을 갖고 있다. 선진(先秦) 시대에 처음 시작되었지만, 양한(兩漢)에서 흥성한다. 중국은 예로부터 한반도와 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화적으로 가깝게 지내면서 문학분야 교류 또한 활발하였다. 그래서 한국의 부문학도 중국 부 문학의 영향을 받았다. 이규보(李奎報)는 고려 중기의 문인으로 문학 창작 수준이 매우 높은 것으로 평가된다. 반고(班固)는 후한(後漢) 전기의 문인으로서 문학적 소양과 성과가 매우 높다. 본고에서는문학사적 관점에서 이규보의 부와 반고의 부를 고찰하였다. 우선 연구 목적에 대해 언급했다. 다음으로 부의 연구 현황을 명확히 하였다. 마지막으로 이규보와 반고의 부 작품은 체재, 사상성, 문학적 표현 기법의 세 가지 측면에서 유사점과 차이점을 논한다. 이 글은 이규보와 반고의 부에 대하여 각 측면에 대한 비교연구를 통해 그들 사이의 유사점과 차이점을 분석함으로써, 이규보와 반고의 부 작품을 깊이 있게 이해하고자 한다.

班固:地域文化視角下的《詩經》“風詩” 解讀

趙東栓(Zhao Dongshuan) 동아인문학회 2013 동아인문학 Vol.26 No.-

This article discusses the issue that Ban Gu interpreted “Feng Poems” in The Book of Songs from the regional culture perspective. Ban Gu’s opinions are as follows: physic-geographical environment influences the regional population’s character and custom; the emotions and desires of the rulers influence the regional population’s values and behavioral approaches leading to the formation of regional culture and custom; historical relics of regional culture influence the folk custom of the region; the adjacency of regions and cultures results in one region or culture’s being permeated by the adjacent population’s culture. Just from this perspective, Ban Gu interpreted and analyzed some of the works in “Feng Poems” in The Book of Songs and the regional culture features in which these works being created.

17세기 전반 호서대동법의 성립배경 -權盼(1564∼1631)의 활동을 중심으로-

최주희 한국실학학회 2019 한국실학연구 Vol.0 No.37

Gweon Ban(權盼), who served as the Gwanchal-sa magistrate for the Chungcheong-do province during King Injo’s reign, created the first draft of 『Hoseo Daedong Samok(湖西大同事目, Plan for the Daedong-beob law application in the Hoseo region)』, and laid the groundwork for Kim Yuk(金堉), who ultimately launched the Daedong-beob law in the Chungcheong-do province. This draft he created was a product of brainstorming which coincided with all kinds of troubles the “Samdo (Three Provinces) Daedong-beob” law was going through during Injo’s reign. Kim Yuk carefully reviewed Gweon Ban’s draft, and strongly recommended to the government to initiate the Hoseo Daedong-beob law. Included in Gweon’s draft was a comprehensive platform for Daedong taxation named “Gongmul Sangjeong-an(貢物詳定案, List of Items to be collected as Local tributes),” which was a modified version of a taxation plan involving the Chungcheong-do province’s general tribute items(貢物) and labor fees(役價), that had been in disarray since the Imjin Wae’ran war.․What should be noted is the fact that the plan intended to have several kinds of miscellaneous taxes, such as tributes for the royal family, the Warship Cost Tax(“Jeonseon-ga, 戰船價”) and ordinary local administrative costs[官需], be absorbed into the Daedong tax. This was an attempt to address previous criticism of Samdo Daedong-beob actually being ‘Half-Daedong(“半大同”)’ in its execution. Of course, the Daedong tax for each Gyeol unit was established relatively low, but the Daedong tax to be collected was divided into two brackets: the group to be transferred to central (after collection), and the group to remain for local authorities’ needs. After all, it was a reasonable compromise for local finance too. In that regard, Gweon Ban’s draft indeed served as the foundation for the final version of 『Hoseo Daedong Samok』. 권반은 양촌 權近(1352∼1409)의 후손이자 尹國馨(1543∼1611)의 사위로 초입사 과정부터 조정에서 주목받는 인재였다. 임진왜란 직후 대명사신의 잦은 방문에 긴밀히 대응하고 후금의 성장에 따른 군사 방어와 외교적 조율을 병행해야 하는 상황에서 권반은 문장과 실무를 두루 갖춘 인물로 일찍부터 주목받았다. 이에 선조 28년(1595) 문과에 급제한 이후 중앙의 청요직 뿐 아니라 안주목사, 대동찰방, 강화부사, 함경감사 등 군사․외교의 요충지에 부임하여 민감한 현안을 주도적으로 처리하였다. 광해군대에는 안주성을 개축하는 일에 실무를 담당하였으며, 대동찰방에 임명되어 칙사를 응접하고 위법을 견제하는 역할을 담당하기도 하였다. 또한 자신의 본향인 경상도에 감사로 재직할 당시에는 『기효신서』에 근거해 군병의 모집과 훈련을 강조하였으며, 사대동을 시행하여 공납의 부담을 덜어주었다. 이때의 경험은 후에 호서대동법의 초안을 작성하는 계기가 되었을 것으로 생각된다. 그러나 인조반정 이후 호조참판직을 유지하며 李元翼(1547∼1634), 李曙(1580∼1637) 등과 공물변통안을 논의하고 삼도대동법의 실무를 맡았음에도 불구하고 광해군대 폐모론에 참여한 혐의로 관직 승진에 부담을 느끼면서 여러 차례 체직을 청하였다. 이로 인해 인조 3년(1625) 삼도대동법이 폐지된 후로는 대동법의 후속 논의를 이끄는 데 주도하지 못하였다. 대신 강화부사와 함경감사, 충청감사 등 외관직에 부임하며 주로 산성 보수와 군비 확충, 군적 정리 등에 주력하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 권반에 대한 후대의 기억은 호서대동법의 초안을 만듦으로써 훗날 金堉(1580∼1658)이 호서대동법을 중앙에 발의할 수 있도록 한 장본인으로 기억되고 있다. 권반이 작성한 문적은 단지 중앙의 공물가를 토지 1결당 면포 1필, 쌀 2두로 전환하는 변통안이 아니었다. 그것은 삼도대동법의 좌절을 겪으며 치밀하게 고민하여 만든 대안이었다. 권반의 문적에는 도 단위이기는 하지만 대동법 시행 전 반드시 고려되어야 하는 공물상정안이 담겼으며, 이는 임진왜란 이후 충청도에 무분별하게 징수되던 각종 공물․역가를 현실화한 것이었다. 권반은 여기서 그치지 않고 왕실진상과 전선가, 지방관수 등 지방의 각종 잡역가를 대동세에 포함시킴으로써 삼도대동법 시행기 반대동에 따른 백성들의 불편을 해소하고자 하였다. 비록 결당 수취하는 대동세가 다소 적게 책정되었다고는 하지만, 대동미를 경상납분과 대동유치분으로 나누어 지방재정을 현실화 한 호서대동법의 성립 배경을 권반에게서 찾는 것은 큰 무리는 아닐 것이다.

공감에서 비난으로–史漢 佞倖傳 비교

양중석 한국중국어문학회 2024 中國文學 Vol.120 No.-

황제에게 총애받은 男寵들의 기록인 〈영행전〉은 正史의 단골 소재였다. 전통시기의 문인들은 영행을 악인으로 규정하고 害惡을 폭로하며 비난했다. 최초로 영행을 기록한 사마천은 영행을 비난하기보다는 그들의 처지에 대해 공감하고 동정했다. 반면 반고는 영행을 노골적으로 비난하며 그들의 악행을 강조한다. 사마천이 영행의 불행한 결말을 불가항력의 외부 상황에서 기인한 것으로 보았다면, 반고는 그들이 자초한 악행으로 평가했다. 이를 두고 《사기》와 《한서》를 비교하며 사마천의 기술을 객관적이라고 평가할 수는 없다. 반고가 영행의 장점을 감추고 악행을 강조했듯이, 사마천도 영행에 대한 동정을 끌어내기 위해 사실을 감췄다. 차이가 발생한 원인은 두 작자의 서로 다른 지향점 때문이지, 객관과 주관의 문제로 보기는 어렵다. Ningxingzhuan, a record of flatterer who favored by the emperor, was a regular subject in authentic history. Many writers defined them as evil people, exposed and criticized them for their misdeeds. Sima Qian's position, which was the first to record his life, is more of a sympathy for their situation than a criticism of him. On the other hand, Ban Gu explicitly criticizes the perpetrators and emphasizes their misdeeds. Sima Qian thought their unfortunate ending was due to the external situation of force majeure. But Bangu considered it as a self-inflicted evil act. The reason for the difference is that their aim were different.

南冥 曺植의 도덕 교육에 관한 硏究

이상호 한국윤리교육학회 2021 윤리교육연구 Vol.- No.60

남명 조식은 한국 유학사에 성공한 교육자 중 한 사람으로 평가받는 다. 교육자로서 성공한 배경에는 효과적인 교육 방법이 있었기 때문이 다. 현행 도덕 교육의 문제점으로는 도덕적 실천의 부족, 학생 개인차 를 고려한 체계적인 인성 교육의 필요성 제기, 사회적 지탄을 받고 있 는 교사의 비윤리적인 행위와 교육자로서 품위 결손 등을 들 수 있다. 현행 도덕 교육의 문제점을 해결할 수 있는 단초로 남명 조식의 교육 방법에 대한 진지한 검토와 성찰이 필요하다. 남명이 중시했던 교육 방법으로는 반구자득(反求自得), 실천궁행(實踐躬行), 개인의 자질과 개 성을 고려한 교육을 들 수 있다. 남명은 제자들이 스승에게만 의지하 지 않고 자신을 돌이켜 답을 구하고 스스로 진리를 터득하도록 하는 反求自得의 교육 방법을 실시했다. 실천궁행(實踐躬行)은 직접 행동하고 몸소 실천한다는 말이다. 진리도 실생활 속에 몸소 실천할 때 이루 어진다. 남명은 경(敬) 수양을 통해 본마음이 항상 또렷이 깨어 있도록 내면을 밝게 했으며, 의리를 실천하는 데 물이 만 길 절벽으로 내리쏟 듯이 방정하게 행동하고 실천했다. 남명의 실천궁행은 현실에 대한 치 밀한 분석을 바탕으로 대책을 마련하는 선견지명으로 이어졌다. 남명 은 제자들의 자질과 개성을 고려하여 장점을 들추어내고 단점을 보완 하여 계발시키는 교육 방법을 실시했다. 제자의 자질을 훤하게 꿰뚫어 볼 줄 아는 감식력은 예리한 통찰과 안목이 있어야 얻을 수 있는 지혜 다. 제자의 장점을 인정해 주고 보완해야 할 단점을 완곡하게 지적해 주면서 잠재적 능력을 최대한 발휘할 수 있도록 했다. 남명의 교육 방법이 오늘날 도덕 교육에 시사해 주는 점으로는 도덕 적 공감 능력 확충, 도덕적 실천 의지 함양, 존경하는 도덕적 인물 닮 아가기 등을 들 수 있다. 교사가 도덕적 공감 능력이 뛰어나면 제자의 개성과 자질을 고려하여 지도하고, 제자의 성장을 돕는 행동이 자연스 럽게 나온다. 남명이 도덕적 행동에 거침이 없었던 이유는 도덕적 공 감 능력 확충을 통한 도덕적 실천 의지가 강했기 때문이다. 제자의 입 장에서 자신이 본받을 만한 스승을 만나 인격적 감화를 받으면서 사는 것은 행복한 일이다. 남명의 제자들은 도덕적으로 훌륭했던 스승을 닮 아 가려고 인격을 닦았고, 스승의 기대에 부합하는 삶을 살려고 노력 했다. 도덕적 사고와 도덕적 실천이 일치하지 않고 교사의 솔선수범이 절실한 우리 교육 현장에 남명이 제시한 교육 방법은 현행 도덕 교육 의 문제점을 보완하고 올바른 방향을 설정하는 촉매제가 될 수 있을 것으로 사료된다. Nammyeong Cho Shik is evaluated one of the successful educators in the history of Confucianism in Korea. His success as an educator is because he had effective teaching methods. Regarding problems of current moral education, it can be cited that there are lack of moral practice, raising the need for systematic character education in consideration of individual student differences, unethical behavior of teachers receiving social criticism, and the lack of dignity as an educator. As a starting point to solve the problems of current moral education, a serious review and reflection on the teaching methods of Nammyeong Cho Shik is needed. The education methods that Nammyeong emphasized include Ban‐gu‐ja‐deuk (反求自得), Shil‐cheon‐gung‐haeng (實踐躬行), that is, education that considers individual qualities and individuality. Nammyeong practiced the teaching method of Ban‐gu‐ja‐deuk (反求自得) in which his disciples did not rely solely on the master, but turned to themselves to seek answers and to learn the truth on their own. Shil‐cheon‐gung‐haeng (實踐躬行) means that they should act and practice for themselves. The truth also comes true when they put it into practice in real life. Nammyeong brightened the inside so that the right heart was always clearly awake through his Gyeong(敬) discipline, and in practicing his obligations, he acted and practiced calmly as if water was pouring down ten thousands miles of distance cliff. Nammyeong's Shil‐cheon‐gung‐haeng led to farseeing wisdom, which prepared countermeasures based on a thorough analysis of reality. Nammyeong took into account the qualities and individuality of disciples, and implemented an educational method to reveal the strengths and complement and develop the shortcomings. The knowledge to see through the qualities of a disciple clearly is wisdom that can be obtained only with keen insight and attention. He acknowledged the strengths of disciples and pointed out their weaknesses that need to be supplemented so that they can maximize their potential. The implications that Nammyeong’s teaching methods have for today's moral education are expansion of moral empathy, cultivation of moral practice will, and trying to resemble a moral person admired. If a teacher is excellent in moral empathy, naturally comes the teacher’s behavior that takes the disciple's personality and qualities into consideration and guides and helps the disciple grow. The reason Nammyeong did not hesitate in his moral behaviors is that he had a strong moral will to practice by expanding moral empathy. From the disciple's perspective, it is a happy thing to meet a master that he/she can imitate the master’s virtues and live while receiving a personal influence from the master. Nammyeong's disciples built their character to resemble the master who was morally good, and tried to live a life that met the expectations of the master. In our educational field, where moral thinking and moral practice are inconsistent and teachers' initiatives are desperate, the educational method suggested by Nammyeong is thought to be a catalyst to complement the problems of current moral education and set the right direction.