조선후기 전의이씨가의 山訟과 墳山守護

김경숙 호남사학회 2010 역사학연구 Vol.39 No.-

This essay examines how aristocratic families dealt with mountain lawsuits (山訟) and how they safeguarded and preserved their family's tomb-mountain (墳山) during the late Chosun dynasty, particularly, through the example of the descendents of Lee Shin-eui who settled down in Gwangju and Nampyong, Jollado. In Chosun society, as the codes of clan regulations were established and confucianism became a dominant ideology, people began to take more interest in worshiping their ancestors and maintaining their grave sites. Thereby, the ownership of mountain in relations with family grave sites became a one of the most serious social problems. Lee Shin-eui's descedents, too, had been involved in mountain lawsuits as many as five times during the second half of the nineteenth century. Lee family had family tomb-mountain in two different places--one was located in Koyang, Kyoungki; the other in Nampyong, Jollado. Because of the physical distance, Lee family could not easily approach and manage the tomb-mountain in Koyang. They could not effectively prevent the other families' illegal entombment in that mountain. They could appeal to the law only between March and April when they made a trip to the place to have memorial services. As for the nearby tomb-mountain in Nampyong, however, they took much stronger legal measure. As soon as the illegal entombments took place, all most all the Lee family members banded together to file petitions. In their legal actions, there was no limit in time. Whenever necessary, they filed suits against illegitimate entombments. The Lee family's example demonstrates that the most important factor in mountain lawsuits was distance--the distance between tomb-mountains and the descendents' residential area. 이 논문에서는 전라도 광주, 남평 일대에 세거한 이신의 후손가의 산송 사례를 통하여 조선후기 사대부가의 분산 수호 방식과 산송에 대처하는 방식을 검토하였다. 조선사회는 종법 질서의 형성과 유교적 상장례의 보급으로 분묘를 수호하는 爲先事業이 활성화하면서 분묘를 둘러싼 사회 갈등 또한 사회 문제화하였다. 이신의 후손가에서는 조선후기 5차례의 산송에 휘말리는데, 그 중 경기도 고양의 도내동 분산과 전라도 남평의 봉산촌 분산은 遠地墳山과 近地墳山으로서의 특성을 보이고 있다. 이신의가는 17세기 초반 고양에서 호남으로 낙남한 후 200여 년 동안 고양에 남아있는 분산을 원지에서 수호하고 있었는데, 1860년대 후반 평민 金孝吉이 투장한 사건이 발생하였다. 그런데 거주지와 분산이 멀리 떨어져 있는 상황에서 이씨가의 정소활동은 묘제를 봉행하는 3~4월로 제한되어 투장자를 집중적으로 압박할 수 없었다. 반면 남평 봉산촌은 근지분산에 해당하는데 1878년 향리 박시후가 투장한 사건이 발생하였다. 이씨가에서는 도내동 산송과 달리 투장이 발생한 직후부터 모든 계파들이 연대하여 대규모 정소활동을 전개하였고, 정소시기 또한 연중 상시적으로 지속함으로써 官掘을 관철시켰다. 산송은 위선의 실현과 가문의 사회적 위상이 걸려있는 문제로 장기적인 滯訟과 격화현상을 특성으로 하였다. 전의이씨가의 도내동 산송과 봉산촌 산송은 이와 같은 조선후기 산송의 특성을 그대로 반영하면서 구체적인 진행 과정에서는 분산의 위치와 후손들의 거주지와의 관계에 따라 그 대응 방식에 차이를 보이고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다.

전국 산촌 지명 연구

김주미,민지애,장주연,유리화 건국대학교 글로컬문화전략연구소 2023 문화콘텐츠연구 Vol.- No.29

산촌의 다원적 가치에 대한 관심이 높아짐에 따라 산촌의 자연적인 특성에 기반한 경관적․ 문화적․ 생태적 가치 등에 대한 수요가 증가하고 있다. 산촌은 주로 산을 중심으로 타 공간이나 지역과 차별화된 입지적 특성을 갖고 있기에 본 연구에서는 산촌의 지명을 통해 특성을 분석하고자 하였다. 지명은 지형, 지물, 환경 등과 연관되어 명명되기 때문에 명명유연성(命名有緣性)의 특징을 갖는다. 이에 본 연구에서는 「산림기본법」 상 산촌의 정의에 해당되는 466개 읍․ 면의 산촌 지명을 분석하였다. 산촌의 지명소를 통해 자연지명과 인문지명, 기타로 분류할 수 있는 산촌지명 유형 분류 기준을 구성하여 전부지명소를 분석하고, 대표 지역문화콘텐츠인지역축제를 대상으로 산촌 지명과의 연계성을 분석하였다. 연구결과, 전국의 산촌466개 읍․ 면 중 자연환경과 연관된 지명은 총 341개(73.2%)로 가장 많은 비중을차지 하였으며, 자연지명 중 산 지명에 해당하는 지역이 119개(25.5%)로 가장 많았고, 다음으로 위치지명이 103개(22.1%)로 많았다. 인문지명은 68개(14.6%)였으며, 산촌의 인문지명들은 산과 관련된 자연지리적 요소가 결합하여 나타나는 특성을 보였다. 산촌 지명을 활용한 문화콘텐츠를 살펴본 결과, 총 43개의 지역축제가있었으며, 그중 산촌 지명과 관계된 지역축제는 14개이었다. 산촌 지명은 산촌의특성을 반영하고 있다. 이에 산촌 고유의 정체성을 특화하고자 할 때, 지명과 지명의 문화콘텐츠적 요소를 적극적으로 활용하여야 한다. As the interest in the multifaceted value of mountain villages increases, there is a growing demand for their natural characteristics, including scenic, cultural, and ecological value. Mountain villages, mainly centered around mountains, have distinctive locational features that differentiate them from other spaces or regions. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze the characteristics of mountain villages through their place names. Through the analysis of mountain village toponyms, a classification criterion was established to categorize them into natural toponyms, cultural toponyms, and others. The study examined all toponyms associated with mountain villages, focusing on their correlation with a representative regional cultural content, local festivals. The research findings indicate that out of the 466 towns and townships designated as mountain villages nationwide, 341 toponyms (73.2%) were associated with natural environments, with mountain-related toponyms being the most prevalent at 119 (25.5%), followed by location-based toponyms at 103 (22.1%). Cultural toponyms constituted 68 (14.6%) of the total. The cultural toponyms in mountain villages exhibited a characteristic combination of natural geographical elements associated with mountains. Examining cultural content utilizing mountain village toponyms revealed a total of 43 local festivals, among which 14 were associated with mountain village toponyms. The use of mountain village toponyms reflects the characteristics of these areas. Therefore, when enhancing the unique identity of mountain villages, active utilization of toponyms and their cultural content is recommended.

한반도 산맥의 재조사와 분류 및 대기환경에 미치는 영향

정용승,김학성 한국지구과학회 2016 한국지구과학회지 Vol.37 No.1

Mountains have significant influences on the atmospheric environment. The Korean Peninsula consists of approximately 70% mountainous area with numerous mountain ranges and peaks. The initial classification of mountains in Korea was made by a Japanese scientist from 1900 to 1902. In fact, the Japanese study created too many names of mountains to maintain, which led to confusions. The purpose of this study aims to simplify the previous names and classification of mountains in the Korean Peninsula so that they can be utilized for educational and general purpose of the society and educational institutions. Through this study, we name various mountains as one name “Korea Mountains” which is classified as the secondary world-mountain class stretching from the Korean Peninsula to northeast China (southern Manchuria). The Korea Mountains connect the third class regional medium-scale mountains of Jirin, Hamkyoung, Taebaek, and the fourth mountain class, 8 small-scale ranges including the Liaoning, Yaenbaen, Hambeuk, Pyoungbeuk, Whanghae, Charyoung, Kyoungsang and Namhae Mountains. The major mountains in the Korean Peninsula are normally influenced by the general circulation of the atmosphere of the world. The atmospheric conditions are modified on the up-stream and down-stream sides; there is a need for continuous monitoring of the atmospheric environment which impacts the ecosystem and human society. 한반도의 약 70% 이상을 차지하고 있는 산지는 많은 산들과 산맥으로 이루어져 있으며, 산맥들은 대기환경에큰 영향을 준다. 산맥의 분류조사는 1900-1902년 일본학자에 의거 수행 된 후, 현재 산맥의 이름이 매우 많고 혼선이되고 있다. 본 연구는 기존의 산맥 이름과 그 분류를 간단히 하여 사회적 교육적 활용에 가치를 두고 있다. 먼저, 중국의 만주로부터 (대)한반도까지 주축을 이루는 세계적인 제2차 중규모산맥을 단일 이름인 고려산맥으로 명명하였다. 그리고, 고려산맥에 수반되는 지역적인 제3차 산맥들은 지린(길림)산맥, 함경산맥, 태백산맥, 소백산맥으로 분류하고, 그다음 제4차 산맥은 랴오닝산맥, 옌볜(연변)산맥, 함북산맥, 평북산맥, 황해산맥, 차령산맥, 경상산맥, 남해산맥 등 8개의중소 산맥으로 분류 하였다. 일반적으로 한반도의 산맥들은 지구규모 대순환의 영향을 지속적으로 받고 있다. 산맥의 풍상과 풍하 측에서 발생하는 공기환경적인 변화에 따라, 인간과 생태계에 주는 대기환경의 영향평가와 그 감시의 필요성을 강조하였다.

신라의 山嶽崇拜와 북악 金剛山

이영호 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2023 嶺南學 Vol.- No.86

신라인들은 산악을 신성시하였다. 그래서 시조가 산 정상에 내려왔다든가 선악에 태어났다는 설화를 많이 남겼다. 물론 이를 사실로 믿긴 어렵지만, 일찍부터 산악을 성산으로 숭배하고 신앙한 전통이 이러한 설화들을 만들어 내었다고 하겠다. 신라에서는 명산대천을 大祀·中祀·小祀의 세 등급으로 나누어 제사하였다. 대사인 三山이 신라 왕경과 그 주변 지역을 대상으로 하였다면, 중사의 첫머리에 나오는 五岳은 통일된 신라의 5방을 무대로 하였다. 소사 또한 전국의 여러 산악을 대상으로 하였다. 이 같은 정연한 산악숭배 체계는 삼국통일기 중국의 문물을 수입하면서 비롯되었다. 이 가운데 큰 비중을 차지한 것은 삼산과 오악에 대한 제사였다. 이들이 국가제사로서 확립된 것은 삼국통일 직후인 7세기 후반이었다. 삼산과 함께 『삼국사기』 제사지에 편제된 오악은 “新羅五岳”이었다. 수도에는 “王京五岳”이 별도로 존재하였는바 학계에서는 대체로 동악 토함산, 서악 선도산, 남악 남산, 북악 금강산, 그리고 중악 낭산으로 파악하였다. 그러나 『신증동국여지승람』을 비롯한 여러 기록에서는 한결같이 南岳은 含月山으로 나타남을 주목하였다. 나아가 『삼국유사』 등에서 왕경오악의 구체적 사례를 검토하고, 남악은 南山이 아니라 含月山임을 확인하였다. 그래서 남산이 왕경 남쪽의 靈山이면서도 남악이 되지 못한 이유는 남산에 南山新城이 축조되고 왕궁의 일부로 인식되었기 때문으로 해석하였다. 왕경오악의 성립 시기로 문무왕대를 주목하였다. 그래서 신라오악과 같은 시기인 삼국통일 직후인 7세기 후반에 출현하여 서서히 유행한 것으로 추정하였다. 그러나 국가제사로서 『삼국사기』 제사지에 명시되지 않았다는 점에서 신라오악보다는 관념적이며 구속력이 약했다고 파악하였다. 끝으로 북악 금강산의 왕경의 神聖地로서의 중요성을 살펴보았다. 금강산만이 신라 6성 기원 설화와 관련되고 두 성씨 시조의 탄강지로 인식되었다는 것은 토착신앙의 중심지로서 그것이 차지하는 비중이 컸음을 말해주었다. 또한 금강산은 국가의 중대사를 논의하는 신령스런 장소였다. 신라 4靈地의 하나로서 산악신앙에 바탕을 둔 聖所였던 것이다. 한편, 금강산은 신라 불교 공인의 聖地였다. 법흥왕대 이차돈의 순교와 관련이 있어, 그의 옛 무덤이 수축되고, 추모하는 순교비가 세워졌으며, 예불하는 향도가 결성되었다. 이러한 사실들은 금강산이 왕경오악 가운데 북악으로서 위상이 높았던 사실과 무관치 않았다. The Silla people held mountains sacred. Therefore, they left many tales, in which their ancestor had descended from Heaven to the summit of a mountain or had been born in a mountain. Of course, it is hard to believe them as true, but these tales were created from a tradition of worshipping mountains as sacred and having faith in mountains from early times. The Silla people offered large, medium, and small sacrifices to the mountain deities. The large sacrifice was offered to three mountains located in the capital and its vicinity; the medium sacrifice to five mountains in the unified Silla’s five bang; the small sacrifice to many mountains throughout the country. This orderly sacrificial system dated from the introduction of Chinese culture in the unified Silla period. The large sacrifice to the three mountains and the medium sacrifice to the five mountains were especially important. The two important sacrifices were institutionalized late in the seventh century, when Silla actively began to introduce advanced Tang culture. Established as a national institution, the two sacrifices were recorded in the “Treatise of Sacrificial Rites” in Samguk Sagi [Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms]. Scholars have generally defined the five capital mountains as Tohamsan (eastern mountain), Seondosan (western mountain), Namsan (southern mountain), Geumgangsan (northern mountain), and Nangsan (meddle mountain). But the historical records, including Sinjeung Tongguk Yeoji Seungnam [Newly Enlarged Survey of the Geography of the Eastern Kingdom], altogether described Hamweolsan, not Namsan, as the southern mountain. Examining specific examples of the five capital mountains in the documentary records, this study has confirmed Hamweolsan, not Namsan, as the southern mountain. It also has understood the reason why Namsan, a sacred mountain south of the capital, was not classified as the southern mountain as resulting from the fact that it was regarded as part of the royal palace with the construction of a new rampart in the mountain. The five capital mountains appear to have been institutionalized in the reign of King Munmu. It is presumed that like the “five Silla mountains,” they appeared in the late seventh century after the unification of the Three Kingdoms and then steadily came into fashion. But rituals to sacrifice to them seem to have been less compulsory than those to the five Silla mountains. Finally, Mount Geumgang, the northern mountain, was the capital’s sacred ground and was important in that it only was related to the tale regarding the origins of the six Silla family names and especially understood as the birthplace of the progenitors of two family names. Based on the faith in mountains, it also was one of the four sacred sites where the Hwabaek council meetings were convened. In addition, it was a sacred place where Buddhism was officially recognized in Silla. In the context of the storied martyrdom of Yichadon in the reign of King Beopheung, there a cenotaph was set up to the memory of him and an association was formed to cherish the memory of him. All these were closely relevant to the particular importance of Mount Geumgang as the northern mountain among the five capital mountains.

산지 경계 추출을 위한 지형학적 변수 선정과 알고리즘 개발

최정선 ( Jungsun Choi ),장효진 ( Hyo Jin Jang ),심우진 ( Woo Jin Shim ),안유순 ( Yoosoon An ),신혜섭 ( Hyeshop Shin ),이승진 ( Seung-jin Lee ),박수진 ( Soo Jin Park ) 한국지형학회 2018 한국지형학회지 Vol.25 No.3

In Korea, 64% of the land is known as mountain area, but the definition and classification standard of mountain are not clear. Demand for utilization and development of mountain area is increasing. In this situation, the unclear definition and scope of the mountain area can lead to the destruction of the mountain and the increase of disasters due to indiscreet permission of forestland use conversion. Therefore, this study analyzed the variables and criteria that can extract the mountain boundaries through the questionnaire survey and the terrain analysis. We developed a mountain boundary extraction algorithm that can classify topographic mountain by using selected variables. As a result, 72.1% of the total land was analyzed as mountain area. For the three catchment areas with different mountain area ratio, we compared the results with the existing data such as forestland map and cadastral map. We confirmed the differences in boundary and distribution of mountain. In a catchment area with predominantly mountainous area, the algorithm-based mountain classification results were judged to be wider than the mountain or forest of the two maps. On the other hand, in the basin where the non-mountainous region predominated, algorithm-based results yielded a lower mountain area ratio than the other two maps. In the two maps, we was able to confirm the distribution of fragmented mountains. However, these areas were classified as non-mountain areas in algorithm-based results. We concluded that this result occurred because of the algorithm, so it is necessary to refine and elaborate the algorithm afterward. Nevertheless, this algorithm can analyze the topographic variables and the optimal value by watershed that can distinguish the mountain area. The results of this study are significant in that the mountain boundaries were extracted considering the characteristics of different mountain topography by region. This study will help establish policies for stable mountain management.

산신설화의 전승양상과 산신숭배의 문화

임재해(Lim Jae-Hae),박종성(토론자) 비교민속학회 2005 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.29

Mountain god folktale is very important text that make a mountain god worship understand. The cognition and faith for mountain god become theoretical basis of a mountain god worship culture. In the various types of handing down oral folktale, mountain god stories are different from the paintings and lettered folktales of mountain god. Almost of mountain god folktales are mainly consist of a divine experience story of mountain god. We can distinguish mountain god folktales into several patterns. For example, to help any reason, to help historical figures, to help a dutiful son and daughter-in-law, to help a man who accumulated of virtuous deeds, to help faithful man, to help by means of prediction and so on. In the mountain god folktales, mountain god is depicted a omniscient and omnipotent being. On viewing the paintings of mountain god, we can find to confucianism centered a silver hair mountain god, but in the lettered folktales we can see the mountain goddess as like the holy mother of Sundo mountain. In oral folktales the characters of mountain god appear as various figures. For example, a woman in white, traditional waitress, a woodcutter, a leper, a farmer, a traveler, children, a salt seller and so on. The helping patterns of mountain god ate represented three ways. First, to select a propitious site for a grave, second, to give a wild ginseng, third, to make tiger solve problem A propitious site for a grave and a wild ginseng are located in mountain, and tiger also live in mountain. That is, mountain and various beings in mountain are very divine life to solve human problems. A divine power of mountain god is originated in a nature thing or animals and plants in mountain like this. Therefore we can find not only a life of nature, but also a tradition of ecological culture through mountain god folktales

조선시대 南海 錦山 유람과 현실 인식

강정화 동방한문학회 2022 東方漢文學 Vol.- No.93

This paper outlined excursions to Geumsan mountain focusing on the records of excursion to the mountain left by the intellectuals of the Joseon Dynasty period after their excursion to Geumsan mountain in the South Sea and examined their perception of reality. Thus far, 29 records of excursion to Geumsan mountain have been discovered, and excursions to Geumsan mountain showed a tendency to increase beginning from the excursion of Jo Gyeom (趙?) in August-September 1609 toward the late Joseon Dynasty period. Compared to excursions to other famous mountains in Korea, excursions to Geumsan mountain began about 100 years later. An excursion to Geumsan mountain in the South Sea was a very unique experience for the Joseon Dynasty intellectuals to see the mountain and the sea at once. Those who experienced the excursion can be divided into literary persons from other regions and younger scholars of the Nammyung School in the neighboring Gangu region. The momentums for the excursion also showed a clear distinction. While those from other regions often came to visit relatives who had been exiled to the South Sea or to the Jirisan area for official duties and climbed Geumsan mountain, Gangu scholars visited Geumsan mountain after hearing the reputation of the mountain in all cases. In particular, given that those from other regions did not hear about Geumsan mountain in their residences and climbed the mountain after hearing the reputation when they came to the South Sea, it can be said that Geumsan mountain in the South Sea was a mountain of Gangu scholars. At least 80% of the excursion routes went to Geumsan mountain via the Chungnyeolsa Temple of Yi Sun-sin in Noryang port in the South Sea. This indicates that the remains of Admiral Yi Sun-sin in the South Sea were an important reason for their excursions to Geumsan mountain. Unlike other famous mountains, the itinerary at Geumsan mountain was only 1-2 days, the distance from the bottom of the mountain to the summit was also very short, and the trail appeared almost consistently over hundreds of years with no change. Among them, there were those who expressed their perception of reality as intellectuals of the time wherever they passed a place, and Shin Myeong-gu (申命耈) and Park Chi-bok (朴致馥) were particularly prominent. On the way to Geumsan mountain, Shin Myeong-gu complained about the unfair collection of white clay, which was offered as a tribute at the time, and the people's grievances at Hadong Baektojae (白土峴) and criticized the unfair tax burden on people in the South Sea with regard to citron, a tribute of the South Sea region. In addition, he criticized the military facilities and the military command system along the southern coast, which had become lax due to the long peaceful period, one by one. Park Chi-bok did not slow down his critical gaze on the shamanic acts he witnessed in the South Sea and Geumsan mountain. The shamanic practices as such were particular prevalent because the region was a coastal area and he pointed out that the superstitious practices handed down from previous generations without a root impoverished the lives of the people. Park Chi-bok's writing, which seems to find precedents in old literature, nitpick, explain, and persuade people, is a representative example of the contemporary intellectual's perception of reality. 본고는 조선시대 지식인이 남해 금산을 유람하고 남긴 遊山 기록을 중심으로 금산 유람을 개괄하고 그들의 현실 인식을 살펴보았다. 금산 유람록은 현재 29편이 발굴되었는데, 1609년 8~9월에 있었던 趙㻩의 유람을 기점으로 조선 후기로 갈수록 유산이 증가하는 추세를 보였다. 국내 여느 명산 유람과 비교하여 대략 1백 년 정도 늦게 시작된 셈이다. 남해 금산 유람은 조선조 지식인이 산과 바다를 한 번에 볼 수 있는 매우 특이한 경험이었다. 유람한 사람들은 여타 지역 문인과 인근 江右 지역 南冥學派 후학들로 구분할 수 있는데, 인근 江右文人이 절반 이상을 차지하였다. 유람 계기도 뚜렷한 구분을 보였는데, 타지인은 남해에 유배 온 친인척을 찾아오거나 지리산권역에 공무로 왔다가 금산을 오르는 경우가 많았던 반면, 강우문인은 모두 금산의 명성을 듣고 찾아가는 것이 일관되게 나타났다. 특히 타지인은 그들의 세거지에선 금산에 대해 듣지 못했다가 남해에 온 이후 그 명성을 듣고 오르는 것으로 보아, 남해 금산은 강우문인의 산이었다고 할 수 있다. 유람로는 8할 이상이 남해 노량포구에 있는 李舜臣의 忠烈祠를 거쳐 금산으로 향했다. 이는 남해 이순신의 유적이 그들의 금산 유람에 중요한 이유였음을 알게 해준다. 여느 명산에 비해 금산에서의 일정은 1~2일뿐이고, 산 밑에서 정상까지 오르는 거리 또한 매우 짧았으며, 수백 년 동안 산행로가 바뀌지 않고 거의 일관되게 나타났다. 그중 지나는 곳마다 당대 지식인으로서의 현실 인식을 표출한 이들도 있었는데, 申命耈와 朴致馥이 특히 두드러지게 나타났다. 신명구는 금산으로 가는 도중 하동 白土峴에서 당시 貢物로 바치던 백토의 부당한 징수와 백성들의 고충 등을 토로하였고, 남해의 공물인 柚子와 관련해 남해 백성들이 당하는 불공정한 세금 부담을 비판하였다. 그뿐만 아니라 오랜 태평 시절로 인해 해이해진 바닷가의 군사시설과 군령 체계 등을 조목조목 신랄하게 비판하였다. 박치복은 남해와 금산에서 목격한 巫俗 행위에 대해 비판적 시선을 늦추지 않았다. 특히 바닷가 지역인지라 이러한 무속 행위가 성행했는데, 분명한 근원도 없이 그저 앞 세대부터 전해져 온 미신적 행위가 백성의 삶을 피폐하게 한다고 지적하였다. 옛 문헌에서 前例를 찾아 따지고 해명하고 설득하는 듯한 박치복의 글쓰기는 당대 지식인의 현실 인식을 보여주는 대표적인 사례이다.

삼국(三國)·통일신라시기(統一新羅時期)의 무등산(無等山)과 광주(光州)

변동명 ( Byeon Dong-myeong ) 전남대학교 호남학연구원 2021 호남학 Vol.- No.69

삼국에서 통일신라에 이르는 사이의 무등산을 광주 지역사회와 연관시켜 검토하였다. 광주의 역사적 흐름에 비춰 무등산을 조망함으로써, 이 산과 관련된 사람들의 지난날을 훑어보며 그 면모의 일부나마 드러내는 것을 겨냥하였다. 먼저 無等山의 名號를 광주의 고을 명칭과 연결지어 다룸으로써 이 산을 광주 지역사회와의 관련 속에서 이해하는 발판을 마련한 다음, 이어서 無等山 信仰과 無等山歌 그리고 開仙寺址 石燈을 소재로 삼아 주로 통일신라시기의 무등산 내지는 그로써 표상되는 광주 지역사회의 움직임을 더듬어 헤아렸다. 無等山은 늦어도 통일신라 이래 武珍岳이라 불렸다. 무등산이라는 명호가 등장한 것은 고려시기에 들어서였다. 무진악과 무등산은 同語의 異表記로 간주하는 게 보통이다. 그 독음과 의미를 두고는 견해가 대립하는데, ‘무돌뫼’ 혹은 ‘무들뫼’로 달리 읽으면서 각각 ‘무리지어 모인 돌[石]의 산’ 혹은 ‘물[水]이 있는 들녘의 산’으로 풀이한다. 그런데 ‘武’의 일본어 독음인 ‘다케(たけ)’에서 ‘독’[石]이 연상된다. ‘武珍岳’을 ‘독돌뫼’로 읽고 그 의미를 ‘石石山’으로 새기면, 동일어를 중첩해 복수형을 표시한 것으로 이해하여 ‘돌들로 이루어진 산’이라는 풀이가 가능하다. 산마루의 장대한 암석군이 돋보이는 이 산의 명호로서 제격이거니와, 그러한 무진악이 景德王의 漢化政策과 고려왕조의 성립이라는 변화를 거치면서 武等岳(山)을 거쳐 無等山으로 정착되어 오늘에 이르렀다. 광주의 옛 이름으로는 武珍州가 대표적이다. 무진악에서 유래하였거니와 아마도 백제에서는 武珍郡이었던 듯싶은데, 통일신라에 들어 무진주가 성립하면서 고을의 주된 명호로 자리를 잡았다. 광주의 다른 옛 이름인 奴只는 냇물이 흐르는 들녘을 연상시킨다. 광주의 옛 이름들이 무등산 및 그 앞의 들녘에서 유래한 바, 그곳을 터전으로 삼아 온 지역민의 삶을 표상한다는 점에서 자못 함축적이다. 아울러 고을의 주된 명호가 무진주라는 점에서 무진악 곧 무등산이 광주 지역사회를 상징하는 존재임을 확인할 수가 있기도 하다. 무등산신앙은 광주 일원에서 전해오는 민간의 풍속으로서, 무등산을 주재하는 것으로 여겨지는 산신을 숭배하는 전통 관습이다. 광주의 유력한 토착세력을 상징하는 전통시기의 정치적이며 사회·문화적인 습속이었는데, 통일신라에서는 그러한 무등산신앙을 小祀에 편제하여 중앙의 규제를 받도록 정하였다. 왕경을 중심으로 일원적인 통치체제를 정비하는 일환이었는데, 광주의 토착세력은 신라 중앙의 그러한 정책에 꽤나 협조적이었다. ‘무진고성’(무등산고성)의 축조라든지 그 결과 탄생한 무등산가에 함축된 광주 지역사회의 동향에서 헤아릴 수가 있었다. 신라의 백제 병합으로 신라 중앙과 접촉을 시작한 이래, 광주의 토착 유력계층은 중앙귀족에게 협조하는 타협의 길을 걸었다. 중앙귀족과의 연계를 발판으로 삼아 광주를 이끄는 전통적인 유력 사회계층으로서의 위치를 다지며, 나아가 노령 이남에서 토착세력을 대표하는 위상을 확보하고 또 지켜나가고자 하는 게 통일신라시기 광주 지역사회의 선택이었다. 이후 9세기 前半에 이르도록 광주 지역사회의 그러한 방침은 대체로 일관되고 유효하게 작동하였다. 무등산신앙과 무등산가를 더듬어 광주 지역사회와의 관계 속에서 무등산의 존재 의미를 되짚었거니와, 이 산이 광주나 다름없는 상징적 존재임을 거듭 확인할 수가 있었다. 9세기 말엽 광주에 甄萱의 後百濟가 들어섰다. 신라 중앙과 타협하고 중앙귀족에게 협조하던 지역 토착세력이, 기왕의 고식적인 방책을 버리고 왕경 경주의 통제에서 벗어나 독자세력으로 자립하였다. 무등산 開仙寺址 石燈의 銘文에는 그처럼 이제까지와 다른 길을 선택하기에 이른 광주 지역사회의 분위기가 담겨 전한다. 진성여왕 5년(891) 10월 무렵 새겨진 石燈記에 의하면, 開仙寺라 전하는 사찰에서 토지를 매입하는 佛事에 국왕이나 왕실은 관여하지 못하였다. 신라 중앙의 경우도 기껏해야 관여했을 가능성이 짐작되는 정도에 지나지 않았다. 당시 국왕이라든지 신라 중앙에서는 해당 佛事에 가능한 한 참여해야 할 필요가 있었으며, 더불어 그러한 중앙의 요구를 반영하고자 지역사회의 일부에서 애를 썼음에도 불구하고, 그런 수준에 그쳤다. 광주 지역사회의 분위기가 신라에 호의적이지만은 않았음을 암시한다. 아직 신라 중앙과 완전히 단절된 것은 아니었다. 그렇지만 전반적으로 反新羅的인 기운이 만연한 가운데, 저들과의 관계를 되짚으며 새로운 활로를 모색하려는 지역 토착세력의 은밀한 준동이 있었다. 眞聖女王 6년(892) 견훤이 자립하여 스스로 왕을 칭하기에 이르기까지 광주 지역사회의 분위기는 그러하였다. This paper examined Mudeungsan Mountain during the three kingdoms and the Unified Silla period in connection with the Gwangju community. By looking at Mudeungsan Mountain in light of the historical trend of Gwangju, it aims to reveal at least a part of the people’s past lives connected with the mountain. First of all, by connecting the name of Mudeungsan Mountain with the name of the town in Gwangju, it laid the foundation for understanding the mountain in connection with the Gwangju community. And based on the faith of Mudeungsan Mountain, Mudeungsan Song and the stone lantern at Gaeseonsa Temple site, it mainly examined Mudeungsan Mountain and the movement of the Gwangju community represented by it during the Unified Silla period. Mudeungsan Mountain was called Mujinak since the Unified Silla period at the latest. It was during the Goryeo Dynasty that the name Mudeungsan appeared. It is common to regard Mujinak and Mudeungsan as the same words but written differently. There are conflicting views on the reading and meaning. Differently read as “Mudolmoe” or “Mudeulmoe”, they are interpreted as “the mountain of stones gathered in groups” or “the mountain in fields with water”, respectively. However, it reminds us of “Dok”(石) in “Dake”(たけ) which is the Japanese reading sound of “mu(武)”. If “Mujinak(武珍岳)” is read as “Dokdolmoe”, and the meaning is “doldolsan(the mountain of stone and stone)”, it is understood as a plural form by overlapping the same words, and it is possible to interpret the word “the mountain of stones”. It is a perfect name for this mountain, which stands out for its magnificent rock groups. As such Mujinak went through the changes of King Gyeongdeok's Hanwha policy and the establishment of the Goryeo Dynasty, and it was settled as Mudeungsan after passing through Mudeungak(Mudeungsan) and reached today. As the old name of Gwangju, Mujinju is representative. It originated from Mujinak, and it seems that it was probably called Mujingun in Baekje. But when Mujinju was established in the Unified Silla period, it became the main name of the town. Noji, another old name of Gwangju, reminds us of a field where a stream flows. The old names of Gwangju originated from Mudeungsan and the field in front of it, and it is implicit in that it represents the lives of local residents who had lived there. In addition, considering that the main name of the village is Mujinju, it can be confirmed that Mujinak, or Mudeungsan Mountain, is a symbol of the Gwangju community. The faith in Mudeungsan Mountain is a folk custom passed down from the Gwangju area, and is a traditional custom of worshiping the mountain gods who are believed to preside over Mudeungsan Mountain. It was a political, social, and cultural custom in the traditional period that symbolized the influential indigenous power of Gwangju. In the Unified Silla period, the faith of Mudeungsan was organized in rituals to be regulated by the central government. It was part of the reorganization of a unified governing system centered on the capital, and the indigenous powers of Gwangju were quite cooperative with the policy of central Silla. It can be estimated from the construction of “Mujingoseong” (an Old Castle in Mujin, Mudeungsangoseong) and the trends in the Gwangju community contained in the Mudeungsan song. Since the start of contact with the center of Silla by Silla's annexation of Baekje, the indigenous and influential classes of Gwangju had taken a compromise path to cooperate with the central nobility. Based on the connection with the central nobility, it was the choice of the Gwangju community in the Unified Shilla period to establish its position as the traditional influential social class leading Gwangju and furthermore to maintain the status of the indigenous power in the southern region of Noryeong mountain range. Later, until the first half of the 9th century, such policy of the Gwangju community was generally consistent and effective. By looking into the faith of Mudeungsan Mountain and the Mudeungsan song, the meaning of the existence of Mudeungsan Mountain in the relationship with the local community of Gwangju was retraced, and it was repeatedly confirmed that this mountain is a symbolic existence that is Gwangju. At the end of the 9th century, Later Baekje was established in Gwangju by Gyeonhwon. Local indigenous forces that compromised with the central government of Silla and cooperated with the central aristocracy, abandoned their previous tricks, and emerged as independent forces getting out of the control of the capital Gyeongju. The record of the Stone Lantern at Gaeseonsa Temple Site in the Mudeungsan Mountain contains the atmosphere of the Gwangju community, which had taken a different path than before. According to the writings engraved on the stone lantern in the 5th year of Queen Jinseong(891) around October, neither the king nor the royal family were involved in purchasing land at a temple known as Gaesansa Temple. In the case of central Shilla, it was estimated that it was only possible to be involved in the purchase. At that time, the king or the central Silla needed to participate in the work of Buddhism as much as possible, and in spite of the efforts of some of the local communities to reflect the demands of the central government, it was limited to that level. It shows that the atmosphere of the Gwangju community was not favorable to Silla. It was not yet completely cut off from the center of Silla. However, in the midst of the anti-Silla-like atmosphere in general, it is a part where the secret movement of the local indigenous forces trying to find a new way to retrace the relationship with them is detected. In the 6th year of Queen Jinseong(892), the atmosphere of the Gwangju community was like that while Gyeonhwon became independent and called himself king.

신라 명산대천의 사전(祀典) 편제 이유와 특징

채미하 국립민속박물관 2007 민속학연구 Vol.0 No.20

The purpose of this study is to examine the reasons that noted mountains and large streams were incorporated into “sajeon (祀典),” and their characteristics. According to Samguksagi (the History of Three Kingdoms), the ritual places of the Shilla Kingdom included Samsan for large-scale rites and Oak, Sajin, Sahae, Sadok and Sogliak for medium-scale rites,and they took place in six other splendid mountains and rivers. For small rites, there were 24 mountains and rivers including Sangak and Seosool. The name of each place is also included in the records. The records indicate that the time when those noted mountains and large streams as “the ritual places” of the Shilla Kingdom were classified according to the scale of performed rites (large, medium, and small) is between the 5th year of King Shinmun’s rein and the 34th year of King Seongdeok’s rein, andit was after that time that Sangjoeumgeoseo was incorporated as a place for the medium-scale rites. Such scale-based classification of places for rites during the Shilla Kingdom is different from that of the Tang Dynasty. The primary reason why the Shilla’s royal families incorporated noted mountains and large streams as places for their small-, medium-, large-scale rites seems to be that they intended to reorganize the provincial forces which had been firmly rooted in places around the Shilla Kingdom. The rites performed in the noted mountains or rivers of each province were intended for the guardian deities of the province, and they were also closely related to the local influential families. In other words, the royal families during the middle period of the Shilla Kingdom used those locally performed rites to strengthen their centralized control system and organized them on a scale-place basis by accepting the Tang Dynasty’s national ritual system. It seems that this allowed the royal families to exercise domination over the provinces in the kingdom. However, as for the distribution of noted mountains and large streams among nine provinces, the only place for large-scale rites was the Royal capital, while the places for medium- and small-scale rites included the noted mountains and streams in the old territory of the Shilla Kingdom, as well as the capital. They are found more commonly than in the old territories of Goguryeo and Baekje Kingdoms. Furthermore, in Sabi, which once was the capital of the Baekje Kingdom, none of the noted mountains or streams is identified as place for any of small-, medium- or large-scale rites. Those mountains are located along the Sobaek Mountains or south-east of the range, except for Mt. Gyeryong, which was then also known as “seokak,” one of the five noted mountains. This suggests that the then Shilla Kingdom’s ruling classes had a strong tendency of thinking oriented towards the old days of the kingdom. In conclusion, although the mid-Shilla Kingdom’s royal families leverage their control over each province by means of the noted-mountains-and-streams-based rites, there was a limit in that they failed to go beyond their past-oriented thinking.

淸代 貴州省 錦屛縣 淸水江流域 소수민족사회의 共山연구 ― 『淸水江文書』의 加池寨 共山기재문서를 중심으로 ―

이승수 명청사학회 2022 명청사연구 Vol.- No.57

Public Mountains(共山) are a unique way of owning mountains that can be confirmed in the folk documents of the minority societies in the Qingshui River basin of Jinping County, Southeast Guizhou Province. Public Mountain refers to a specific mountain area jointly owned and operated by two or more owners, who, in addition to a large number of individuals, maybe a kinship group, an organization within a village, or even an entire village. Public Mountain was a customary expression for which the use of the term was not determined by law, and the names for Public Mountain were also not unified. For this reason, at that time, the minority societies in the Qingshui River basin described these mountain areas as Public Mountain. However, it can be seen that various names such as Lineage Mountain(公山) or Zhong Mountain(衆山, Mountain land owned by many people) were used depending on the form of ownership or expression. Public Mountains seem to have continued to increase over time in the mid and late Qing periods. During Emperor Guangxu, the number of records of Public Mountain peaked, and the terminology for these mountains land was also gradually unified into Public Mountain. Due to this, Zhong Mountain, which was not much different from the existing Public Mountain, was gradually absorbed into Public Mountain, and the stated quantity decreased. On the contrary, it can be seen that Lineage Mountain, which stands out for its ownership centered on lineage organizations, continues to increase the number of stated quantities along with the inflow, diffusion, and development of lineage culture as the times pass. However, since the names of Public Mountains were not unified and remained at the customary level, several mixed and transitional expressions between the names can be identified in the process. Also, Public Mountains are a unique mountain land with both private and public nature. Individuals could own a part of these specific mountain areas in the form of “Shares.” Basically, individual property rights could be exercised on these Shares. However, in reality, such private ownership was only conducted under a very limited structure. In addition, the management of the mountains was carried out by many people, and the profits after logging were also distributed by their ownership interests. Due to these characteristics, the ownership structure of Public Mountains became increasingly complicated. However, The Public Mountains formed in the long-term nature of forestry and the difficult environment of forest management improved the stability of production ownership while strengthening mutual solidarity between owners. In particular, the minority society in the Qingshui River basin was an “acquaintance society” with very high reliability among its members. This social characteristic, which is closed to outsiders and has a solid bond between members, helped form a mountain ownership method such as Public Mountains. In addition, despite the closed ownership structure of Public Mountains, it seems that the sale of Public Mountains was often carried out. Public Mountains were sold for extremely personal reasons but were also sold due to the group's demand to which they belonged. The reason for the sale of Public Mountain Shares informed the various socio-economic problems that people experienced at the time and, at the same time, served as a basis for enabling the survival of individuals and communities through the disposal of common property. In addition, the owners of the Public Mountains tried to manage Public Mountains efficiently and stably by imposing fines or preparing monitoring costs for violations of regulations. However, conflicts between individuals or groups were unavoidable as many of the interests of each owner were involved in Public Mountains. In this case, disputes were settled through arbitration among villagers or transferring land to religious facilities. In other words, it can be said that Public M...