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김경숙 호남사학회 2010 역사학연구 Vol.39 No.-
This essay examines how aristocratic families dealt with mountain lawsuits (山訟) and how they safeguarded and preserved their family's tomb-mountain (墳山) during the late Chosun dynasty, particularly, through the example of the descendents of Lee Shin-eui who settled down in Gwangju and Nampyong, Jollado. In Chosun society, as the codes of clan regulations were established and confucianism became a dominant ideology, people began to take more interest in worshiping their ancestors and maintaining their grave sites. Thereby, the ownership of mountain in relations with family grave sites became a one of the most serious social problems. Lee Shin-eui's descedents, too, had been involved in mountain lawsuits as many as five times during the second half of the nineteenth century. Lee family had family tomb-mountain in two different places--one was located in Koyang, Kyoungki; the other in Nampyong, Jollado. Because of the physical distance, Lee family could not easily approach and manage the tomb-mountain in Koyang. They could not effectively prevent the other families' illegal entombment in that mountain. They could appeal to the law only between March and April when they made a trip to the place to have memorial services. As for the nearby tomb-mountain in Nampyong, however, they took much stronger legal measure. As soon as the illegal entombments took place, all most all the Lee family members banded together to file petitions. In their legal actions, there was no limit in time. Whenever necessary, they filed suits against illegitimate entombments. The Lee family's example demonstrates that the most important factor in mountain lawsuits was distance--the distance between tomb-mountains and the descendents' residential area. 이 논문에서는 전라도 광주, 남평 일대에 세거한 이신의 후손가의 산송 사례를 통하여 조선후기 사대부가의 분산 수호 방식과 산송에 대처하는 방식을 검토하였다. 조선사회는 종법 질서의 형성과 유교적 상장례의 보급으로 분묘를 수호하는 爲先事業이 활성화하면서 분묘를 둘러싼 사회 갈등 또한 사회 문제화하였다. 이신의 후손가에서는 조선후기 5차례의 산송에 휘말리는데, 그 중 경기도 고양의 도내동 분산과 전라도 남평의 봉산촌 분산은 遠地墳山과 近地墳山으로서의 특성을 보이고 있다. 이신의가는 17세기 초반 고양에서 호남으로 낙남한 후 200여 년 동안 고양에 남아있는 분산을 원지에서 수호하고 있었는데, 1860년대 후반 평민 金孝吉이 투장한 사건이 발생하였다. 그런데 거주지와 분산이 멀리 떨어져 있는 상황에서 이씨가의 정소활동은 묘제를 봉행하는 3~4월로 제한되어 투장자를 집중적으로 압박할 수 없었다. 반면 남평 봉산촌은 근지분산에 해당하는데 1878년 향리 박시후가 투장한 사건이 발생하였다. 이씨가에서는 도내동 산송과 달리 투장이 발생한 직후부터 모든 계파들이 연대하여 대규모 정소활동을 전개하였고, 정소시기 또한 연중 상시적으로 지속함으로써 官掘을 관철시켰다. 산송은 위선의 실현과 가문의 사회적 위상이 걸려있는 문제로 장기적인 滯訟과 격화현상을 특성으로 하였다. 전의이씨가의 도내동 산송과 봉산촌 산송은 이와 같은 조선후기 산송의 특성을 그대로 반영하면서 구체적인 진행 과정에서는 분산의 위치와 후손들의 거주지와의 관계에 따라 그 대응 방식에 차이를 보이고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다.
한반도 산맥의 재조사와 분류 및 대기환경에 미치는 영향
정용승,김학성 한국지구과학회 2016 한국지구과학회지 Vol.37 No.1
Mountains have significant influences on the atmospheric environment. The Korean Peninsula consists of approximately 70% mountainous area with numerous mountain ranges and peaks. The initial classification of mountains in Korea was made by a Japanese scientist from 1900 to 1902. In fact, the Japanese study created too many names of mountains to maintain, which led to confusions. The purpose of this study aims to simplify the previous names and classification of mountains in the Korean Peninsula so that they can be utilized for educational and general purpose of the society and educational institutions. Through this study, we name various mountains as one name “Korea Mountains” which is classified as the secondary world-mountain class stretching from the Korean Peninsula to northeast China (southern Manchuria). The Korea Mountains connect the third class regional medium-scale mountains of Jirin, Hamkyoung, Taebaek, and the fourth mountain class, 8 small-scale ranges including the Liaoning, Yaenbaen, Hambeuk, Pyoungbeuk, Whanghae, Charyoung, Kyoungsang and Namhae Mountains. The major mountains in the Korean Peninsula are normally influenced by the general circulation of the atmosphere of the world. The atmospheric conditions are modified on the up-stream and down-stream sides; there is a need for continuous monitoring of the atmospheric environment which impacts the ecosystem and human society. 한반도의 약 70% 이상을 차지하고 있는 산지는 많은 산들과 산맥으로 이루어져 있으며, 산맥들은 대기환경에큰 영향을 준다. 산맥의 분류조사는 1900-1902년 일본학자에 의거 수행 된 후, 현재 산맥의 이름이 매우 많고 혼선이되고 있다. 본 연구는 기존의 산맥 이름과 그 분류를 간단히 하여 사회적 교육적 활용에 가치를 두고 있다. 먼저, 중국의 만주로부터 (대)한반도까지 주축을 이루는 세계적인 제2차 중규모산맥을 단일 이름인 고려산맥으로 명명하였다. 그리고, 고려산맥에 수반되는 지역적인 제3차 산맥들은 지린(길림)산맥, 함경산맥, 태백산맥, 소백산맥으로 분류하고, 그다음 제4차 산맥은 랴오닝산맥, 옌볜(연변)산맥, 함북산맥, 평북산맥, 황해산맥, 차령산맥, 경상산맥, 남해산맥 등 8개의중소 산맥으로 분류 하였다. 일반적으로 한반도의 산맥들은 지구규모 대순환의 영향을 지속적으로 받고 있다. 산맥의 풍상과 풍하 측에서 발생하는 공기환경적인 변화에 따라, 인간과 생태계에 주는 대기환경의 영향평가와 그 감시의 필요성을 강조하였다.
산지 경계 추출을 위한 지형학적 변수 선정과 알고리즘 개발
최정선 ( Jungsun Choi ),장효진 ( Hyo Jin Jang ),심우진 ( Woo Jin Shim ),안유순 ( Yoosoon An ),신혜섭 ( Hyeshop Shin ),이승진 ( Seung-jin Lee ),박수진 ( Soo Jin Park ) 한국지형학회 2018 한국지형학회지 Vol.25 No.3
In Korea, 64% of the land is known as mountain area, but the definition and classification standard of mountain are not clear. Demand for utilization and development of mountain area is increasing. In this situation, the unclear definition and scope of the mountain area can lead to the destruction of the mountain and the increase of disasters due to indiscreet permission of forestland use conversion. Therefore, this study analyzed the variables and criteria that can extract the mountain boundaries through the questionnaire survey and the terrain analysis. We developed a mountain boundary extraction algorithm that can classify topographic mountain by using selected variables. As a result, 72.1% of the total land was analyzed as mountain area. For the three catchment areas with different mountain area ratio, we compared the results with the existing data such as forestland map and cadastral map. We confirmed the differences in boundary and distribution of mountain. In a catchment area with predominantly mountainous area, the algorithm-based mountain classification results were judged to be wider than the mountain or forest of the two maps. On the other hand, in the basin where the non-mountainous region predominated, algorithm-based results yielded a lower mountain area ratio than the other two maps. In the two maps, we was able to confirm the distribution of fragmented mountains. However, these areas were classified as non-mountain areas in algorithm-based results. We concluded that this result occurred because of the algorithm, so it is necessary to refine and elaborate the algorithm afterward. Nevertheless, this algorithm can analyze the topographic variables and the optimal value by watershed that can distinguish the mountain area. The results of this study are significant in that the mountain boundaries were extracted considering the characteristics of different mountain topography by region. This study will help establish policies for stable mountain management.
이장웅 한국사상사학회 2025 한국사상사학 Vol.- No.79
본고에서는 백제 웅진 지역을 중심으로 하여 산신 신앙을 방위와 관련하여 살펴보고, 그곳에 불교 사원이 들어서는 과정에 대하여 살펴보았다. 주변에 자리한 산신들은 웅진 도성과 백제의 국토를 사방에서 에워싸며 보호하였고, 이후 이곳에는 불교 사원이 들어섰다. 백제 웅진 시기에는, 비록 사비 시기처럼 3산 5악으로 체계화된 모습은 아니지만, 4방의 산신에 대한 관념은 존재하였다. 그 모습은 무령왕릉 출토 동탁 은잔의 ‘3개의 산(三山)’ 문양과 공산성 출토 ‘3개의 산(三山)’ 무늬가 있는 기와 등에서 실마리를 찾을 수 있었다. 백제 웅진 왕도 주변의 산신 신앙에 대해서는 동성왕 23년(501)에 왕도(王都)의 할머니(老嫗)가 여우(狐)로 변하여 사라진 기록, 무령왕 22년(522)에 왕이 여우 산(狐山)의 들판(原)에서 사냥(田獵)한 기록을 통해 살펴보았다. 그리고 웅진 지역 토착 산신이 불교와 갈등의 과정을 거쳐 융화되는 모습에 대해서는, 『삼국유사』의 신라 원광 기록 중에 나오는 여우 산신이 불교와 융화되는 과정을 통하여 살펴보았다. 또한, 웅진 지역에 있는 4방위 이름을 붙인 혈사(穴寺)의 근처에 자리한 동굴을 토착 산신 신앙의 제장으로 보았다. 그리고 『삼국유사』에 기록된 동굴 신(窟神)이 보살계를 받는 모습과 9세기 공주 지역 선종 사원들의 모습을 통해 산신 신앙의 불교화에 대해 살펴보았다. In this paper, focusing on the Woongjin area of Baekje, the belief of the mountain god was examined in relation to the direction, and the process of establishing a Buddhist temple there was examined. The mountain gods located around the area defended Woongjin Doseong and Baekje's land, and as a Buddhist temple was built here, Woongjin Doseong was surrounded and protected from all sides. During the Woongjin period of Baekje, although it was not systematized into 3 mountains and 5 mountains as in the Sabi period, the idea of the mountain god of four directions existed. Its appearance could be found in the pattern of "three mountains" of silver cup excavated from the tomb of King Muryeong and roof tiles with "three mountains" patterns excavated from Gongsanseong. We looked at the mountain god faith around Woongjin in Baekje through the records of capital's Grandmother(老嫗) turning into a Fox(狐) in the 23rd year(501) of the King Dongseong, and the king's Hunting(田獵) in a field on Fox(狐) Mountain in the 22nd year(522) of King Muryeong. In addition, the appearance of the native mountain god in Woongjin through the process of conflict with Buddhism was examined through the process of the fusion of the fox mountain god in the records of the Silla's Wonkwang of the 『Samguk Yusa』. In addition, the cave located near Cave Temple, which was named after the four directions in the Woongjin area, was considered the ritual place of the indigenous mountain god's faith. In addition, we looked at the Buddhistization of the mountain god's faith through the appearance of the cave god(窟神) recorded in the 『Samguk Yusa』 and the appearance of Seonjong temples in the Gongju area in the 9th century.
이영호 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2023 영남학 Vol.- No.86
신라인들은 산악을 신성시하였다. 그래서 시조가 산 정상에 내려왔다든가 선악에 태어났다는 설화를 많이 남겼다. 물론 이를 사실로 믿긴 어렵지만, 일찍부터 산악을 성산으로 숭배하고 신앙한 전통이 이러한 설화들을 만들어 내었다고 하겠다. 신라에서는 명산대천을 大祀·中祀·小祀의 세 등급으로 나누어 제사하였다. 대사인 三山이 신라 왕경과 그 주변 지역을 대상으로 하였다면, 중사의 첫머리에 나오는 五岳은 통일된 신라의 5방을 무대로 하였다. 소사 또한 전국의 여러 산악을 대상으로 하였다. 이 같은 정연한 산악숭배 체계는 삼국통일기 중국의 문물을 수입하면서 비롯되었다. 이 가운데 큰 비중을 차지한 것은 삼산과 오악에 대한 제사였다. 이들이 국가제사로서 확립된 것은 삼국통일 직후인 7세기 후반이었다. 삼산과 함께 『삼국사기』 제사지에 편제된 오악은 “新羅五岳”이었다. 수도에는 “王京五岳”이 별도로 존재하였는바 학계에서는 대체로 동악 토함산, 서악 선도산, 남악 남산, 북악 금강산, 그리고 중악 낭산으로 파악하였다. 그러나 『신증동국여지승람』을 비롯한 여러 기록에서는 한결같이 南岳은 含月山으로 나타남을 주목하였다. 나아가 『삼국유사』 등에서 왕경오악의 구체적 사례를 검토하고, 남악은 南山이 아니라 含月山임을 확인하였다. 그래서 남산이 왕경 남쪽의 靈山이면서도 남악이 되지 못한 이유는 남산에 南山新城이 축조되고 왕궁의 일부로 인식되었기 때문으로 해석하였다. 왕경오악의 성립 시기로 문무왕대를 주목하였다. 그래서 신라오악과 같은 시기인 삼국통일 직후인 7세기 후반에 출현하여 서서히 유행한 것으로 추정하였다. 그러나 국가제사로서 『삼국사기』 제사지에 명시되지 않았다는 점에서 신라오악보다는 관념적이며 구속력이 약했다고 파악하였다. 끝으로 북악 금강산의 왕경의 神聖地로서의 중요성을 살펴보았다. 금강산만이 신라 6성 기원 설화와 관련되고 두 성씨 시조의 탄강지로 인식되었다는 것은 토착신앙의 중심지로서 그것이 차지하는 비중이 컸음을 말해주었다. 또한 금강산은 국가의 중대사를 논의하는 신령스런 장소였다. 신라 4靈地의 하나로서 산악신앙에 바탕을 둔 聖所였던 것이다. 한편, 금강산은 신라 불교 공인의 聖地였다. 법흥왕대 이차돈의 순교와 관련이 있어, 그의 옛 무덤이 수축되고, 추모하는 순교비가 세워졌으며, 예불하는 향도가 결성되었다. 이러한 사실들은 금강산이 왕경오악 가운데 북악으로서 위상이 높았던 사실과 무관치 않았다. The Silla people held mountains sacred. Therefore, they left many tales, in which their ancestor had descended from Heaven to the summit of a mountain or had been born in a mountain. Of course, it is hard to believe them as true, but these tales were created from a tradition of worshipping mountains as sacred and having faith in mountains from early times. The Silla people offered large, medium, and small sacrifices to the mountain deities. The large sacrifice was offered to three mountains located in the capital and its vicinity; the medium sacrifice to five mountains in the unified Silla’s five bang; the small sacrifice to many mountains throughout the country. This orderly sacrificial system dated from the introduction of Chinese culture in the unified Silla period. The large sacrifice to the three mountains and the medium sacrifice to the five mountains were especially important. The two important sacrifices were institutionalized late in the seventh century, when Silla actively began to introduce advanced Tang culture. Established as a national institution, the two sacrifices were recorded in the “Treatise of Sacrificial Rites” in Samguk Sagi [Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms]. Scholars have generally defined the five capital mountains as Tohamsan (eastern mountain), Seondosan (western mountain), Namsan (southern mountain), Geumgangsan (northern mountain), and Nangsan (meddle mountain). But the historical records, including Sinjeung Tongguk Yeoji Seungnam [Newly Enlarged Survey of the Geography of the Eastern Kingdom], altogether described Hamweolsan, not Namsan, as the southern mountain. Examining specific examples of the five capital mountains in the documentary records, this study has confirmed Hamweolsan, not Namsan, as the southern mountain. It also has understood the reason why Namsan, a sacred mountain south of the capital, was not classified as the southern mountain as resulting from the fact that it was regarded as part of the royal palace with the construction of a new rampart in the mountain. The five capital mountains appear to have been institutionalized in the reign of King Munmu. It is presumed that like the “five Silla mountains,” they appeared in the late seventh century after the unification of the Three Kingdoms and then steadily came into fashion. But rituals to sacrifice to them seem to have been less compulsory than those to the five Silla mountains. Finally, Mount Geumgang, the northern mountain, was the capital’s sacred ground and was important in that it only was related to the tale regarding the origins of the six Silla family names and especially understood as the birthplace of the progenitors of two family names. Based on the faith in mountains, it also was one of the four sacred sites where the Hwabaek council meetings were convened. In addition, it was a sacred place where Buddhism was officially recognized in Silla. In the context of the storied martyrdom of Yichadon in the reign of King Beopheung, there a cenotaph was set up to the memory of him and an association was formed to cherish the memory of him. All these were closely relevant to the particular importance of Mount Geumgang as the northern mountain among the five capital mountains.
임재해(Lim Jae-Hae),박종성(토론자) 비교민속학회 2005 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.29
Mountain god folktale is very important text that make a mountain god worship understand. The cognition and faith for mountain god become theoretical basis of a mountain god worship culture. In the various types of handing down oral folktale, mountain god stories are different from the paintings and lettered folktales of mountain god. Almost of mountain god folktales are mainly consist of a divine experience story of mountain god. We can distinguish mountain god folktales into several patterns. For example, to help any reason, to help historical figures, to help a dutiful son and daughter-in-law, to help a man who accumulated of virtuous deeds, to help faithful man, to help by means of prediction and so on. In the mountain god folktales, mountain god is depicted a omniscient and omnipotent being. On viewing the paintings of mountain god, we can find to confucianism centered a silver hair mountain god, but in the lettered folktales we can see the mountain goddess as like the holy mother of Sundo mountain. In oral folktales the characters of mountain god appear as various figures. For example, a woman in white, traditional waitress, a woodcutter, a leper, a farmer, a traveler, children, a salt seller and so on. The helping patterns of mountain god ate represented three ways. First, to select a propitious site for a grave, second, to give a wild ginseng, third, to make tiger solve problem A propitious site for a grave and a wild ginseng are located in mountain, and tiger also live in mountain. That is, mountain and various beings in mountain are very divine life to solve human problems. A divine power of mountain god is originated in a nature thing or animals and plants in mountain like this. Therefore we can find not only a life of nature, but also a tradition of ecological culture through mountain god folktales
김주미,민지애,장주연,유리화 건국대학교 글로컬문화전략연구소 2023 문화콘텐츠연구 Vol.- No.29
산촌의 다원적 가치에 대한 관심이 높아짐에 따라 산촌의 자연적인 특성에 기반한 경관적․ 문화적․ 생태적 가치 등에 대한 수요가 증가하고 있다. 산촌은 주로 산을 중심으로 타 공간이나 지역과 차별화된 입지적 특성을 갖고 있기에 본 연구에서는 산촌의 지명을 통해 특성을 분석하고자 하였다. 지명은 지형, 지물, 환경 등과 연관되어 명명되기 때문에 명명유연성(命名有緣性)의 특징을 갖는다. 이에 본 연구에서는 「산림기본법」 상 산촌의 정의에 해당되는 466개 읍․ 면의 산촌 지명을 분석하였다. 산촌의 지명소를 통해 자연지명과 인문지명, 기타로 분류할 수 있는 산촌지명 유형 분류 기준을 구성하여 전부지명소를 분석하고, 대표 지역문화콘텐츠인지역축제를 대상으로 산촌 지명과의 연계성을 분석하였다. 연구결과, 전국의 산촌466개 읍․ 면 중 자연환경과 연관된 지명은 총 341개(73.2%)로 가장 많은 비중을차지 하였으며, 자연지명 중 산 지명에 해당하는 지역이 119개(25.5%)로 가장 많았고, 다음으로 위치지명이 103개(22.1%)로 많았다. 인문지명은 68개(14.6%)였으며, 산촌의 인문지명들은 산과 관련된 자연지리적 요소가 결합하여 나타나는 특성을 보였다. 산촌 지명을 활용한 문화콘텐츠를 살펴본 결과, 총 43개의 지역축제가있었으며, 그중 산촌 지명과 관계된 지역축제는 14개이었다. 산촌 지명은 산촌의특성을 반영하고 있다. 이에 산촌 고유의 정체성을 특화하고자 할 때, 지명과 지명의 문화콘텐츠적 요소를 적극적으로 활용하여야 한다. As the interest in the multifaceted value of mountain villages increases, there is a growing demand for their natural characteristics, including scenic, cultural, and ecological value. Mountain villages, mainly centered around mountains, have distinctive locational features that differentiate them from other spaces or regions. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze the characteristics of mountain villages through their place names. Through the analysis of mountain village toponyms, a classification criterion was established to categorize them into natural toponyms, cultural toponyms, and others. The study examined all toponyms associated with mountain villages, focusing on their correlation with a representative regional cultural content, local festivals. The research findings indicate that out of the 466 towns and townships designated as mountain villages nationwide, 341 toponyms (73.2%) were associated with natural environments, with mountain-related toponyms being the most prevalent at 119 (25.5%), followed by location-based toponyms at 103 (22.1%). Cultural toponyms constituted 68 (14.6%) of the total. The cultural toponyms in mountain villages exhibited a characteristic combination of natural geographical elements associated with mountains. Examining cultural content utilizing mountain village toponyms revealed a total of 43 local festivals, among which 14 were associated with mountain village toponyms. The use of mountain village toponyms reflects the characteristics of these areas. Therefore, when enhancing the unique identity of mountain villages, active utilization of toponyms and their cultural content is recommended.
近畿南人書畵家그룹의 金剛山紀行藝術과 駱西 尹德熙의 『金剛遊賞錄』
차미애(車美愛) 한국미술연구소 2008 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.27
This study examines the Geumgangsan Mountain Travelogue Literature and Painting of the Group of Namin (南人) Calligraphers and Painters in the Vicinity of Capital Seoul, which in the period spanning from the second half of the 17th century to the first half of the 18th century, consisted of such as Yi Hajin (1628-1682), Yi Seo (1662-1723), Yun Duseo (1668-1715), Yi Manbu (1664-1732), and Yun Deokhui (1685-1766). It also examines the significance of the art history of Yun Deokhui's Geumgangyusangrok (金剛遊賞錄), which I have recently discovered in the ancient Nogudang Residence in Haenam (海南 綠雨堂). Travel literature and "true view" landscape paintings are known to have been led and enjoyed exclusively by the so-called Baegaksadan (白岳詞壇) group which was made up of the Kim Changhyeop (1651-1708) and Kim Changheup (1653-1722) brothers and other literati. But the Namin Calligraphers and Painters Group in the Vicinity of Capital Seoul, likewise enjoyed traveling around Geumgangsan Mountain, and played a leading part in the Geumgangsan Mountain Travelogue Literature and Painting. Seven years earlier than Kim Changhyeop, in 1664, Yi Hajin authored Geumgandorogi (金剛途路記). Subsequently, influenced by him, his son named Yi Seo, Yi Seo's close friend Yi Manbu, and Yi Seo's follower Yun Deokhui, among other literati, endeavored to travel around Geumgangsan Mountain and write travelogues. The Namin Calligraphers and Painters Group in the Vicinity of Capital Seoul, pioneered new painting trends in the second half period of Joseon such as Donggukjinche (東國眞體), genre paintings, western painting style, and the Southern school literati painting style. Likewise, this group pioneered a new arts culture centered on the Painting of Geumgangsan Mountain, ahead of the Baegaksadan group. In 1700, Yi Seo traveled around Geumgangsan Mountain and crafted the Painting of Geumgangsan Mountain, the earliest work of the Namin Calligraphers and Painters Group in the Vicinity of Capital Seoul. which was produced eleven years earlier than the Painting Album of the Autumnal Scenery of Geumgangsan Mountain (楓嶽圖帖) painted in 1711 by Jeong Seon (1676-1759). Yi Seo both wrote travelogue and crafted painting of Geumgangsan Mountain, and attempted a new painting style of a complete view of the sea and mountains which featured Geumgangsan Mountain and the Gwandong area (eastern parts of Korea). His paintings were collected and enjoyed by Yun Duseo, and were commented by Yi Manbu. Given all of these, a new artistic trend centered on Yi Seo's painting of Geumgangsan Mountain. Collected in the ancient Nogudang Residence, Yun Deokhui's Geumgang-yusangrok concerns a travel diary about his 35day trip of Geumgangsan Mountain. Gwandong area, and Seoraksan Mountain from March 22 to April 27 in 1747 - the 23rd year of the reign of King Yeongjo-at his age of 63. This 57page book is a valuable material to research into the literati painter's journey of Geumgangsan Mountain in the second half period of Joseon. In this book, Yun Deokhui said that he sketched Geumgangsan Mountain seen from the Sanyeongnu Pavilion of Jangansa Temple, and Geumgangsan Mountain seen from Heolseongnu Pavilion of Jeongyangsa Temple, which suggested that he also painted Geumgangsan Mountain when Jeong Seon was active as a painter. Yun Deokhui's Paintings of Geumgangsan Mountain, which currently exist only in records, are regarded as one of literati painter's relatively early paintings of Geumgangsan Mountain in the second half period of Joseon along with the works of Yi Seo, Jeong Seon and Heo Pil (1709-1768). This work was based on his theory of "true view" (眞景觀) which he established at age of 25 (1706), and by which painters should the true images of sceneries. According to extant historical records, for the first time, the term, "true view" (眞景), was used by Yun Deokhui in 1706, and it emerged in association with the "true view" landscapes which were actively painted in the 18th century. drawi
강지형 강원사학회 2023 강원사학 Vol.- No.41
본 논문은 근대 언론을 통해 일제강점기 우리 민족의 금강산 탐승을 알아본다. 금강산은 일제강점기 시기 많은 개발로 그 이전과는 다른 모습으로 변화하기 시작했다. 먼저 교통의 변화부터 시작되었다. 1910년대 이후 경원선으로 시작된 금강산 관광은 시기가 흐를수록 시간대를 늘려야 할 정도로 인기가 많았다. 일제는 금강산 관광화를 지속하기 위해 금강산전기철도를 비롯하여 여러 노선을 증설하여 금강산 관광객을 모으고자 했다. 이후 인프라 시설에 많은 투자가 있었다. 일제는 금강산을 근대적 관광지로 변화시키기 위해 근대 호텔과 휴게시설을 만들어 관광객들이 금강산에 머물 수 있도록 하였다. 그리고 여기에서 끝나지 않고 금강산과 연계하여 근처의 지역들까지 금강산 관광의 일부로 만들었다. 그리하여 관광객들이 금강산에 더 머물며 소비가 이루어지도록 했고 1930년대에는 그 수가 폭발적으로 늘어났다. 이러한 변화는 일제의 동화정책 중 하나였다. 특히나 신문사를 통해 탐승단을 모집하여 사람들이 금강산에 찾아올 수 있도록 하였다. 일정을 보면 금강산의 명소 뿐만 아니라 일제가 개최한 박람회를 참여하는 등 금강산 탐승단은 일제의 동화정책 그 자체로 볼 수 있다. 그러나 모든 탐승단 모집이 다 같다고 볼 수는 없다. 우리 민족이 창간한 신문인 『조선일보』, 『동아일보』, 『조선중앙일보』의 금강산 탐승단 모집과 관련된 기사를 보. 면 그 속에서 민족의 정체성을 찾으려는 노력은 일제의 신문사들과는 다른 양상이다. 즉, 일제의 금강산 관광화로 인한 금강산의 변화와 탐승단 모집이 단순한 일제의 동화정책과 일제의 문화정복에 이용만 당했다고는 볼 수 없다. This paper examines the Korean people's quest for Mt. Geumgang in Japanese colonial era through modern media. Geumgang Mountain began to change in a different shape than before due to many developments during Japanese colonial era. It started with a change in traffic. Geumgang Mountain tourism, which began as Gyeongwon Line since the 1910s, was so popular that the time zone had to be increased over time. In order to continue the tourism of Geumgang Mountain, the Japanese government wanted to attract tourists to Geumgang Mountain by expanding various routes, including the Geumgang Mountain Electric Railway. Since then, there has been a lot of investment in infrastructure facilities. In order to transform Geumgang Mountain into a modern tourist destination, the Japanese government created modern hotels and rest facilities so that tourists could stay at Geumgang Mountain. And it did not end here, but in connection with Geumgang Mountain, the nearby areas were made part of the tour. This allowed tourists to stay more at Geumgang Mountain and consume more, and in the 1930s, the number exploded. This change was one of the Japanese assimilation policies. In particular, group of sightseers was recruited through a newspaper so that people could visit Geumg Mountain. If you look at the schedule, you can see the Geumgang Mountain group of sightseers as the Japanese assimilation policy itself, such as participating in the fair held by Japan as well as the attractions of Geumgang Mountain. However, not all the recruitment of the expedition team is the same. According to articles related to the recruitment of the Geumgang group of sightseers in the Chosun Ilbo, Dong-A Ilbo, and Chosun JoongAng Ilbo, which are newspapers founded by Korean people, efforts to find the identity of the nation in them are different from those of Japanese newspapers. In other words, it cannot be said that the change of Geumgang Mountain and the recruitment of the tour group due to the Japanese colonial rule of Geumgang Mountain tourism were simply used for the Japanese assimilation policy and the Japanese colonial rule to conquer culture.
이학준(HaklJunLee) 한국체육학회 2011 한국체육학회지 Vol.50 No.3
The purpose of this study is to explore three meaning of mountaineering in Toegye(退溪)who had lived a practical life with self-discipline through scholastic pursuit and Kyeong(敬)aims at contemplating his educational thought and interpreting it in educational significance. Toegye(退溪), Lee Hwang(1501-1570) was the greatest thinker during the middle period of Chosun. His ultimate goal through the understanding and practice of Tao(道) was to become a sage. To inquiry it's three meaning of mountaineering. I analyze his literature(遊小白山錄) concerning with mountaineering philosophy of Toegye. As a result, The meaning of mountaineering in Toegye is divided into three meaning: entering mountain area(入山), mountain climbing(登山), seeing and playing mountain( 遊山). entering mountain means to enter the mountains, climbing mountain means climbing into the mountains and playing mountain(enjoy mountains) mean seeing and playing the beauty and nature with mountains. He argues that the best state in mountaineering is enjoy, seeing and playing the mountain itself. It is not mean that enjoy the singing, dancing, alcohol drinking in the mountains. we knows how to playing mountain(遊山), enjoy the mountains without Sing out loud and alcohol drinking in mountain. . In conclusion, Toegye is like to mountaineering in his life history. The goal of mountaineering in Toegye was to see the mountains and enjoy the scenery(遊山), to enjoy the water in valley(觀水).