김남천 소설의 인물과 이야기 정체성 -지식인-소시민-청년 인물을 중심으로

조익상 ( Ik Sang Jo ) 한국문학연구학회 2015 현대문학의 연구 Vol.0 No.55

김남천 연구사에서 김광호를 비롯한 지식인.소시민.청년 인물들에 대한 해석은 김남천과 그의 문학 이해에 있어 중요한 위치를 점해왔다. 본고는 폴 리쾨르의 이야기 정체성 이론을 바탕으로 이 인물들과 김남천 사이에서 발견되는 동일·정체성과 소설 속에서 구현되는 인물 각각의 자기·정체성을 구별하여 해석함으로써, 1940년대를 전후한 시기의 김남천과 그의 문학을 이해하는 하나의 방법을 제안하고자 한다. 이는 사회주의자, 전향자 등의 ‘무엇’을 중심으로 포착되고 또한 이를 바탕으로 하여 그의 인물을 해석했던 한쪽의 경향과 김남천의 인물에 대한 시선을 중심으로 한 다른 쪽의 해석 경향 모두에 정교함을 더할 수 있는 길이라 생각된다. 또한 사소설적 독법을 요구하는 소설과 사회주의적/리얼리즘적 소설 작법으로 씌어진 소설이라는 두 극점 사이를 좀처럼 벗어나지 못했던 김남천 소설 문학에 대한 다른 접근도 시도될 수 있다. 이를 통해 김남천이 그의 인물들을 ‘누구’로 그리려 했고 김남천 그 자신이 ‘누구’였는지를 해명하는 새 시점과 그것의 가능성을 확인하는 것이 이 논문의 목표이다. 이를 위해서는 김남천의 비평 전반을 확인하고 그의 자전적 사실과 인물들의 자기성과 동일성을 비교하는 과정을 거칠 필요가 있다. 본고에서는 시간 흐름에 따라 비평 전반을 살피고 김남천의 “문학적 행정”에 대한 자기기술을 살펴본 바, 그의 초기 문학적 방법론의 열쇳말인 ‘자기’ ‘고발’이 모두 지양된 형태로 유지되어 왔음을 확인할 수 있었다. 이러한 방법론의 전개 속에서 형성 중인 방법론은 김남천의 인물화에 영향을 미쳤고 또한 형성된 인물에 대한 작가적 성찰은 다시금 방법론의 수정에 영향을 미쳤다. 그런 과정 끝에 1940년대를 전후하여 발자크 리얼리즘의 요목과 함께 시도된 것이, 김남천적 인물의 비김남천적 행동으로 요약되는 분열의 방법론이라 할 수 있다. 주로 지식인-소시민-청년 남성 인물에서 구현된 이러한 인물화가 시도되었던 이유로는, 김남천 ‘자기’와 ‘체험적인 것’이 닿아있는 면에서 성격 형성이 용이했다는 점을 먼저 들 수 있다. 그리고 그러한 동일성을 지닌 인물이 전혀 별개의 행동을 하게 될 때, ‘관찰적인 것’의 사회 고발은 더욱 증폭될 수 있었다. 그것은 시대와 사회가 낳은 인간성에 대한 고발의 방식이었다. 마지막으로, 김남천 그 자신의 작가로서의 삶과 생활인으로서의 삶 모두에 있어 그러한 인물의 구현은 필요한 과정이었다. 그 자신이 걷고 싶지 않지만 걷기를 강요당하거나 유혹당하는 길을, ‘자기’를 닮은 소설 속의 인물이 걷게 만드는 것은, 자신이 걷고 싶고 걸어야 하는 길로만 걷도록 정련하고 채찍질하는 하나의 방법일 수 있었다. In the history of research on Kim Namcheon, interpretation of intelligent/petit-bourgeois/young men characters including Kim Kwangho has been regarded important. This research present a way to understand Kim Namcheon and his literature before and after 1940s, by separately reading identities such as narrative identity(identite narrative), sameness(identite-idem) and selfhood (identite-ipse) of Paul Ricoeur characterized and re-presented in between Kim and his characters. This can be thought as to elaborate two ways of current interpretation: to interpret Kim mainly on ‘what’ considered of him such as a convert or a socialist and again interpret his characters from that understanding on the one hand, to interpret his characters with the author’s perspective or viewpoint on the other hand. In addition, a different approach can be tried with this research to where researches barely go beyond two polars: novels to be read as autobiographical novels or the “I” stories on the one side, novels written with socialistic/realistic method on the other side. With this awareness, the research tries to confirm a new standpoint to explain ‘whom’ Kim attempted to draw, ‘who’ Kim was and the appropriacy of the standpoint presented. To achieve this, it is necessary to look through Kim’s literary review and essays thoroughly, and to compare Kim’s autobiographic facts and his created characters in both sameness and selfhood. Thus, after reviewing his critical essays in time and his self-description about his “lifetime of literary method”, the research could confirm that ‘self’ and ‘accusation’, his two keywords for earlier method, had been maintained as sublated- thus-enhanced. This method in the process of formation affected character making of Kim, and the author’s introspection/reflection on his characters again affected formation of the method in reverse. 1940s was a terminus ad quem where those dialectic method met Balzacian realism, and this method of fission can be summarized as ‘Kim-like character’s un-Kim-like activity.’ This characterization was tried firstly because they can be deep and easily embodied due to the fact that they are similar to Kim ‘himself’ and to ‘the (his) experienced’. Secondly when this characters of sameness act completely different from him, accusation from ‘the observed’ of society and the era through the characters. Because the characters were the fruit of the then society, so it was an accusation against the human nature made from the current era. For the last reason to be discussed, it was necessary for Kim himself to fission with character, for the character to cover the life Kim did not want to, demanded to or tempted to live. It is a very private way to make himself to live a life that he want or that he must continue.

아관파천 전후(1896~1898) 정치권력 변화와 김홍륙 독차사건 재검토

장경호 한국근현대사학회 2017 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.81 No.-

Kim Hong-ruk, as low class of Russian translator in Hamgyongdo had a massive power after Korea royal refuge at the Russian legation. He gathered forces with some officers and people in Hamgyongdo. There was a quid pro quo in Kim Hong-ruk’s help of Russia. He wielded absolute power. For example, his relatives and father-in-law raised to a very high post. Some officers who opposed his power were relegated to inferior position. Some shamans moved in and out of palace and they abused their authority over personnel affairs. Some powers who opposed Kim Hong-ruk tried to kill him but it was failed. Russia wanted to investigate this case but it was not turned out. After this case, Kim exercised power. For example, Kim tried to kill executive in independence club and helped Russia’s rights. After the dismissal of Seoul Mayor, he was not nominated for a post. The King condemned him to exile because Kim was blined by selfish interests and desires. Kim beared malice against to King and he tried to kill him by poisoning his coffee. This was so-called Poison attempt of Kim Hong-ruk. However, as considering many cases, Kim was removed by King and Royal influence. Royal influence was always with King and tried to Kill Kim. They directly investigated Kim and no one see their investigation of Kim. Thus, there were no objective people who see this case. After this case Independence club and foreigners wanted to investigate this case again but King refused the requirement. King Ko-jong made a law of strengthening Emperor’s power and went for the effect of killing two birds with one stone as suppressing the independence club. Thus, this case is not poison attempt of Kim Hong-ruk but Removal operations of Kimg Hong-ruk. 함경도 출신 천민이자 러시아 통역관 김홍륙은 아관파천 이후 커다란 권력을얻게 되었다. 러시아는 그를 옹호하였고, 김홍륙은 정부의 일부 관료들 및 함경도세력들과 함께 세력을 공고히 하였다. 그는 러시아의 이권을 보장해주는 대가로정부에서 무소불위의 권력을 행사하였다. 그의 친척과 장인은 사욕을 채울 수 있는자리에 올랐고, 이에 반대하는 정부의 대신들은 전부 좌천되었다. 심지어 그가 추천한 무당도 궁에 드나들었고 그 무당은 인사권을 행사하기도 하였다. 그의 전횡에 대항하는 세력들은 암살을 도모하였으나 실패로 끝났다. 러시아는이에 대한 진상조사를 원했으나, 제대로 밝혀지지 않았다. 김홍륙은 이 사건 이후에독립협회 간부들을 없애려고 하고, 러시아의 이권을 도우는 등 다시금 권력을 행사하려 하였다. 그는 한성판윤에 해임된 이후 관직에 다시 진출하지 못했다. 고종은 그가 사리사욕을 채운다는 이유를 들어 귀양 보냈다. 귀양 보낸 이후 김홍륙은 앙심을 품고고종을 독살하려는 계획을 세웠다. 이른바 김홍륙 독차사건이다. 그러나 여러 가지 사건의 전황으로 보아 김홍륙은 독살을 시도했다는 이유로사형당한 것이 아니라 고종과 그 측근 세력에 의해서 제거당한 것이었다. 사건의배후였던 인물들은 항상 고종의 측근에 있었고, 김홍륙을 직접 조사했다. 독이 든커피를 마시는 것을 증명하거나 김홍륙을 조사한 것을 본 객관적인 인물도 없었다. 이에 당시 독립협회와 외국인들은 수많은 의혹을 제기하여 이 사건의 조사를 원하였으나 고종은 이를 일축했다. 고종은 이 사건 이후에 황권 강화를 위한 법령을 만들었고, 의혹을 제기한 독립협회를 억누르는 일석이조의 효과를 누렸다. 따라서 김홍륙 독차사건은 당시 일어났던충격적 사건이 아닌 고종과 측근세력의 황권 강화를 위한 김홍륙 제거작전이었던것이다.

정조 말∼순조 초 金健淳의 행보와 辛酉邪獄

임혜련 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2019 한국학논총 Vol.51 No.-

Kim Geon Soon’s baptismal name was Josaphat and he was executed during Shinyu-Saok(1801). He is from Andong Kim’s family. Andong Kim’s was the most prestigious family in the late Joseon dynasty. During Byungja-Horan(1636-1637), Kim Sang Heon and Kim Sang Yong of the Andong Kim family dedicated loyalty to the Joseon Dynasty. Kim Geon Soon was a descendant(Bongsason) of Kim Sang Heon. Andong Kim’s family was Nohron and married a royal family in the 19th century and became maternal relatives. Kim Geon Soon was a Catholic. Kim became a Catholic after taking an interest in Western Studies(Seo-hak), and Andong Kim’s free and diverse traditions were one of the reasons why Kim became a Catholic. Also, Kim was talented and he had the curiosity about various things. He read Catholic books and wrote books from his youth. Kim was baptized by Father Zhou Wen-mo. Although Kim Geon Soon was involved with the “Gang Yee Cheon incident,” but King Jeongjo forgave Kim. Because Kim was a Bongsason of Kim Sang Heon and Andong Kim’s family was loyal to the King. But King Soonjo did not forgive Kim. King Soonjo ascended the throne at the age of 11. Because the king was too young, Queen Jeongsoon conducted Sooryeomcheongjeong. In 1801, the execution of Catholics is Joseon Dynasty occurred, which is called the Shinyu-Saok. The incident killed many Catholics in Joseon. The circumstances changed from the time when it was King Jeongjo due to Sooryeomcheongjeong of Queen Jeongsoon. King Jeongjo cooperated with Si-pa of Nohron and Nam-in, but Queen Jeongsoon was from Byuk-pa of Nohron. So the Queen tried to eliminate those people who were active during Jeongjo’s reign. The Shinyu-Saok was the main incident because many Nam-in were Catholic. Though KimGeonSoon was Nohron he was executed and beheaded. Andong Kim was Si-pa of Nohron. The beheading of KimGeonSoon was too strict because he was the Yangbhan class. Nevertheless, Kim was executed because of Queen Jeongseon's intention to eliminate the Si-pa of Nohron. It was also the Queen's intention to warn the entire family of Andong Kim. In the end, Kim’s death was also influenced by political reason. 김건순은 안동 김문 출신으로 순조 원년(1801년) 신유사옥으로 처형된 인물이다. 안동 김문은 병자호란이 발생했을 때 김상헌과 김상용의 충절을 바탕으로 의리와 학문을 갖춘 조선후기 최고의 명문가이며, 김건순은 김상헌의 봉사손이었다. 안동 김문은 19세기에는 왕실과 국혼을 통해 외척가문으로 가세를 지속하였던 노론 가문이다. 김건순은 안동 김문 가풍에서 나오는 자유롭고 다양한 분위기와 개인의 재능과 호기심, 다양한 관심이 작용하여 그는 학문으로서 서학을 하였다. 또한 그는 청년시절부터 천주교 서적을 읽고 책을 썼으며, 천주교와 관계를 맺고 있었던 것으로 볼 수 있다. 김건순은 정조대 ‘강이천 사건’에 연루되었지만, 산림 김양행의 손자이며, 김상헌의 봉사손이라는 가문적 배경, 그리고 정조의 안동 김문에 대한 신뢰 등으로 혼자 귀양에서 제외된바 있다. 순조 즉위후 정순왕후가 집권하면서 상당수 천주교 신자들이었던 남인들을 제거하기 위한 것이 신유사옥이었다. 이 사건으로 정조대 입지가 강화되었던 남인들은 정치적으로 제거될 수밖에 없었다. 김건순은 주문모 신부의 심문 과정에서 언급되며 체포되어 천주교 신자인지, 세례를 받았는지, 강이천이 꾀한바 있는 사건을 통해 반역을 꾀했는지 집중 심문을 받았다. 김건순은 철저히 천주교인인 것을 부정하였고, 세례 받은 것을 인정하지 않았다. 그는 주문모신부만 만난 것을 인정하였다. 이러한 그의 행보는 배교로 볼 수 있고, 천주교회에서도 김건순을 순교자로 인정하지 않고 있다. 그럼에도 김건순은 안동 김문 명문세족 출신 양반사대부이지만 참수형을 당하였다. 김건순은 천주교를 했다는 것을 인정하지 않았음에도 샤를르 달레나 황사영 등 당대인들은 그를 순교자로 묘사하고 있다. 이러한 김건순에 대한 엄한 처분은 두 가지 정치적 목적을 가지고 있다고 여겨진다. 하나는 안동 김문에 대한 정순왕후의 견제이며, 또 하나는 신유사옥이 남인을 처벌하는 정치적 숙청이라는 시각에 대한 반증으로 노론 김건순에 대한 엄한 처벌이 이루어진 것으로 보이며, 천주교 측에서는 노론도 천주교 신자라는 또 다른 이유가 필요했기 때문에 당대에는 김건순을 순교자로 인식한 것으로 볼 수 있다.

단원 김홍도 화제(畫題)의 서체와 낙관인

손환일 한국사상문화학회 2019 한국사상과 문화 Vol.100 No.-

Kim Hong-do had a great influence on painting and calligraphy. He had learned from Kang Se-hwang, a representative painter, calligrapher of Joseon period; however, the variety of painting was from the genius of Kim Hong-do. The handwriting style of Kim was following Cursive script(Choseo), Semi-cursive script(Haengseo), Regular script(Haeseo), Palbun(a kind of Clerical script) and Seal script(Jeon-seo). Cursive script(Choseo) and Semi-cursive script(Hangseo) of Kim Hong-do followed the Semi-cursive script(Haengseo) writing style of Wang Xizhi as Kang Se-hwang. Also Kim Hong-do was following the style of small-letter-Regular-script(Haeseo) writing style of Wang Xizhi as Kang. However for the big-letter-Regular-script(Haeseo) writing style, Kim Hong-do accepted the style of Aekche(額體: writing style used in Pyeon-aek, a signboard) of Lee Bugwang of Yuan Dynasty; he used the writing style of Yan Zhenqing, a Chinese calligrapher, of Tang Dynasty, in contrast with Kang Se-hwang. For 전서, Kim followed Lee Han-jin(a calligrapher of Joseon) and Im Deuk-myeong(a painter of Joseon) in part; however, he added the pictorial feature, it was the different point from Lee Han-jin. For Palbun(a kind of Clerical script), he learned from Yu Hanji(a calligrapher of Joseon). Through the pen name and the seal of Kim Hong-do, it is possible to guess his age, personal situation, residential area and so on. The pen name ‘西湖(Seo-ho)’ showed ‘his Seoul life, leaving Ansan area’, the seal ‘士能(Sa-neung)’ showed his youth, the pen name using ‘翁(Ong)’ suggested his old age. Also the pen name ‘檀園(Dan-won)’ and ‘小檀(So-dan)’ reflected his respect to Li Liufang(Yi Yu-bang) of Ming Dynasty, thinking of himself as a disciple of Li; it showed that Kim Hong-do was influenced by the style of Li Liufang. Kim Hong-do used various style of Signature Seal(落款印: Nakgwanin), using the technique of ‘depressed(intaglio) engraving’ and ‘embossed(relief) carving’, and with the circular shape and the square shape. Kim used the depressed(intaglio) engraving seal. The signature seal ‘臣弘道(Shinhongdo)’ and ‘士能(Sa-neung)’, of <Jeon Kim-Hong-do Chu-seong-bu-do(a painting by Kim Hong-do, expressing the poetry of Song Dynasty)>, had confirmed the painting as a genuine work of Kim Hong-do. On the contrary, some paintings with unfamiliar signature seal were difficult to be considered as the works of Kim Hong-do; Kim Hong-do has a significant feature of calligraphy and seal of his own. At the contents of Du-in(頭印: a seal used to beginning of the work), it is possible to guess his taste and tendency. Among the frequently used Du-in, ‘一卷石山房(Ilgwonseoksanbang)’ meant his self-portrait, ‘心醉好山水(Simchwihosansu)’ reflected his landscape paintings. As can be seen, Signature Seal was important to show the feature of artist through writing style and seals. Someone can draw the painting similarly, however it is hard to copy the same calligraphic style. 김홍도는 강세황에게 배워 서화에 미친 영향이 크다. 그러나 그림의 다양성은 그의 천재적 기질에서 발현된 것이다. 김홍도가 구사한 서체는 초서와 행서, 해서, 팔분과 전서 등이 있다. 초서와 행서는 강세황과 함께 왕희지 행서필법을 따랐다. 소자(小字) 해서도 강세황과 같은 왕희지의 소자 해서를 썼다. 그러나 대자(大字) 해서는 원나라 이부광의 액체(額體)를 따랐고, 화제에도 당나라 안진경체를 따른 점이 강세황과 다른 점이다. 전서는 이한진과 임득명을 따랐으나 글자에 회화성을 가미한 점이 이한진과 구별되고, 팔분은 유한지를 배웠다. 김홍도의 아호와 인장은 당시 나이, 개인적 상황, 주거지역 등을 엿볼 수 있다. ‘서호(西湖)’에서는 안산을 떠난 서울생활, ‘사능(士能)’에서는 청년 시절, ‘옹(翁)’에서는 노년, ‘단원(檀園)’, ‘소단(小檀)’에서는 명나라 이유방(李流芳)의 제자임을 자처하여 화법에 영향을 받았음을 알 수 있다. 김홍도의 낙관인은 음각과 양각, 그리고 방인(方印, 네모인장)과 원인(圓印, 둥근인장)을 사용하였다. 주로 음각을 많이 사용하였다. <전김홍도추성부도>는 날인된 낙관인 ‘신홍도(臣弘道)’와 ‘사능(士能)’을 통하여 김홍도가 그린 그림임을 확인할 수 있다. 반면에 낙관인과 관지(款識)의 서체가 생소한 그림들은 김홍도의 그림으로 보기 어려운 요건들이 있다. 낙관(落款)의 서체와 인장에 김홍도의 특징이 있기 때문이다. 두인의 내용에는 그의 취향과 성향이 나타나있다. 많이 사용한 두인 중 ‘일권석산방(一卷石山房)’은 그의 자화상, ‘심취호산수(心醉好山水)’는 그의 산수화를 연상하게 한다. 이와 같이 낙관에는 서체와 인장에서 작자의 특징이 잘 나타나 있기 때문에 중요하다. 그림은 유사하게 그릴 수 있으나, 글씨를 같게 하기는 어렵기 때문이다.

1886년 일본망명자 김옥균 유폐의 전말과 그 원인

김성혜(Kim, Sung-hyae) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2015 亞細亞硏究 Vol.58 No.3

갑신정변에 실패한 김옥균 등이 일본으로 망명한 이후, 조선정부는 이들을 역적으로 간주하고 김옥균의 본국 송환을 위해 노력해 나갔다. 이러한 조선정부와 달리, 일본정부는 국사범을 보호해 일본의 인도적 행동을 드러내고 조선과의 협상카드로 김옥균을 이용하고자 했다. 따라서 번번이 일본국내법과 만국공법, 그리고 조일간 범죄인인도조약의 부재를 이유로 조선정부의 김옥균 송환 요구를 거절했다. 그렇지만 일본정부의 김옥균 비호 방침은 오사카사건 관련자들의 김옥균에 대한 회유 모색이 발각되고 조선정부가 장은규와 지운영을 파견해 김옥균을 암살하려 하면서 변화되었다. 이로 인해 김옥균의 일본체류가 일본국내 치안을 불안하게 만들고 외교 분쟁의 빌미를 제공한다는 사실이 표면화 되었기 때문이었다. 그러자 일본정부는 김옥균문제를 해결할 방안을 강구했는데, 공교롭게도 이때 스스로를 지키고자 한 김옥균의 행동이 일본정부를 더욱 자극했다. 일본정부는 1885년까지 망명 국사범의 보호라는 명분과 대조선 정책에서의 활용이라는 실리를 모두 얻고자 김옥균의 일본체류를 묵인했다. 그렇지만 점차 조?청 양국의 반복적인 송환 요구와 일본내 반정부세력과의 연계, 암살자들의 도일 등으로 김옥균을 내치외교의 걸림돌로 판단하게 되었다. 결국 일본정부는 김옥균의 공식적인 신변보호 요청을 계기로 추방을 결정해 오가사라와에 유폐시켰다고 하겠다. The Korean government had constantly promoted the repatriation of political asylum in Japan like Kim Ok-kyun(金玉均) who led a failed coup and fled to Japan. At that time, the Korean government recognized Kim was a threat to the regime and made the feelings of the people disturb. However, the Japanese government opposed the Korean government for they permitted Kim’s residence in Japan. By the way, the Japanese government’s policy had changed because of the discovery of the Osaka plot(大阪事件) with Kim Ok-kyun and an assassin dispatched by the Korean government. The Japanese government had to prevent a coup by the opposition with Kim Ok-kyun or the assassins would kill Kim in Japan. Therefore, the Japanese government had decided on Kim’s deportation from Japan because of the obstacles in diplomacy and sedition. Then Kim had consulted his personal problems with an Englishman belonging to the judiciary of Japan and moved to a hostel of France concession in Yokohama, leaving Tokyo. Kim then sued Ji un-yeong(池運永) in court. In addition, Kim asked for personal protection and asylum in Russia from the Speyer of Russian consul in Japan. However, Kim Ok-kyun’s formal request for personal protection antagonized the Japanese government and made his expulsion one of force. As a result, Kim Ok-kyun was confined to Ogasawara(小笠原) Island.

楓巖 金終弼의 차운시 연구-황정견 차운시 「굉지에게(寄硡之)」 14수를 중심으로-

손여임 동방한문학회 2013 동방한문학 Vol.0 No.57

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the poetry series 「To Goengji」written by Kim Jong-Phill. Kim composed these poetries quoting Huang Tingjiang's famous lines from 「To Huang Jifu」- "peach blossom, liquor in the spring breeze, raining night in rivers and lakes, wandering drifter's lamplight."Kim had a gift for poetry but modern researchers failed to show interest in his works. So we attempted to reveal the values of his poetries and consider the rebirth of Huang's fine poems 「To Huang Jifu」 in the literary hands of Kim. In chapter Ⅱ, in order to properly examine the characteristics of said poems, we first analyzed the backgrounds of the poems. In chapter Ⅲ, we gave consideration to Kim's poetries by dividing them into three categories:「Kim's secluded life and world-weariness」, 「Three mediums which bring peace to Kim- Poetry, Alcohol and Nature」,「Admiration for Tao and Huang & Similarities of three poets-Kim, Huang and Tao」. As the result, we found that Kim did not once enter the government service and usually resided in his hometown. Then one day, he went to Hanyang and stayed at an inn. Goengji(許硡) came to see Kim, and they appreciated Huang's poetries and developed an admiration for the works. After returning home, he took a trip down memory lane with his friend. He then expressed his way of life and lifelong desires. In addition, Kim was heavily influenced by Tao Yuanming. Huang was also fond of Tao, so he was referred to as Tao's alter-ego. The great admiration they shared for Tao was the common ground between the two poets. Above all, Kim was affected by a great interest in Huang among Chosun literary circle in the 15th century. In Chapter Ⅲ, we focused on Kim's secluded life and world-weariness. He truly enjoyed being a recluse and tried to live following the course of nature reciting 「Beating a jar(考槃詩)」. Secondly, 'Poetry', 'Alcohol' and 'Nature' play a significant role to Kim. In order to forget all complicated realities of the world and escape from the harsh truth of not being accepted into society, he drank alcohol and found comfort. Besides, he tried to follow the example of the way of the Natre-'pine trees' and 'chrysanthemums'. As we know, they are symbolic icons of 'fidelity' and 'scholarly integrity'. Furthermore, he believed that 'Poetry' was the only way he would ever truly distinguish himself and soothe his loneliness. Finally, Kim enjoyed Tao and Huang's poems and he modeled his style after the two poets. Kim always adored Tao who did all farming himself, while enjoying rural life and keeping his integrity. So he also composed poems in which he expressed the delights of country life, while standing firm in his views. These views led to a form of self-respect, while holding on to his true colors. Furthermore, these views led him to describe himself to an unfading pine tree and chrysanthemums when all other greens and flowers turn to brown and wither away, similar to Tao's beliefs. Meanwhile, Kim tried to follow the example of Huang who made an effort to polish poets' skills and compose finer, newer poetries. So he made a poetry series quoting from famous lines of great poets' works.

김은국 소설에 나타난 자서전적 요소

김욱동 새한영어영문학회 2007 새한영어영문학 Vol.49 No.1

This article attempts to explore some autobiographical elements in the three novels written by Richard E. Kim: The Martyred (1964), The Innocent (1968), and Lost Names (1970). A diaspora writer, Kim finds his subject matter in the major historical events of Korea. In his first internationally acclaimed novel, Kim draws much on some incidents in his own personal and family history; its protagonist the Reverend Shin, for example, is modelled on his maternal grandfather, the Reverend Hak Bong Lee, who were not only persecuted but also executed by the North Korean Communists. Kim's active involvement with the Korean Army as a liaison officer during the Korean War, as well as the military coup detat led by General Park in 1961, provide material for his second novel. In the third novel, Kim borrows the characters, incidents and settings not only from his family history but Korean history as well. His own childhood experiences under the Japanese colonial occupation and the strong nationalist sentiments of his father, play a pivotal role in the third and last novel. At his best, however, Kim explores universal themes that are far beyond geographical as well as temporal limitations.

민법의 기초자 가인 김병로

김재형 사법발전재단 2023 사법 Vol.1 No.63

After gaining independence from Japan in August 1945, the Republic of Korea prioritized the codification of its legal system, which entailed developing new laws and codifying them separate from the laws that the Japanese colonial rulers imposed on Koreans in 1919–1945 to lay the foundations for Korea as a fledgling sovereign state. The history-making task of writing the new Korean Civil Code was given to the most accomplished legal expert of the time, Kim Byeong-Ro (also known by his pen name, Gah-In). On September 15, 1948, shortly after his inauguration as the first chief justice of the Supreme Court of Korea, Kim served as chairman of the Korean Code Compilation Committee and worked tirelessly toward codifying the law of his country. Despite the challenges from the Korean War, (1950–1953), Kim successfully finished drafting the Civil Code on July 4, 1953, and the draft code was submitted to the Korean National Assembly as a government proposal. On December 17, 1957, two days after Kim’s retirement as chief justice, the National Assembly passed a bill approving the Civil Code. On February 27, 1958, the Civil Code was promulgated as Act No. 471; and on January 1, 1960, it came into force. During his tenure as chief justice, Kim not only instituted an independent Korean judiciary but also accomplished the all-important task of drafting the Korean Civil Code. If we wish to understand the historical origins of the Civil Code of Korea, it would be a worthwhile endeavor to examine the role that Kim played in creating the Civil Code and Kim’s relevant achievements. Furthermore, within the current context of considering amendments to the Korean Civil Code with some urgency, it would be essential to examine the principal elements of the Code and the Code’s guiding philosophy, which influenced the Korean legislators at the time of the Code’s infancy. Against the foregoing backdrop, this article reviews the role of Kim Byeong-Ro, as the central figure behind the Korean Civil Code, in authoring the Code while analyzing how his ideology and ideas are reflected in the major provisions of the Code. The article begins by retracing Kim’s process in writing the Code, highlighting his involvement and his accomplishments in particular. The major provisions of the Korean Civil Code are then compared with those of the Japanese Civil Code, as the latter was effectively in force in the Republic of Korea when the former was codified. Through this comparison, the article aims to examine Kim’s ideology and convictions as they came to be evinced in the course of drafting the Korean Civil Code. Kim was determined to create a Civil Code that would wholly supplant the Japanese Civil Code and one that would be in harmony with the culture and customs indigenous to Koreans. To that end, he researched and studied the civil codes of many foreign countries. But he eschewed borrowing or adopting foreign laws in their original form. Instead, he only made use of them as a point of reference. In drafting the Korean Civil Code, Kim proceeded to codify what was in line with Korean customs and practices even when they did not exist in the Japanese Civil Code, while making a point of abolishing or revising what existed in the Japanese Civil Code that was alien to Korean soil. This is why a great number of provisions in the Korean Civil Code are not found in any form in the Japanese Civil Code. Or, even when they are, they differ in their content. Kim sought to avoid or limit unconventional or extremely individualistic views while honoring legal principles based on natural law. He also exhibited mindfulness of the socially and economically underprivileged by making a conscious effort to create a Code that was rational and reasonable in its particulars. In the realm of family law in particular, Kim attempted to reform the family system to make it jibe with the much-changed social reality at the time while remaining faithful to Korea's pro... 1945. 8. 해방 이후 독립국가에서 법전편찬은 무엇보다도 중요한 일이었다. 독립국가의 기틀을 세우기 위해서는 일제 강점기에 따라야 했던 일본법에서 벗어나 독자적인 법전을 마련해야 했기 때문이다. 민법 제정은 당대 최고의 법률가가 부여받은 임무였다. 김병로는 대법원장 취임 직후인 1948. 9. 15. 법전편찬위원장을 맡아 기본 법률의 제정에 온 힘을 쏟았다. 6·25전쟁으로 혼란스러운 틈에도 김병로는 1953. 7. 4. 민법초안을 완성하였고, 이것이 정부안으로 국회에 제출되었다. 그가 대법원장직에서 정년퇴임한 이틀 후인 1957. 12. 17. 민법제정안이 국회에서 통과되었다. 그 후 민법제정안은 정부에 이송되어 1958. 2. 22. 법률 제471호로 공포되었고, 1960. 1. 1. 시행되었다. 김병로는 대법원장 재임기간 동안 사법부의 기틀을 마련함과 동시에 법전편찬위원장으로서 민법 제정이라는 과업을 이루었다. 민법 제정 과정에서 김병로의 역할과 업적을 살펴보는 것은 대한민국 민법의 역사적 성격을 규명한다는 점에서 중요한 의미가 있다. 또한 민법 개정이 시급한 상황에서 제정민법의 주요 내용과 당시 입법자들의 근본사상을 되새겨볼 필요가 있다. 이 글에서는 민법의 기초자인 김병로가 우리나라의 민법 제정 과정에서 어떠한 역할을 했는지에 관하여 살펴보고, 그의 사상과 이념이 고스란히 녹아 있는 제정민법의 주요 규정을 분석해보았다. 먼저 민법 제정 과정을 개관하면서 그 과정에서 김병로의 역할과 공적을 찾아 정리한 다음, 제정민법의 주요 규정에 관하여 당시 대한민국에 의용(依用)되던 일본민법, 즉 의용민법과 비교해보고, 이를 토대로 민법 제정 과정에서 드러나는 김병로의 이념과 사상을 살펴보았다. 김병로는 일본민법을 대체하는 민법을 제정하되, 세계 여러 나라의 민법을 참고하여 우리 고유의 문화와 풍속에 맞는 독자적인 민법을 제정하고자 하였다. 일본민법 등 외국의 법령은 참고용일 뿐 그대로 채택하지 않았다. 김병로가 민법초안을 기안할 때 일본민법에는 존재하지 않더라도 종래 우리나라 관습 등에 따라 인정되어 온 제도는 명문화한 반면, 일본민법에 존재하나 종래 이용되지 않은 제도는 과감하게 폐지하거나 수정하였다. 이것이 제정민법에는 일본민법에 존재하지 않거나 일본민법과는 그 내용상 차이가 있는 다수의 규정들이 있는 이유이다. 김병로는 극단적인 개인주의 사상을 지양하고자 하였고, 자연법적 사고에 따라 법원칙을 존중하였다. 또한 합리적이고 현실적합성이 있는 민법을 제정하고 사회경제적 약자를 배려하려고 하였다. 가족법 분야에서 우리 고유의 전통과 순풍미속(淳風美俗)을 유지하되, 변화된 사회현실과 조화를 이루도록 가족제도를 개혁하고자 하였다. 김병로의 노력으로 대한민국은 독자적인 민법전을 가질 수 있게 되었다.

1930년대 김광주의 상해 체험과 아나키즘 인식

김명섭 ( Myung Seob Kim ) 단국사학회 2016 史學志 Vol.52 No.-

This paper discussed the Korean community in China Shanghai in the 1930s by the novelist Kim Gwang-ju`s recalls. Kim Gwang-ju is a refuge for about 10 years until the 1937 war took place while since moved to Shanghai in 1929 to meet the various figures of the Korean community in Shanghai unfolded cultural activities with the anti-Japanese movement. Even though his shanghai settlement and time of refuge records are seem to inaccurate, but it is a relatively considered as a objective and analytic memoir of his experience. Through this we can know that Kim Gwang-ju associated with the young director of movies, including the various cultural artists of theatrical world in 1930s Shanghai. Through the interchange with the young generation of unconstrained cultural artists who do not want the Japanese domination and the activity of Bohemian Theater Company, he had various experience in poem, conte, play and movie. Of course, theses are based on the great support of leaders such as Kim-Gu, Ahn-Changho and Kim Du-bong who led the Korean Independent Movement in Shanghai. Furthermore, the interchange with anarchists who were active in the ``Namhwa-Federation`` has had a big impact to raise his nationalistic emotion and the spirit of freedom. From the perspective of the Korean modern national movement, the research of Kim Gwang-ju`s life first, additional research materials for his family, especially elder brother Kim Dong-joo is very necessary. Kim Dong-joo is a secret help sponsor of activities of the Anti-Japanese independence fighters in Manchuria, as well as a important person who connected with an agents of a Provisional Government. His life was believed to be the future of course, also we need to study in depth the role and position of the personal hospital. Secondly, it is necessary to examine the local shelter, etc. Activity of Kim Gwang-ju activities in Shanghai. In other words, while Kim Gwang-ju live a long time is needed for local excavations and historical research, such as the Activity where many literary works written by the school and toughness. This is expected to find signs of shanghai, including Kim Gwang-ju Korean culture, artists in the 1930s who exchanges with him.

김억의 번역론 연구 : 근대문학의 장(場)과 번역자의 과제

김진희(Kim Jin-hee) 한국시학회 2010 한국시학연구 Vol.- No.28

In the beginning of the Korean modern literature since 1910's, Kim Eok played a crucial role as a translator for foreign literature and theory. During the acceptance of foreign literature, Kim realized the importance of translation and he is considered an intellectual who, as opposed to other contemporary translators, performed a bulk of translations from various countries. He was in the lead of balancing content and form, reforming he literary circles of translation in which there was abundance of arbitrary interpretations and content-concentrated translations. However, Kim Eok's translated works have been devalued by reason of erroneous and liberal translation of original works and inapt understanding. Researchers generally examine original and translated texts in tandem, after which they point out problems of the translations and attribute them to the translators' lack of capacity. The study of this paper presupposes that in-depth understanding of translated texts can be carried out only when the theory and practice of translation go in parallel. It argues that the negative evaluation for Kim's translations can be reconsidered through the study of theory. Kim argued for 'creative liberal translation,' and this paper investigates the formation and characteristics of this standpoint. This paper particularly looks into how symbolism, which Kim embraced, influenced Kim's view on translation. The acceptance of symbolism and the theory of translation are discussed in regard to the theory of translation maintained by Bejamin, a German literary critic who lived around the same time, in his book The Task of the Translator. The paper also examines Kim Eok's theory of translation in the sense that the act of translating foreign languages expands and deepens a mother tongue, which provides an opportunity to form and develop the self-identity. Kim's viewpoint on translation, which searches for the nature of poems, found modern poetic language for the Korean poetry, which was possible due to his exploration into language that represents this nature. Translating the western poems in the initial stage of modern literature implies admission and conveyance of heterogeneous culture, beyond simple written text, and creation of new culture. Kim Eok's translated works shows the creativity of cultural translation that is generated at the intersection of internal and external cultures. The literary world after 1920's, via translations, could realize the identity of modern literature by means of dialogue with others, i.e. dialogue between tradition and the West. Furthermore, it could have a foundation in creation of new culture. Along these lines of modern literature, Kim Eok's theory of translation presented ‘creative liberal translation’ and ‘creative translation’ as the task and direction for those who do the translation, including himself. It was an aspect of cultural action that Kim's theory evidently showed through translation.