서한(西漢)의 서역변강정책(西域邊疆政策)

장석재 ( Chang Seog Jae ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.115 No.-

Prior to the Han’s advance, people in many countries in the Western Regions lived a settled existence in most cases and they had castles, fields, and livestock. They were different from the Xiongnu Wusun, but all of them were subjected to the Xiongnu. Therefore, the Han’s advance into the Western Regions meant a war against the Xiongnu, which was dominating the northwestern border area of the Han. In the early days after foundation, the Han was not stable politically, economically, or militarily. The Han maintained humiliating friendly relationships with the Xiongno, which was dominating the northwestern border area, while offering gold, cotton and, colored silk every year. China entered a new stage during the reign of Wudi, who ascended the throne after ‘the rule of Wenjing.’ Wudi firmed up the centralized power system to construct the power base stably internally and established a foundation of a multi-ethnic feudal state centering on Han Chinese, through the expansion of territories mobilizing the armed forces externally. The Han’s exchange with the Western Regions occupies an important position in the history of east and west traffic and the history of the Western Regions. The basic framework of Chinese northwestern border area policies was also established at this time, and this framework still has important implications in relation to border area issues. In order to understand the basic framework of Chinese border area policies, the view of Heaven’s will(天命觀) since the Western Zhou Dynasty period should be examined. The view of Heaven’s will refers to the proxy rule of the world by a son of Heaven, who is a representative of Heaven. Therefore, the world in the Western Zhou Dynasty period meant the range ruled by a son of Heaven based on Heaven’s will. According to this order, only the world acknowledging the order of the son of Heaven was ‘China(華).’ Xiongnu existed in the marginal area of China. The unified Empire Han made Confucianism into its ideology of ruling. As Confucianism was adopted as national studies during the reign of Wudi, Confucianism was reflected on political ideas in the form of idealized China and barbarian thought and Feudalism. Accordingly, the Emperor emerged as the only ruler in the world who receives Heaven’s will and deputizes Heaven’s intentions, and the ruling territory of the Han was expanded into the world including Yixia(夷夏). Accordingly, political organizations were constructed into the inside the boundary(內藩) and outside the boundary(外藩) under the emperor at the summit and the ruling territory was defined. The inside the boundary area is composed of the county regions directly ruled by the emperor, the kingdoms of feudal lords, and the states of feudal lords. This area was where all of the emperor’s virtue, manners, and laws are effective. The outside the boundary area refers to the regions directly ruled by the chiefs of barbarians, who are politically and militarily independent and the emperor’s ruling power did not directly reach these regions. In these regions, only the civilizing influences of the emperor such as manners and virtues were effective. This study explored the Earlier Han’s strategies to manage the Western Regions and the strategies’ effects on later generations. Thereafter, because this study was conducted from the viewpoint of the history of border area ruling, in this paper, first, the processes of opposition, struggles, and wars between the Han and the Xiongno undergone over the Western Regions were described and second, with what political means and strategies the Han subjugated various countries in the Western Regions and how the Han ruled the countries were examined for the 80 years from the beginning of the Han’s advance into the Western Region to the establishment of the Protectorate of the Western Regions and for the period after the establishment of the Protectorate of the Western Regions to the period of Wangmang(王莽). The Han’s management of the Western Regions is a process of acquiring and controlling colonies by a powerful nation from the people of a small and weak power. China gave the feudalist idea in the idealized form termed China centric world order to the process to interpret the process as a process of the expansion of the territory and the establishment of a multi-national state and mentions this as a tradition and feature of Chinese diplomacy. Considering whether this idea could be realized even when China is weak, analyzing the border area policies of China in early days is thought to be meaningful work. For the ancient Chinese state of which Chang'an was the capital, the stabilization of the northwestern border area was an important issue directly connected to the security of the dynasty. Although the Xiongnu power had been a serious threat to the Han since the early days of the foundation of the country, the Han, which was relatively weak, had no choice but to use friendly relation strategies. The Han, that had been building up its power behind the friendly relation strategies, began to exert its power during the reign of Wudi. Wudi raised the army for the subjugation of the Xiongnu while dispatching Zhang jian to Dayue clan and Wusun clan two times. This opened the road between the Han and the Western Regions. This road, which has an important meaning in the history of east-west traffic and the history of the Western Regions, became the road for the Han’s ruling of most countries in the Western Regions instead of the Xiongnu 80 years later. The modern meaning of the Han’s ruling of the Western Regions is a powerful nation’s colonial ruling of weaker nations. However, the history of China has given the feudalist idea in the form of a Chinese world order. Since then, ‘universal unification(天下一統)’, which means the expansion of the territory and the establishment of a multi-ethnic unified nation, has become an important feature of Chinese foreign relations. The purpose of Zhangjian's first dispatch of troops to the Western Regions was military and strategic one to suppress the Xiongnu by pincer attacks with Dayue clan. However, from the second dispatch of troops, the purpose was changed into spreading the virtue of the son the Heaven to the foreign areas where customs were different. The next step was to open roads for exchanges with many countries in the Western Regions and secure regions necessary in terms of strategies. The targets were Loulan, Gushi, Dawan, and Wusun. Therefore, the Han secured the southern road to the Western Regions through attacks on Loulan and Gushi and informed the status of the son of Heaven of the Han to many countries in the Western Regions and obtained the specialties of the Western Regions such as fine steeds with the first and second attacks on Dawan. Marital policies were also used. Wusun, which was dominating the traffic road at that time, was a strategically important country to fight against the Xiongnu forces. The Han tried to conciliate Wusun with a marital policy. The marital policy, which began in the reign of Wudi, continued for a long time even after the death of Wudi and eventually Wusun betrayed the Xiongnu and became a subordinate state of the Han. Originally, Cheshi(Gushi) was the hub of traffic to the Western Regions. After the subordination of Loulan and Wusun to the Han, the Xiongnu was desperate to secure Cheshi because it could dominate various countries in the Western Regions only through Cheshi. The offensive and defensive battles between the Han and the Xiongnu were fierce. The surrender of the Rizhu king xianxian dan who was responsible for Xiongnu’s management of the Western Regions in the third year of Shenjue was a ground-breaking event. The Han not only recovered Cheshi, which had been occupied by the Xiongnu, but also seized the Western Regions at once in place of the Xiongnu. The Han also secured the traffic road going along the southern slope of Tianshan to the west and the road going from Cheshi feudal lord state to the basin of Yili he on the west. The Han installed the Protectorate of the Western Regions in Wulei Castle. The Han’s establishment of the Protectorate of the Western Regions indicates that the Han's attacks on the Western Regions succeeded decisively and the Han became to dominate the Western Regions. Thereafter, the Han has managed the subordinated countries with its own idealized feudalist idea termed Chinese World Order. The Kings and major government officials of the countries under the jurisdiction of the Protectorate of the Western Regions received approving seals given by the Han’s Royal Court. The five countries, Kangguo, Dayuezhi, Anxi, Jibin, and Wuyishanli, were not subjected to the Protectorate of the Western Regions because they were too far away. In addition, moving nations, which were small nomadic nations that were moving along the water plant and the sheep, were not known where controlled by the Protectorate of the Western Regions. What is important is that the investiture order implemented in the Western Regions at this time became the prototype of Chinese border area policies. The Earlier Han’s ruling of the Western Regions means the expansion of the territory. At that time, the territory was a vast area ranging from the west of Dunhuang to the north of the Pamir Plateau and the Kharakorum mountains and the east and south of Lake Balash. Did the people of the Western Regions willingly accept the rule of Earlier Han? The records about ‘Protectorate General Danqin’, ‘Guju and Tangdou’ and ‘Xuzhili’ made during the period of Wangmang, which is negatively evaluated in the Shishu, indicate that the Han’s rule of various countries in the Western Regions was coercive. Although it does not appear in the records before the Wangmang period, given the conflicts between the Protectorate of the Western Regions and various countries in the Western Regions, it cannot be regarded that the people in the Western Regions willingly accepted the rule by the Protectorate of the Western Regions. Because ‘China’ neglected ‘barbarians’, the rule could not but be coercive and the resultant repulsion was natural.

중국 중세 `서역 3대무`의 중원 유입과 전개양상: 호선무 · 호등무 · 자지무를 중심으로⁺

이채문 ( Lee Chaemoon ) 무용역사기록학회 2015 무용역사기록학 Vol.39 No.-

실크로드를 거쳐 중원(中原)에 전래된 서역 악무 가운데 당나라 때 널리 유행한 것으로는 호선무(胡旋舞)·호등무(胡騰舞)·자지무(?枝舞)의 이른바 `서역 3대무`를 꼽을 수 있다. 이 때문에 중국에서는 `서역 3대무`에 대한 연구가 매우 활발하다. 반면 국내의 사정을 살펴보면, 고구려 호선무와 서역 호선무, 고려 당악정재(唐樂呈才) <연화대(蓮花臺)>와 자지무의 상관성에 관련한 고찰이 있었고 또 시가(詩歌) 자료를 통한 대상 악무에 대한 고찰이 있었으나 악무문화의 유입과 전개에 관련된 연구는 미흡한 실정이다. 따라서 본고에서는 교류를 통한 동아시아 악무 문화의 수용과 전개 사례를 살핀다는 취지에서 `서역 3대무`로 지칭되는 호선무·호등무·자지무를 중심으로 서역 악무의 중원 유입 과정과 전개양상을 고찰하였다. 서역의 악무가 중원에 유입된 역사는 오래되었으나 역사서의 기록이 분명하지 않아 어떤 악무가 언제 유입되었는지 단정하기는 어렵다. 그러나 당나라의 대표적 궁중 악무인 건무(健舞)와 연무(軟舞)에도 서역 악무가 적지 않았다는 사실이 『교방기』와 『악부잡록』의 기록에서 확인되고, 또 수·당 시기에 서역 악무가 부기(部伎)로 편성된 점으로 볼 때, 서역 악무는 그보다 앞서 중원에 전해졌음에 분명하다. 역사기록에 따르면, 중원과 서역의 악무 문화 교류는 이미 한나라 때부터 시작되었고, 위진남북조에 이르러 대거 유입되었으며, 수·당을 거치는 동안에는 최고조에 달하였다. 서역의 고유한 기풍을 지닌 호선무·호등무·자지무는 중원에 전해진 이후에 교방(敎坊)에서부터 군영(軍營), 사대부가의 가기(歌妓)에 이르기까지, 또 도성인 장안(長安)에서부터 절강(浙江)·호남(湖南)·사천(四川) 지역까지 전해져 중원의 한족 악무와 점차 융합하고 변천되었다. 따라서 서역 악무의 중원유입은 중세 중원 악무문화 발전에 큰 영향을 미쳤다고 할 수 있다. 즉, 서역 악무는 중원의 오랜전통을 지닌 악무 문화와 어우러져 새로운 악무문화를 창조하였는데, 아악(雅樂) 중심의 중원 악무에 대중성을 더하여 모두가 즐길 수 있는 악무문화로 바꿔놓았다. 본고에서는 `서역 3대무`를 대상으로 하여 그것이 서역으로부터 중원으로 유입되어 전개되는 과정을 중점적으로 살펴본 바, 향후에는 그것이 중원으로부터 제3의 지역 또는 국가로 다시 전파되고 변용된 양상에 대한 고찰이 요구된다. Among the songs and dances of the western regions that spread, via the Silk Road, to the central regions, Hoseonmu, Hodeungmu, and Jajimu―which are the “three dances of the western regions”―were widely popular during the Tang Dynasty. For this reason, they have been the focus of many studies in China. In Korea, studies have focused on the similarities between the Hoseonmu of the Goguryeo Dynasty and that of the western regions, and between the Yeonwhadae, which is the Dangak-jeongjae of the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Jajimu. While there have been studies on the songs and dances based on the poetic literature, there have been few studies on the introduction and development of the culture of song and dance. Thus, this paper aims to explore songs and dances that were introduced and developed in the East Asian region through exchanges, considering how they were first introduced and then expanded to the central regions by focusing on the three major western dances: Hoseonmu, Hodeungmu, and Jajimu. The songs and dances of the western regions were introduced to the central regions long ago, and it is not clear when the different songs and dances were introduced. Since Gyobanggi and other records state that many western songs and dances were found in Geon-Mu and Yeon-Mu, which were representative court songs and dances during the Tang Dynasty, it is clear that the western songs and dances were introduced to the central regions before the Tang Dynasty. Historical records indicate that the cultural exchange of songs and dances between the two regions started during the Han Dynasty, were promoted during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, and reached their peak during the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Hoseonmu, Hodeungmu, and Jajimu held the unique spirit of the western regions and spread from the major cities to Chekiang and from Haizhu to Szechuan, influencing not not only Gyobangs but also military camps and even the nobility. In doing so, they converged with the songs and dances of the Han people in the central regions. In this regard, it is safe to say that the introduction of western songs and dances to the central regions had a great impact on the development of songs and dances in the central regions during the Middle Age. The songs and dances of the western regions converged with those of the central regions and created a new culture of song and dance. By increasing the popularity of these songs and dances, which were mostly court music and dances, a new singing and dancing culture was created that everyone could enjoy. This article focuses on how the three dances were introduced to, and developed in, the central regions. Studies are required on how they spread to, and were transformed in, other regions.

북위후기(北魏後期) 낙양(洛陽) 거주 서역인(西域人)과 서역문화(西域文化)

최진열 ( Jin Yeoul Choi ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2014 大東文化硏究 Vol.87 No.-

본 논문은 북위후기(北魏後期) 낙양(洛陽)에서 활동했던 서역인(西域人)과 서역상품(西域商品), 서역문화(西域文化)를 다루었다. 북위후기(北魏後期) 수도 낙양(洛陽)에는 관리(선건(善乾)과 안토근(安吐根), 화안(和安))와 무사(武士), 황제(皇帝)의 후궁(우선희(于仙姬)), 상인(商人), 악인(樂人), 무인(舞人), 승려 등 다양한 직업에 종사하는 서역인(西域人)이 거주하였다. 『낙양가람기(洛陽伽藍記)』에 따르면 북위후기(北魏後期) 이후 낙양(洛陽)의 인구는 10만 9천여 戶였다. 서이(西夷), 즉 西域人이 거주했던 모의리(慕義里)에 거주하는 1만 호(戶)는 洛陽 전체 호수(戶數)의 9.1%에해당한다. 『자치통감(資治通鑑)』에 따르면 북위(北魏)의 수도 洛陽에 체류한 중앙아시아 출신 승려가 3천여 인이었고, 당시 북위(北魏)의 선무제(宣武帝)가 영명사(永明寺) 천여간(千餘間)를 세워 이들을 거주하게하였다. 뿐만 아니라 경명사(景明寺)에도 서역호(西域胡) 사문(沙門)이 거주하며 수도하였다. 이처럼 北魏後期의 수도인 洛陽 인구의 10%를 상회하는 西域人들이 당시 洛陽의 문화에 영향을 주었다. 西域人들은 서역(西域)의 불교(佛敎)를 북위(北魏)에 전파하고 유리제품과 은세공품 등서역산(西域産) 제품과 호상(胡床)·호가(胡家)·비파(琵琶) 등의 악기(樂器)를 들여왔으며 서역(西域)의 잡기(雜技)와 가무(歌舞)를유행시켰다. 北魏後期 수도 洛陽에는 西域人뿐만 아니라 다양한 외국인이 거주하였다. 『낙양가람기(洛陽伽藍記)』 「성남(城南)」 선양문조(宣陽門條)에 따르면 영교(永橋) 남쪽에 김릉관(金陵館)·연연관(燕然館)·부상관(扶桑館)·엄자관(嚴自館) 등 북위(北魏)에 귀부(귀부(歸附))한 외국인들을 수용하는 사이관(四夷館)이 있었다. 北魏에 귀부한 외국인들은 이곳에서 3년을 지낸 후에 남조(南朝) 출신(원문에는 오인(吳人))은 귀정리(歸正里), 북이(北夷)는 귀덕리(歸德里), 동이(東夷)는 모화리(慕化里), 서이(西夷)는 모의리(慕義里)로 옮겨 거주하였다. 洛陽에서 출토된 도용(陶俑)을보면 洛陽에는 아프리카 흑인과 아라비아인도 살았을 것으로 추정된다. 또 중앙아시아나 몽골고원의 유목민과 고구려인(高句麗人)들도 거주하였다. 이처럼 ‘국제도시’ 洛陽에서 거주했던 한인(漢人)이외의 다른 종족(種族)들은 어느 정도 자신의 문화와 습속을 유지하며생활하였다. 洛陽에 거주했던 西域人과 西域文化는 洛陽에 漢人과 한문화(漢文化)만 존재했을 것같은 선입견이 잘못되었음을 보여준다. 西域人과 西域文化는 호인(胡人)(유목민)들이 漢人과 漢文化에 일방적으로 경도(傾倒)되는 것을 막는 완충적인 역할을 했을 것이다. 洛陽에 살았던 북방의 유목민, 고구려(高句麗) 등 만주와 한반도의 사람들, 남조(南朝)에서 귀화한 사람들, 중앙아시아와 인도, 페르시아 등 西域 사람들의 고유 문화도 다른 種族들에게영향을 주었을 것이다. 따라서 北魏의 호인지배층(胡人支配層)이 일방적으로 漢文化만을 수용한 것이 아니라 다양한 種族의 문화를 섭취할 수 있는 공간이 바로 洛陽이었다. In this essay, I analyzed the people, goods and the culture of Western Region in Luoyang in last half of BeiWei Dynasty. There were many people of Western Region such as officials, soldiers, royal concubines, merchants, musicians, dancers, and Buddhist priests etc in Luoyang, capital city of BeiWei Dynasty. According to “The Monasteries of Luoyang”(Luoyang qielan ji), population of Luoyang were 109,000 households or so, where ten thousands of people from Western Region lived, 9.1 percent of Luoyang population. Furthermore, at least 3 thousands of Buddhist priests from Western Region were engaged in missionary work and meditated in the temple of Yongming and Jingming in Luoyang. The one-tenth people from Western Region affected the culture of Luoyang. For example, they brought Buddhism into the Luoyang and around the city, sold the glassware, silver wares, table of Western Region, and the musical instruments such as the hujia, Western mandolin and so on. Many kinds of acrobat, music and dance from Western Region were spreaded in Luoyang. There were also many other foreigners in Luoyang, such as the Afiricans, the Arabs, nomads from Central Asia or the Mongolia grassland, the Koguryo people, and the Chinese from Sourther China called Souhtern Dynasties(Nanchao). They lived in Luoyang, mantaining their orginal food, clothing and shelter, languages, and other native customs. The people and the culture of Western Region in Luoyang in last half of BeiWei had the shock absorbing role between the Xianbei people and the Chinese people, or between the culture of Xianbei or nomad culture and the Chinese culture. The foreigners from the Afirica, Arab, Central Asia or the Mongolia grassland, Koguryo and Souhtern Dynasties in Luoyang made achievements in cultural interaction. Luoyang, the capital city of BeiWei in last half of BeiWei Dynasty was not a melting pot of race and culture but a salad boul of of race and culture, Which was attributed to the people of Western Region.

《漢書》<西域傳>에 보이는 西域의 공간 의미

송정화 한국중문학회 2024 中國文學硏究 Vol.- No.94

This paper examined how the Han Dynasty recognized and recorded the geographical space of the western region[西域] by using Hanshu Xiyuzhuan which organized the space of the west region into independent chapters for the first time as a true history. First, in Hanshu Xiyuzhuan the western region was recognized as outside the central region[中原] and the land of the western barbarians[西戎]. As an extension of the geographical idea of Jiuzhoushuo[九州說] and Wufushuo[五服說], the western region was still the land of Huangfu[荒服], and the center was in the central region. However, the space of the western region was not completely occupied, under the influence of the Huns[匈奴]. Second, Hanshu Xiyuzhuan recorded the space of the western region as a land of conflict and dispute. The Han Dynasty continued to be threatened by the Huns in the northwest and was in a conflict relationship. In relation to this political conflict with the Huns, the Han Dynasty tried to weaken the power of the Huns by establishing close diplomatic relations with western countries. For the Han Dynasty, the western region was a space where various countermeasures such as conciliation, persuasion, bystander, and armed conquest coexisted. Third, the western region’s space in Hanshu Xiyuzhuan was an important channel connecting the East and West. In order to envoys from the Han Dynasty to successfully complete their meandering, they had to receive food and safe accommodation from western countries. Friendly relations with western countries were quite important for the Han Dynasty. Fourth, the western region was a space with special products and mysterious cultures, including jade and horses. However, some nomadic western countries were considered tribes of barbarians by the Han Dynasty. From the perspective of the Han Dynasty, the western space was recognized as a non-uniform space where civilization and barbarism intersect.

柔然经略西域的若干史事探讨

袁刚 단국대학교 동양학연구원 2019 東洋學 Vol.0 No.76

After expansion of Shelun and later generations of Khan, while occupying part of the northern grassland of Tianshan Mountains, Rouran Khanate further extended its antennae to the oasis areas of Hami and Turpan, thus realizing the effective control of Yiwu and Gaochang. As a result, while gaining access to the rich material resources of these regions, Rouran had increased wealth by manipulating the Silk Road trade. The Northern Wei Dynasty Emperor Taiwu’s strategy for the Western Regions once forced the Rouran forces to withdraw from most of the southern parts of the Tianshan Mountains. After the middle of the 5th century, the Northern Wei Dynasty relaxed its management and jurisdiction over the Western Regions due to civil strife, and Rouran forces came back, restoring and to some extent strengthening the control of parts of the Western Regions. In the late 480s, the establishment of the Gaoche State made Rouran’s influence on the Western Regions weakened again. During the Rouran Khanate rejuvenation period, the policies of the Western Regions were restored and developed at one time. Rouran’s administration of the Western Regions had an important impact on the history of ethnic relations and the history of exchanges between the East and the West in the middle of the 5~6th century. 世纪开始,经过社崘及以后几代可汗的开拓,柔然汗国在占据天山北部草原部分地区的同时,进一步 将经略触角伸向哈密和吐鲁番等绿洲地带,实现了对伊吾和高昌的有效控制。于是,柔然在获得这些地 区丰厚物质资源的同时,又通过操控丝绸之路贸易增加了财富。北魏太武帝时期对西域的经略,曾一度 迫使柔然退出天山南部的大部分地区。然而,5世纪中叶以后,北魏因内乱放松了对西域的经略和管辖, 柔然势力卷土重来,恢复并在一定程度上强化了对西域部分地区的控制。5世纪80年代末,高车国的建立 使柔然对西域的影响力再度被削弱。6世纪初以后,柔然汗国经历了一个短暂的复兴时期,经略西域的政 策一度得以恢复和发展。柔然经略西域,对5~6世纪中叶中国西北地区民族关系史和东西交流史产生了重 要影响。

거시경제지표를 이용한 중국 서부대개발 정책 평가

김동하 원광대학교 한중관계연구원 2020 韓中關係硏究 Vol.6 No.2

중국정부의 첫 번째 권역개발 정책인 서부대개발 정책은 2000년에 국무원 주도로 공식 시작되었다. 2020년을 기준으로 보면 동 ‘정책’은 20년이 지났지만, 최종 목표기간 은 2050년으로 이제 40%가 지난 셈이다. 그동안 동 ‘정책’에 대해 거시경제지표에 입각 한 정량적 정책평가는 그리 많지 않았다. 이러한 배경으로 수행된 본고의 분석결과, 동 ‘정책’ 수행으로 지난 18년(2000-2018)간 서부권 12개 성·직할시·자치구의 경제 성장 목표는 달성 됐다. 또한 3차 산업 비중이 빠르게 제고되어, 산업구조조정 역시 일정수 준으로 성공했다는 판단이다. 동 ‘정책’ 초창기의 SOC 투자로 인해 외자기업은 물론 중국기업도 많이 진입하여 탄탄한 2차 산업 기반을 조성하였으며, 이는 무역증대로 연결되었다. 그러나 52.6%에 달하는 연해지역 경제규모로 인해, 최근 8년간 서부권과 타 지역간의 소득격차 축소는 정체되고 있었다. 또한 서부권의 구매력 역시 타 지역 대비 현저한 성장세가 보이지 않아, 자체 시장화 조성이라는 정책 3단계(2016-2050) 목표 달성은 쉽지 않아 보인다. 게다가 내몽고에서 보이듯이 자원의존형 성장은 ‘네덜 란드 병’ 혹 ‘자원의 저주’ 현상을 서부권 내 기타지역으로 파급시킬 우려도 있다. 이에 대응하여 우리 기업들은 중국정부의 일대일로 정책과 연관된 서부대개발 내 관련 사업 기회를 포착하여야 할 것이다. 최근 양적·질적 성장세를 시현한 사천·중경·섬서·운남· 귀주 등에 대한 선별 투자전략 수립이 필요하며, 서부권 특혜조치 축소에 대비해야 할 것이다. 끝으로 최근 서부권 내 5곳에 설치된 자유무역시험구에 대한 지역별 맞춤형 투자 전략이 요구된다. The Chinese government’s first regional development policy, the Western Development Policy (WDP), was officially launched in 2000. As of 2020, WDP has passed 20 years, but the final target period is 2050, which means 40% passed. So far, there have been not many quantitative policy evaluations based on macroeconomic indicators on the WDP. As a result of the analysis, the economic growth target of 12 provinces, cities, and autonomous regions in the Western Region has been achieved over the past 18 years (2000-2018) due to the implementation of WDP. In addition, the proportion of the tertiary industry has been rapidly increased, and industrial restructuring has also been successful to a certain level. Due to SOC investment in the early days of the WDP, not only FDI enterprises but also Chinese enterprises entered the market, creating a solid foundation for secondary industries, which led to increased trade. However, the shrinking income gap between the Western Region and other regions has been stagnant for the past 8 years due to the size of the coastal region's economy, which stands at 52.6%. The purchasing power of the Western Region does not show significant growth compared to other regions, making it difficult to achieve the third phase of the policy (2016-2050) goal of creating its own marketization. Moreover, as seen in Inner Mongolia, resource-dependent growth is feared to spill over the ‘Dutch Disease’ or ‘Curse of Resources’ phenomenon to other parts of the Western Region. In response, Korean companies will have to seize relevant business opportunities within WDP, which are related to the ‘One Belt One Road’ policy of China. It is necessary to establish a selective investment strategy for Sichuan, Chongqing, Shaanxi, Yunnan and Guizhou, which have recently shown quantitative and qualitative growth, and prepare for the reduction of preferential treatment in the Western Region. Finally, customized investment by region is required for Free Trade Zone recently installed in 5 locations in the Western Region.

Economic Analysis on Rural-urban Coordinated Development in Western China

Tao CHEN 한국도시행정학회 2013 한국도시행정학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.2013 No.9

Western China is comparatively underdeveloped. At the beginning of the new century, China started implementing the strategy of Developing Western China to achieve a balanced regional growth. In the past decade, this region has witnessed remarkable social and economic progress. However, due to historical and geographical reasons, Western China still lags behind in social-economic development. Meanwhile, the rural-urban development discrepancy in western region is growing all the more noticeable than that in developed regions. In this context, this paper will be dedicated to the study of rural-urban coordinated development and its underlying economic mechanism. It first reviews the theoretical basis for rural-urban coordinated development, diachronically explores China and its western region"s social-economic development and the status quo, empirically testifies the rural-urban dichotomy and to what extent rural-urban developments is coordinated. On that basis, it proposes near-term and long-term development targets.

한국 고대 서역문화의 수용에 대한 고찰

전덕재(Jeon Deok-Jae) 부산경남사학회 2006 역사와 경계 Vol.58 No.-

Since the Chinese Han(漢) dynasty period, dramatic plays(曲藝) from the Western regions(西域) have been being introduced to China, and such addition of foreign plays made the existing traditional entertainment and techniques(百戱雜技) more layered and more versatile. Those cultural aspects of China were also introduced to the Korean peninsula, and were used or played at various parties and banquets.<br/> Along all kinds of entertainment and techniques, the songs and dances of the Western regions were also introduced to the Koreans. The examples include the Somakcha(蘇莫遮), which was passed on to the Goguryeo and Shilla dynasties, and also Sokdok(束毒), Weoljeon(月顚) and Daemyeon(大面), of which the names can be found from Choi Chi Weon's 「Hyangak Jabyeong(鄕樂雜詠:Local Music and Lyrics)」.<br/> The 5-string Bipa instruments and Pilryul flutes originated in the Western regions were relayed to China and then to the Goguryeo dynasty in mid-5th century, and after that used by the Shilla and Baekje people, and then even by the Japanese for musical accompaniments.<br/> Shilla people called the songs and dances from the Western regions ‘Hyangak(鄕樂: local music)', and viewed them as a different sort of music from the Chinese Dangak(唐樂) music. The title of ‘Hyangak' reveals that the Shilla people embraced and absorbed the Western regions' music and dances into their own culture and turned them into a unique version of songs and dances of their own.

서부대개발정책이 중국서부지역 총요소생산성에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구

이창호 ( Lee Changho ),경성림 ( Qing Chenglin ) 한국외국어대학교 중국연구소 2017 中國硏究 Vol.72 No.-

This research analyses the outcomes of the China Western Development policy, proceeding in China's Western region, and derives its future prospects. It especially looks at to what extent economic growth has been realized and how the economic growth gap between provinces within the Western region has changed as a result of the China Western Development policy, analyzes what the change factors are, and presents policy implications. This study focuses on outcomes which influence the Western region's economic growth, through Total Factor Productivity analysis and the Malmquist productivity index. Results show that the China Western Development policy can to some extent be assessed as showing outcomes. However, these outcomes appeared unevenly among provinces within the Western region. Provinces such as Chongqing, Inner Mongolia, Sichuan, Ningxia, and Qinghai experienced growth of total factor productivity through diverse technical development and attracting foreign investment, whereas Yunnan, Guizhou, Shanxi, and Guangxi were unable to properly realize change of technical efficiency, and their total factor productivity instead decreased. On the basis of these results, we present implications for the balanced development of the Western region as follows: enhancing the utilization of factors of production, preventing the loss of human talent, and using marketing to attract foreign capital, by reformulating rational policy directions and technology.

원삼국~백제 한성기 시흥 지역 집단의 존재 양상과 변화

한지선 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2023 규장각 Vol.63 No.-

본고에서는 원삼국~백제 한성기 시흥 지역의 생활·분묘 유적을 분석하여, 시흥 지역 유적군의 특징을 정리하고 백제의 진출에 따른 변화 양상과 그 역사적 의미를 고찰하였다. 시흥 일대는 물질문화 측면에서 김포․인천 등과 함께 경기 서부 지역에 속하면서도 유적의 중심 시기와 유구·유물 측면에서 차이점을 보이고 있어서, 3세기 후반 이후 백제가 경기 서부 지역에 영향력을 확장하는 과정에서 중요한 역할을 담당했던 것으로 추정된다. 시흥 지역의 생활․분묘 유적에서는 원삼국시대 이래의 사주식 주거지, 이형토기, 분구묘가 확인되고 있어 기본적으로 경기 서부권의 문화를 공유하였음을 보여준다. 다만 오이도 유적 출토 원저옹형토기와 은행동․계수동 유적의 이중구연호 부장 사례를 통해서, 시흥 지역이 경기 남부~충청 이남 지역과 연결되는 교통로에서 결절점 역할을 했음을 알 수 있다. 시흥 지역의 3세기 후반 이후 물질문화 양상은 백제와의 관계 측면에서 특징적이다. 시흥 지역에선 3세기 후반부터 대규모 취락이 등장하고, 해당 취락에서는 승문계 타날문 취사용기, 백제토기 등을 사용하며 백제 중앙과 토기 문화를 공유했다. 분묘 유적의 경우 4세기 중엽 이후 분구묘 전통이 중단되었고 5세기대 능곡동에서 석실묘가 축조되면서 부장품의 종류 또한 변화하였다. 능곡동 석실묘에서는 백제 중앙의 석실묘와 구조적인 공통점이 확인되고 장제 측면에서 방두정이 출토되는 등, 백제 중앙의 묘장제와 강하게 연결된 모습이 드러난다. 백제는 경기 서부 지역 방면으로 진출할 때 김포 등 한강 하류역의 유력한 세력을 의식하고 시흥 일대의 지역 집단과 먼저 관계를 맺었던 것으로 보인다. 이는 백제가 기존 전통적인 기반을 지닌 세력이 아닌 그 외곽의 지역 집단을 신흥 세력으로 육성하는 전략으로도 해석할 수 있다. 4세기 후반부터 백제는 경기 서부 지역의 분묘 전통이 단절될 정도의 영향력을 행사했다. 이때 경기 서부 지역은 남부 지역에 비해 부장용 위세품, 저장용 단면 플라스크형 수혈, 백제토기 상위 기종과 같은 특수한 성격의 유구·유물이 상대적으로 적게 확인되고 있다. 이에 백제가 경기 서부 지역을 남부 지역과는 다른 방식으로 운영했을 가능성이 높다고 판단된다. This study analyzes dwellings and tombs in Siheung dating from Proto-Three Kingdoms Period to Hanseong Baekje Period to summarize the characteristics of the Siheung region's site groups and to examine the process and historical significance of Baekje's advance into the area. The Siheung area belongs to the western Gyeonggi region along with Gimpo and Incheon. But it shows differences in terms of the period and characteristics of sites, suggesting that Siheung area played an important role in the process of Baekje's expansion into the western Gyeonggi region after the late 3rd century. In the dwellings and tombs in Siheung, there are evidence of the four-pillars(四柱式) type houses, the differently-shaped potteries(異形土器), and mounded burials(墳丘墓) since the Proto-Three Kingdoms period. And it indicates that they basically shared the material culture of western Gyeonggi region. But the round bottom pottery jars(圓底甕形土器) from the Oido site and potteries with two-fold mouth(二重口緣土器) from the Eunhaeng-dong and Gyesu-dong sites suggest that Siheung area served as a nodal point on transportation routes connecting southern Gyeonggi and southern Chungcheong region. The material culture of the Siheung region area the late 3rd century onwards is characterized by the relationship with Baekje. In the Siheung area, large-scale settlements emerged from the late 3rd century. And they used earthenware similar to that of central Baekje, including Seungmun(繩文) beating pattern potteries and Baekje-potteries. In the case of tomb sites, the tradition of mounded tombs was discontinued after the middle of the 4th century. Also the types of burial items changed with the construction of Neunggok-dong stone chamber tombs in the 5th century. The Neunggok-dong stone chamber tombs have some of the structural elements of the 'Pangyo-type of stone chamber tomb' and square-shaped nails were exacavted inside. This suggests a strong connection between the local group and central Baekje. It seems that Baekje was conscious of the powerful local groups in the lower reaches of the Han River, such as Gimpo. So Baekje established relationships with local groups around Siheung, before expanding into the western region of Gyeonggi. This can also be interpreted as a strategy to foster local groups of the outskirts of the region rather than those with traditional bases. From the late 4th century, Baekje exerted such influence that it led to the discontinuation of the local burial traditions the western Gyeonggi region. Compared to the southern Gyeonggi region, relatively few specialized artifacts have been identified in the western Gyeonggi region, such as prestige goods for burial, flask-shaped storage pits, and higher-rank Baekje-potteries. Therefore, it is likely that Baekje operated the western Gyeonggi region in a way different from that of the southern region.