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      • KCI등재

        근대시기 중국무술의 전개과정과 그 의미: 무술의 학교체육 교과과정 도입을 중심으로

        육우용 ( Yu Rong Lu ),조성균 ( Sung Kyun Cho ),전익기 ( Jeon Ik Ki ) 한국체육사학회 2014 체육사학회지 Vol.19 No.4

        본 연구에서는 중국 근대 시기에 학교체육으로서 중국무술의 도입과 발전과정을 구체적으로 고찰한 후 중국무술의 전개과정 중에 내재되어 있는 의미를 밝히는데 연구목적이 있다. 이러한 연구목적에 따라 다음과 같은 결론을 도출하였다. 첫째, 근대 시기에 서양체육은 다른 학문영역과 같이 외국인들에 의해 유입되거나, 중국인들의 자발적 의사에 의해 도입된 두 가지 유입 형태가 있었다. 1903년에 청(淸) 정부가 공포한 《주정학당장정(奏定學堂章程)》에 처음으로 무술이 학교의 필수과목으로 확정되었다. 둘째, 1915년에 무술은 체육인들과 체육단체의 노력에 의해 학교체육 정식 교과목으로 채택되었다. 셋째, 근대시기에 일어난 서양체육과 중국의 전통체육에 대한 논쟁으로 서양체육과 무술과의 융합의 계기가 되었으며, 무술이 학교체육 교과과정으로 채택되는데 주요한 과정이기도 하였다. 무술교사 양성 측면에서 살펴보면, 무술교사의 부족한 실정에 따라서 사범학교와 체육학교에서 무술교사가 양성되기 시작하였으며, 그들이 근대 시기에 무술을 보급하는데 큰 역할을 하였다. 또한 사회 각계각층의 인사들의 무술 교육 필요성에 대한 강조는 근대시기에 무술이 학교체육 교과과정에 도입되는 계기가 되었다. The purpose of this study was to investigate the process of introducing Chinese martial arts to school physical education in modern times of China and understand its meaning in its development in precise. The results are as follows according to such purposes. Firstly, physical education of the West was flowed in two ways; entered with the Western theories in modern times or introduced by the willful intention of Chinese. It was first determined as a regular curriculum by 《Presented School Regulation(奏定學堂章程)》 announced by Qing government in 1903. Secondly, martial arts was adopted as a regular academic course by the efforts of physicians and physical organizations in 1915. Thirdly, discussion about the Western sports and Chinese traditional ones that initiated in modern times ended to form a fusion course of the Western physical education and martial arts, which became an important process for martial arts to be adopted as an academic curriculum. Seen from the perspective of nurturing martial arts teachers, education and physics schools were short of martial arts teacher so they began nurturing them. Those teachers did a big role in spreading martial arts in modern times. In addition to that, people from all fields put emphasis on education of martial arts, which gained momentum for it to be introduced to the school curriculum in modern times.

      • KCI등재

        중국 근대 민간무술단체에 관한 고찰 -중화무사회(中華武士會)의 설립, 활동 및 인물을 중심으로-

        육우용 ( Yu Rong Lu ),박태승 ( Tae Seung Park ),전익기 ( Ik Ki Jeon ) 한국체육사학회 2014 체육사학회지 Vol.19 No.3

        본 연구는 중국 근대시기에 민간무술단체 중 대표적인 중화무사회의 설립, 활동 그리고 주요인물을 중심으로 고찰한 후 민간무술단체가 근대 중국무술 발전과정에 어떠한 역할을 하였는지 탐색하는데 목적을 두었다. 중화무사회는 1911년 신해혁명 이후 “상무강국(尙武强國)”이라는 민족주의 체육사상이 대두되었던 시대배경 하에 1912년 6월 16일 민주혁명단체인 동맹회(同盟會)와 정부의 지지를 받은 이존의(李存義)를 비롯한 무술가들에 의해 천진에 설립되었다. 1912년부터 중화무사회는 중국무술을 보급하기 위하여 각종 무술시범대회를 열었고, 국내·외 많은 분회를 설립하여 무술을 전파하는 활동을 하였으나, 1928년 그 당시 시대의 흐름에 따라 16년을 거쳐서 중화무사회는 해체되었다. 그 당시 중화무사회의 주요창시자들인 이존의(李存義), 이서동(李瑞東), 장점괴(張占魁)와 제3대 회장인 이성계(李星階)는 중국 근대시기의 무술명가로서 중화무사회의 발전 및 근대 중국무술의 보급과 전파에 기여를 하였다. The purpose of this study is to explore the role of folk martial arts group in modern development of Chinese Martial Arts. It was based on the investigation of settle up, activities and key figures of Chinese Warrior Society. With the supports of democratic revolutionary groups-Chinese Revolutionary League and the government, Chinese Warrior Society established on 16th of June 1912 under the background of rising nationalist sports ideology of “the spirit of martial art is the origin of powerful country” in Tianjin after the Revolution in 1911 by martial artists headed by Li Cunyi. Since 1912, Chinese Warrior Society organized a variety of martial arts assembly and opened many branches for spreading martial arts both domestically and abroad to popularize Chinese martial arts. However, in 1928, Chinese Warrior Society eventually disintegrated after 16 years due to the current events. Li Cunyi, Li Ruidong, Zhang Zhankui, the main founders and Li Xingjie, the third generation president contributed to the development of Chinese Warrior Society and the widespread of modern Chinese martial arts.

      • KCI등재

        “現代性”維度下的金庸武俠小說硏究

        왕러 한국중국학회 2022 중국학보 Vol.101 No.-

        Under the situation that Jin Yong's martial arts novels have become literary "classics" in the new century, this paper attempts to integrate the existing modern thinking of Jin Yong's research, put the creation of Jin Yong's martial arts novels under the theoretical vision of "modernity" in a world, and discuss its In the 20th century, especially in the 1990s, martial arts novels displayed the "modernity" character in the multi-dimensional space of literature, culture, society, etc., especially how "the 1990s" became the key word in the modernity research of Jin Yong's novels. a more detailed analysis. It emphasizes that Jin Yong's martial arts novels are also deeply influenced by the new literary concepts since the May Fourth Movement. The novels have always raised the modern concept of "human", emphasized the spirit of human independence, justice and freedom, and changed people from thousands of years of traditional customs. Liberated from the ethical rules formed, it also profoundly penetrates all the weaknesses in modern human nature and the wounds of the soul deep in human nature. At the same time, Jin Yong's martial arts novels deeply reveal the modern pessimism experienced by modern people in the turbulent social "progressive" historical movement of the 20th century. "The more the nation is, the more the world is." Even though Jin Yong's martial arts novels reflect multiple "modernity" features, in essence, Jin Yong's martial arts novels embody strong "national modernity" features, making them popular in Chinese Great success in literary reading circles. Therefore, this paper believes that the existence of Jin Yong's martial arts novels is not only a type of novels and literary products, but more of a "modernity" textual sign of this era, serving as a reference for modernity time . Because, from the perspective of textual characteristics, Jin Yong's martial arts novels not only represent the continuation of traditional literature, but also the pioneering development in the field of popular literature; from the perspective of time, it represents both the past (the time of the text in the creation) and the The future (a new era of reading); from the perspective of the spiritual structure of the text, it represents both an imaginative restoration of past history and a reflection on modern history. It seems that all this is in the change of "modernity", which has led to a deeper and wider influence on the reading and research of Jin Yong's martial arts novels. Therefore, Jin Yong's martial arts novels began to be transformed and innovated from classical novels, deeply infiltrated the author's own various life and historical experiences of modernity, and finally returned to modernity writing with more national characteristics, thus making his The creation of martial arts novels has achieved great success in the history of Chinese literature and the wider Chinese-speaking circle, and has climbed to the status of "classics" in modern literature. 本文在新世纪金庸武侠小说已成文学“经典”的形势下,试图整合既有的金庸研究的现代性思路,将金庸武侠小说创作放入一个世界“现代性”的理论视界之下,论述其武侠小说在20世纪特别是90年代,在文学、文化、社会等多维度的空间中所展示出来的“现代性”品格,特别是对“90年代”如何成为金庸小说现代性研究的关键词做了较为详尽的分析。强调金庸的武侠小说创作同样深受五四以来的新文学观念的影响,小说中一直高扬着现代“人”的观念,强调人的独立、正义和自由的精神,把人从几千年传统习俗形成的伦理规则中解放出来,也不无其极地深刻透视了现代人性当中的所有弱点和人性深处灵魂的创伤。与此同时,金庸武侠小说深深地流露了现代人在20世纪动荡的社会“进步”历史运动中所体验到的现代悲观情绪。 “越是民族的就越是世界的”,纵然金庸武侠小说中体现出多重的“现代性”特征,而究其实质,金庸武侠小说体现了浓厚的“民族现代性”特征,使得其在华语文学阅读圈中获得了巨大的成功。所以,本文认为:金庸武侠小说的存在不仅仅是一种小说类型和文学产品,而更多表现出来的是对于这个时代的一个“现代性”的文本标志,充当了一个现代性时间的参照物。因为,金庸武侠小说从文本特征上看,既代表传统文学的延续,又有对大众文学领域里先锋式的开拓;从时间性维度看,它既代表过去(创作中的文本时间),又代表未来(新的阅读时代);从文本精神结构上看,它既代表对于过去历史的想象还原,又代表对于现代历史的反思。仿佛这一切都在“现代性”的变动之中,带动了金庸武侠小说的阅读与研究的影响更加深广。 所以,金庸的武侠小说创作从古典小说开始进行改造和革新,深度地渗入了作者自己对于现代性的多种人生和历史体验,最后又回到更具民族特征的现代性书写,从而使得他的武侠小说创作在中国文学史及更大的华语圈中获得了巨大的成功,并攀上了现代文学“经典”的地位。

      • KCI등재

        A Study on the Relationship Between Feminist Art and Fashion in Modern Chinese Art Era

        ( Zhang Xing ),( Hosup Kan ) 한국패션비즈니스학회 2020 패션 비즈니스 Vol.24 No.6

        Feminist artists are special in Chinese modern art. Sticking to their own artistic ideas, they constantly emphasize women's psychological characteristics and aesthetic values in their works under the background of modern society. Since feminism was introduced into China from western arts in the 1970s, it has greatly inspired Chinese female artists. This study used comparative analysis and correlation analysis to establish the connection between the works of local Chinese female artists and modern women's wear design, this connection is the common language form of Chinese female artists and modern fashion designers when expressing female psychology and aesthetics. This is a way for Chinese female artists to seek dialogue with Western and global female art, and the development characteristics of the localization of feminism in Chinese art and design. The significance of the research is to improve the international artistic atmosphere of Chinese feminist art and instill a new understanding of Chinese feminist art in the world.

      • KCI등재

        중국의 대학교육과 전국미전(全國美展)을 통해 살펴본 중국현대도예

        이영미,이재경 사단법인 한국조형디자인협회 2020 조형디자인연구 Vol.23 No.4

        Higher ceramic education in China started with the production of government banquet ware and founding ware required for the launch of new China in 1949’s. In 1950’s, the Central Academy of Fine Art was founded, and the Department of Ceramic Art was newly established in the Department of Practical Art. And was in charge of self-production for national use. In addition, Jingdezhen Ceramic University was established in 1958’s to restore the 5th Guanyo (官窯) and the handicraft industry in 1957’s, and ceramic art major was newly established in Zhejiang Academy of Fine Art in 1960’s. As such, China's higher ceramic education was developed by four universities for the purpose of rebuilding the national ceramic industry and traditional arts. On the other hand, the characteristics of Chinese ceramic art developed in this way can be grasped through the entries and award-winning works of the National Exhibition held since 1949’s. It can be seen that art is also closely related to ceramic education in universities. In terms of its contents, Chinese contemporary ceramics has been pursuing a differentiated education and artistic direction based on fine art since the establishment of the Ceramics Department at the Central Academy of Fine Art in 1950’s. In addition, it is rapidly absorbing the changes and demands of the times by actively utilizing the unique ceramic history and industrial background of each region, such as Jindezhen Ceramic University and China Academy of Art. At the same time, the ceramic medium is recognized as the main identity of Chinese culture, and a new style of modern Chinese ceramics is being built that is rooted in its own ethnicity. 중국의 고등도자교육은 49년 신 중국 출범에 필요한 정부 연회자기와 건국자기 생산을 계기로 출발하였다. 중국 도자교육은 1950년 중앙미술학원을 건립하여 실용미술과안에 도자미술전공을 신설하였고, 56년 실용미술과를 중앙공예미술학원(현 청화대학교 미술대학)으로 분리하며 국가소용 자기생산을 담당하였다. 또한 57년 5대 관요(官窯) 복원과 수공예 산업 회복을 위해 58년 경덕진도자학원을 건립하였고, 60년 절강미술학원에 도자미술전공을 신설하였다. 이처럼 중국도자의 대학교육은 국가의 도자산업과 전통예술 재건을 목적으로 4개 대학이 기점이 되어 전개되어 왔다. 이렇게 발전한 중국도자예술은 1949년부터 개최된 국전인 ‘전국미전’의 출품작과 수상작들을 통해 그 성격을 파악할 수 있는데, 특히 대상 및 수상자들 대부분이 대학 출신임을 고려해 볼 때 중국도자예술 역시 우리나라와 유사하게 도자교육과 깊이 연관되어 있음을 알 수 있다. 그 내용을 살펴보면, 중국현대도예는 50년 중앙미술학원 도자과 설립부터 순수미술에 근간을 두고 각 대학들이 차별화된 교육과 예술의 방향성을 추구하고 있다. 또한 경덕진도자대학과 중국미술학원은 각 지방의 고유한 도자역사와 산업적 배경을 적극 활용하여 시대의 변화와 요구를 빠르게 흡수하고 있다. 중국도자는 도자 매체를 중국 문화의 주요한 정체성으로 인식하고 자국 고유의 민족성에서 뿌리를 둔 중국현대도예의 새로운 양식을 건설하고 있다.

      • KCI등재

        Abstract Art in 1980s Shanghai

        Hayoon Jung(정하윤) 현대미술사학회 2013 현대미술사연구 Vol.0 No.33

        Despite numerous articles and exhibitions about Chinese modern art, studies about Chinese abstract art are scant. Abstract art, however, is one of the most important topics in Chinese modern art. This paper discusses the concept, characteristics, and value of 1980s Shanghai abstract art by taking Li Shan (李山, b.1942)’s abstract paintings as a case study. Abstract art emerged as one of the major trends in Deng Xiaoping’s regime. It was Shanghai that abstract paintings were densely produced. One factor that made Shanghai a special stronghold of abstraction is, I argue, Shanghai’s early experiences with European modern art during the 1920s and 1930s. That is, the experiments with nonrealistic art or formalistic approach remained in Shanghai with its practitioners. Li Shan started to aggressively experiment with abstraction in this culturally amenable time and location. Many of Li Shan’s early works were lost, but among surviving series such as Order, Origins, and Extension, several significant aspects are recognizable. The first distinctive characteristic is Li Shan’s emphasis on individuality, which was expressed by vigorous brush strokes and his signature on paintings. Against Mao’s years that collectivity dominated the entire society, Li Shan proclaimed his identity as an individual artist and expressed his interest in individuality through abstract paintings. The second aspect to consider is the fact that he produced figurative and abstract paintings at the same time. This mixture of figurative and abstract is closely related to a common tendency to understand abstract art from abroad by relying on Chinese traditional art. Depending on Chinese literati paintings, Chinese scholars in the 1980s understood the concept of abstraction as an on-going process of capturing the essentials of an object, rather than a complete elimination of recognizable figures. Figurative and abstract are thus not incompatible concepts. I believe Li Shan was influenced by this concept. That is to say, his mixture of figurative and abstract paintings was generated by the localizing process of abstract art. Third, the closure and criticism of ‘83 Experimental Painting Exhibition where Li Shan exhibited his abstract paintings indicates that abstraction held political meaning in 1980s China. Since abstract art was prohibited during the Mao’s years, to allow abstraction indirectly meant allowing deviance from the Mao culture. Due to its inherent political meaning, regulations on abstract art constantly changed during Deng Xiaoping’s regime according to the shifting political climate. ‘83 Experimental Painting Exhibition is one of the most important examples of this fluctuating cultural policy of Deng, allowing us to see the inseparable, ambivalent tie between abstraction and the Chinese Communist Party. Characteristics of Li Shan’s abstract paintings are similar yet different from those of other locations and times. That is because new meanings were formed as abstract art was transplanted to a specific given time and space?1980s Shanghai. Li Shan’s experience and work indicate that there existed different meanings and values of abstraction, and help us to break out of a single, homogenous definition of abstraction. There are multiple local versions of abstract art, and Li Shan’s is its small, yet significant version. Although Li Shan’s abstract art cannot represent the entire story of 1980s Chinese abstract art, Li Shan’s abstract work is a significant example of the distinctive aspects of Post-Mao abstract art.

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        전 지구화 시대의 중국 현대미술과 비평

        고동연(Koh Dongyeon) 현대미술사학회 2011 현대미술사연구 Vol.0 No.29

        As Chinese contemporary art, especially what is called “Political Pop Art”, became the center of attention at international biennialsand exhibitions during the early 1990s, critics of Chinese art faced a number of important challenges. They had to ‘explain’ not only the distinctive historical and artistic contents of individual art works and artists, but also Chinese contemporary art within the history of the international contemporary art. The critics and curators on Chinese contemporary art had to fight against the dominant approach toward Chinese contemporary art in the West; to bring the balanced view between artistic tradition in China and the development of contemporary artistic language; to examine Chinese art relative to the concept of avant-garde, based on the “critical” tradition of contemporary art in west. This study concentrates on Wu Hung and Gao Minglu, the two influential art critics and art historians on contemporary Chinese art and culture. As both were educated in China and western academia, they can serve as useful cases for understanding the challenges that art critics of the non-western world should face. I will particularly highlight Wu Hung’s attempt to “decontexturalize” as well as “recontexturalize” Chinese contemporary art relative to Chinese literary and artistic tradition on the one hand, and the development of conceptual and books art in the west on the other. Unlike Wu Hung, who became extremely reserved in using western theories, Gao Minglu applied the concept of avantgarde in order to introduce a series of critical and rebellious arts in China from the late 1980s and onwards. For Minglu, western theories and concept enable him, in a way, to criticizethe repressive Chinese government and advocated Chinese avant-garde art “outside” of China. By looking at the key example of Wu Hung’s and Gao Minglu’s art criticism, this study aims to touch upon the problem, limitation, and possibilities that art critics on nonwestern arts have to deal with in the globalized art world context; how international artistic languages or theories can be used, appropriated by critics on non-western art world to maneuver between non-western and western, or between the outside and inside of the tradition and society from which the given art works derived.

      • KCI등재

        Abstract Art in 1980s Shanghai : Li Shan’s Paintings

        정하윤 현대미술사학회 2013 현대미술사연구 Vol.0 No.33

        Despite numerous articles and exhibitions about Chinese modern art, studies about Chinese abstract art are scant. Abstract art, however, is one of the most important topics in Chinese modern art. This paper discusses the concept, characteristics, and value of 1980s Shanghai abstract art by taking Li Shan (李山, b.1942)’s abstract paintings as a case study. Abstract art emerged as one of the major trends in Deng Xiaoping’s regime. It was Shanghai that abstract paintings were densely produced. One factor that made Shanghai a special stronghold of abstraction is, I argue, Shanghai’s early experiences with European modern art during the 1920s and 1930s. That is, the experiments with non-realistic art or formalistic approach remained in Shanghai with its practitioners. Li Shan started to aggressively experiment with abstraction in this culturally amenable time and location Many of Li Shan’s early works were lost, but among surviving series such as Order, Origins, and Extension, several significant aspects are recognizable. The first distinctive characteristic is Li Shan’s emphasis on individuality, which was expressed by vigorous brush strokes and his signature on paintings. Against Mao’s years that collectivity dominated the entire society, Li Shan proclaimed his identity as an individual artist and expressed his interest in individuality through abstract paintings. The second aspect to consider is the fact that he produced figurative and abstract paintings at the same time. This mixture of figurative and abstract is closely related to a common tendency to understand abstract art from abroad by relying on Chinese traditional art. Depending on Chinese literati paintings, Chinese scholars in the 1980s understood the concept of abstraction as an on-going process of capturing the essentials of an object, rather than a complete elimination of recognizable figures. Figurative and abstract are thus not incompatible concepts. I believe Li Shan was influenced by this concept. That is to say, his mixture of figurative and abstract paintings was generated by the localizing process of abstract art. Third, the closure and criticism of ‘83 Experimental Painting Exhibition where Li Shan exhibited his abstract paintings indicates that abstraction held political meaning in 1980s China. Since abstract art was prohibited during the Mao’s years, to allow abstraction indirectly meant allowing deviance from the Mao culture. Due to its inherent political meaning, regulations on abstract art constantly changed during Deng Xiaoping’s regime according to the shifting political climate. ‘83 Experimental Painting Exhibition is one of the most important examples of this fluctuating cultural policy of Deng, allowing us to see the inseparable, ambivalent tie between abstraction and the Chinese Communist Party. Characteristics of Li Shan’s abstract paintings are similar yet different from those of other locations and times. That is because new meanings were formed as abstract art was transplanted to a specific given time and space—1980s Shanghai. Li Shan’s experience and work indicate that there existed different meanings and values of abstraction, and help us to break out of a single, homogenous definition of abstraction. There are multiple local versions of abstract art, and Li Shan’s is its small, yet significant version. Although Li Shan’s abstract art cannot represent the entire story of 1980s Chinese abstract art, Li Shan’s abstract work is a significant example of the distinctive aspects of Post-Mao abstract art.

      • KCI등재후보

        豊子愷(1898 -1975)의 서양미술 수용 및 중국 전통미술 재발견과 혁신에 대해

        西槇偉 한국미술연구소 2005 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.20

        Feng Zikai was not an artist of Western painting, however he played an important role in the reception of western art in the 1920s. Feng learned Western Art from Li Shutong, who first introduced the training method of Western Art to China. In 1921 Feng went to Japan to make a career in Western Art. Although he did not become an oil painter, he wrote many books on Western art in his later life. In this paper, I will survey his reception of Western art. About two years after his stay in Japan (1924), Feng published a critical biography of Millet, while he had yet to find fame as a painter. This document was based on a Japanese translation of Romain Rollan? Millet (1902). Later, Feng became a painter, and his motifs included many used by Millet. It is possible that Millet set an example for the artists of Labor, Children, and Religion for Feng. As the same type of artist, Feng admired Vincent van Gogh and looked upon him as an oriental painter. In 1929, Feng published a biography of van Gogh based on Kuroda Jutaro? book. The image of oriental painter became clear in Feng? book. Moreover, Feng adopted van Goghs motifs, rhythm of pen-touch, compositions, and expressionistic brushwork, drawing upon van Gogh? style, Feng produced still-lifes and portraits. While absorbing the compositions and figure poses of van Gogh, Feng often applied classical Chinese literature themes to his works. Reconstructing European motifs from the view of literature is one of the special characteristics of Feng? art. In addition, Feng tried to find similar motifs in Chinese traditional arts, and bring them to life. In this way, we can see that many drawings of Feng were influenced by van Gogh. Feng was especially attracted to van Gogh? style of brushwork, as well as the method of literati paintings(文人畵). He also made use of van Gogh? oriental style of expressions, and rediscovered Chinese traditional arts in van Gogh? works. Thus, regarding van Gogh as the zenith of Western modern arts, Feng published an article entitled “Chinese Victory in Modern Art.” It appeared on the opening page of the January issue of Dongfangzazhi in 1930. In his article, he argued about the superiority of Chinese art to that of the West, formally and theoretically. Nevertheless this was not his own idea, but rather one Feng had borrowed from Japan. In Japan from the end of Meiji era, the study of eastern art had become popular. With antagonism to the West, Japanese scholars put great emphasis on the superiority of Eastern art to Western art. Feng found the foundation for his thesis in their arguments. In confrontation with the West, both Japan and China stood on common ground-Asian scholars needed values from their own culture that could compete with those of the West. Through the process of the reception of Western art, Japan found some values in the history of Chinese art which were thought to be superior to those of the West. Feng accepted their opinion without credulity. For him China was a cultural center, China needed values that could oppose those from Europe. So through the reception of Western Art, Feng returned to Chinese tradition, but foreign impulses are important even for the reformation of tradition. Influenced by the expression of Literati painting, Feng attempted to simplify it, modernize the motifs, and use the Pingyuan(平遠) point of view which is similar to European perspective.

      • KCI등재

        豊子愷(1898-1975)의 서양미술 수용 및 중국 전통미술 재발견과 혁신에 대해

        니시마키 이사무(西?偉),박소현(번역자) 한국미술연구소 2005 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.20

        본문은 근대 중국의 문인예술가 펑쯔카이(豊子愷, 1898-1975)와 서양미술의 관계를 개관한 것이다. 5ㆍ4신문화운동 속에서 펑쯔카이는 밀레, 반 고흐 등의 서양화가를 중국에 소개하고, 『서양미술사』 등의 개설서도 다수 출판했다.1920년대에 정력적으로 서양미술을 받아들인 그는, 1930년에 서양에 대한 중국미술의 우위를 주장하는 논문을 발표하고, 이를 경계로 서양미술로부터 거리를 두면서 중국미술에 주목하게 된다. 본고에서는 펑쓰카이의 서양미술 수용 과정을 살펴보면서, 화가로서도 활약한 그의 작품에 서양미술이 어떠한 영향을 미쳤는지도 덧붙여 고찰의 대상으로 삼았다. 1921년 봄부터 1년이 채 안 되는 일본 유학 후, 귀국한 그는 밀레 평전을 발표했다. 당시 교직에 있으면서 회화 창작을 계속했던 그는 밀레를 ‘노동’, ‘아이’, ‘종교’를 그린 화가로서 파악하고, 그러한 밀레의 화가상이나 모티프에서 여러 가지로 영향을 받았다. 그 자신도 ‘노동’, ‘아이’, ‘종교’를 그린 화가가 되었을 뿐 아니라, 그의 작품에는 적지 않은 밀레의 작품들이 반영되었던 것이다. 또한 불교의 가르침을 그린 『護生畵集』에도 그 영향이 보이는데, 이처럼 종교를 회화화하는 수법도 밀레를 통해서 가능했다 할 것이다. 펑쯔카이는 밀레와 동일한 계보상의 화가였던 반 고흐를 좋아했다. 그는 1929년 중국어로 쓴 최초의 반 고흐 평전인『고흐의 인생(谷訶生活)』을 출판하고, 거기에서 반 고흐를 동양적인 화가로 위치시켰다. 반 고흐는 타고난 천재이며, 상업주의에 등을 돌리고, 오로지 자기표현을 위해 제작에 몰두해, 그 작품에서도 “분방하게 교차하는 선, 선명한 색채, 단순한 표현 방법”이 보인다며, 반 고흐가 동양적인 문인화가의 특징을 갖추고 있다고 주장했다. 그의 이런 인식은 그가 참고한 구로다 주타로의 『반 고흐』(l921)에서 태어난 것으로, 구로다의 반 고흐관에 이미 동양적 화가라는 이미지가 있었던 것이다. 고흐의 작품에서도 펑쯔카이는 펜화의 용필법을 얻어서 펜 선에 의한 새로운 리듬을 회화 의 붓터치에 응용하였다. 또한 반 고흐의 초상화, 정물화에서 시사를 얻어 그의 독특한 문인화적 ‘초상화’, ‘정물화’를 창출했다. 나아가 반 고흐 작품에서 문인화 모티프와의 친화성을 발견하고는, 같은 모티프의 작품을 다수 그렸던 것이다. 이처럼 반 고흐의 인간상과 작품에서 동양적인 특색을 발견해내고, 반 고흐를 서양 근대미술의 도달점으로 파악한 그는, 머지 않아 중국미술의 우위를 의식하고 1930년에「현대예술에서의 중국미술의 승리 中國美術在現代藝術士的勝利」를 발표했다. 거기에서 그는 서양 근대미술이 동양의 영향을 받아서 칸딘스키의 회화사상이 중국회화이론과 일치함을 근거로, 중국미술의 우위를 논했다. 그의 이론은 소노 라이조, 이세 센이치로, 긴바라 세이고 등 일본의 미술연구자들의 이론에 근거한 것이었다. 이들은 일본에서 동양미술의 우위를 주창한 인물들이었다. 그런 이론이 출현하게 된 데에는 서양에 대항할 수 있는 가치관을 스스로의 내부에서 발견하려는 적극적인 의지가 있었으리라. 그러나 여기에는 영향을 준 쪽을 우위로 삼거나 역으로 더욱 발전시켰다는 이유로 영향받은 쪽을 우위에 두는 식의 이론, 또한 동서 표현주의를 동일시하려는 태도 등, 다양한 문제들이 내포되어 있다. 이상과 같이, 펑쯔카이의 서양미술 연구는 중국 전통으로의 회귀를 지향했으나, 단지 전통에 만족하는 데 그치지 않고 변혁시키려 했다는 점에 의의가 있다. 그 때 일본과 서양미술이 모티프, 구도, 시점 등의 측면에서 기여한 점을 간과할 수 없다 할 것이다. Feng Zikai was not an artist of Western painting, however he played an important role in the reception of western art in the 1920s. Feng learned Western Art from Li Shutong, who fJISt introduced the training method of Western Art to China. In 1921 Feng went to Japan to make a career in Western Art. Although he did not become an oil painter, he wrote many books on Western art in his later life. In this paper, I will survey his reception of Western art. About two years after his stay in Japan (1924), Feng published a critical biography of Millet, while he had yet to find fame as a painter. This document was based on a Japanese translation of Romain Rollan's Millet (1902). Later, Feng became a painter, and his motif, included many used by Millet. It is possible that Millet set an example for the artists of Labor, Children, and Religion for Feng. As the same type of artist, Feng admired Vincent van Gogh and looked upon him as an oriental painter. In 1929, Feng published a biography of van Gogh based on Kuroda Jutaro's book. The image of oriental painter became clear in Feng's book. Moreover, Feng adopted van Goghs motifs, rhythm of pen-touch, compositions, and expressionistic brushwork, drawing upon van Gogh's style, Feng produced still -lifes and portraits. While absorbing the compositions and figure poses of van Gogh, Feng often applied classical Chinese literature themes to his works. Reconstructing European motifs from the view of literature is one of the special characteristics of Feng's art. In addition, Feng tried to find similar motifs in Chinese traditional arts, and bring them to life. In this way, we can see that many drawings of Feng were influenced by van Gogh. Feng was especially attracted to van Gogh's style of brushwork, as well as the method of literati paintings (女子畵). He also made use of van Gogh's oriental style of expressions, and rediscovered Chinese traditional arts in van Gogh's works. Thus, regarding van Gogh as the zenith of Western modern arts, Feng published an article entitled "Chinese Victory in Modern Art." It appeared on the opening page of me January issue of Dongfangzazhi in 1930. In his article, he argued about the superiority of Chinese art to that of the West, formally and theoretically Nevertheless this was not his own idea, but rather one Feng had borrowed from Japan. In Japan from the end of Meiji era, the study of eastern art had become popular. With antagonism to the West, Japanese scholars put great emphasis on the superiority of Eastern art to Western art. Feng found me foundation tor his thesis in their arguments. In confrontation with the West, both Japan and China stood on common ground-Asian scholars needed values from their own culture that could compete with those of the West. Through the process of the reception of Western art, Japan found some values in the history of Chinese art which were thought to be superior to those of the West, Feng accepted their opinion without credulity, For him China was a cultural center, China needed values that could oppose those from Europe, So through the reception of Western Art, Feng returned to Chinese tradition, but foreign impulses are important even for the reformation of tradition, Influenced by the expression of Literati painting, Feng attempted to simplify it, modernize the motifs, and use the Pingyuan (平遠) point of view which is similar to European perspective.

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