북한의 국가전략과 북일관계

신정화 ( Jung Wha Shin ) 북한연구학회 2008 北韓硏究學會報 Vol.12 No.2

This paper discusses North Korea`s National Strategy and North Korea-Japan Relations. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1980s, North Korea faced with international isolation and economic despair. The diplomatic normalization talks with Japan were one of the means that North Korea chose to overcome these difficulties. Japan would pay `amity funds` to North Korea through diplomatic normalization these were funds that North Korea needed it to reconstruct its economy. From the period of January 1991 to November 1992, there were 8 diplomatic normalization talks held between Japan and North Korea. However, North Korea-Japan diplomatic normalization failed due to disagreements between the two countries the issue of retribution of past wrongs by Japan was a primary issue for North Korea, and the nuclear issue was a primary matter for Japan. After the North Korea-Japan diplomatic normalization was ruptured, North Korea`s foreign policy has centered on negotiating nuclear issues with the United States. After Kim Jung-Il`s official inauguration in 1998, North Korea renewed its enthusiasm in improving the relationship with Japan. Kim Jung-Il practiced the foreign policy toward Japan based on military-first politics. In 2001, the North Korea-Japan summit meeting was held for the first time after the World War II. As a result of the talks, the North Korea-Japan Pyongyang Declaration was announced, which suggested a protocol to resolve conflicting views between North Korea and Japan regarding nuclear issues, kidnappings, and the retribution of past wrongs. Unfortunately, the relationship between North Korea and Japan has reached a deadlock again due to public opinion in Japan regarding North Korea`s involvement in kidnapping practices. Japan has made several requests for North Korea resolve this issue by returning all kidnapped people, getting at the root of kidnapping, ending kidnapping practices and punishing individuals involved in these practices. As a result, Japan has taken sanctions against North Korea. However, North Korea has insisted that the kidnapping issue was solved since Kim Jung-Il made an apology and promised to prevent kidnapping from happening again. Kim Jung-Il also returned all the kidnapped people to Japan. Instead, North Korea insists Japan settles past grievances that occurred in Korean history. Despite of these conflicts, North Korea still needs amity funds from Japan. Also, Japan understands there is little possibility of North Korea fully making up the kidnapping issue as requested by Japan.

苦汁으로 부터 炭酸마그네슘과 酸化마그네슘의 最適合成條件에 關한 硏究

鄭東燻,辛宗根,申和雨 圓光大學校 1989 論文集 Vol.23 No.2

고즙과 탄산나트륨을 원료로 1)반응액의 온도, 2)반응액의 농도, 3)혼합비율(〔Bittern〕/〔Na₂CO₃〕), 4)작용시간 및 5)건조온도를 합성요인으로 하여 Box-Wilson 실험계획법에 의해 탄산마그네슘의 최적합성조건을 추구하고 그 중 우수제품에 대해 D.S.C.를 측정하여 이를 기준으로 하소시켜 산화마그네슘을 제조하여 용적시험, 제산도시험 및 광학현미경사진을 관찰한 결과 1. 탄산마그네슘의 최적합성조건의 범위는 ①반응액의 온도범위는 50∼70℃ ②반응액의 농도범위는 고즙은 37.3∼38.1%, 탄산나트륨은 9.9∼10.3%, ③혼합비율(〔Bittern〕/〔Na₂CO₃〕)의 범위는 1.485∼1.503, ④작용시간의 범위는 10∼12분, ⑤건조온도의 범위는 73∼83℃이다. 2. 시료탄산마그네슘의 D.S.C.측정결과 75℃정도에서 결정수의 이탈로 보이는 흡열Peak를 나타냈고, 290℃정도에서 구조수의 이탈로 생각되는 흡열Peak를 나타냈으며, 408℃정도에서 탄산깨스의 이탈로 생각되는 흡열Peak를 나타냈다. 3. 탄산마그네슘의 하소온도는 500∼600℃가 적당하겠으며, 용적시험결과는 모두 경질품이었고, 시판품보다 모두 용적시험치가 큰 결과를 나타냈다. 4. 제산도시험의 결과는 시판품의 제산능보다 모두 크며 광학현미경사진에 의한 관찰을 하였다. Optimal Synthesis Condition of Magnesium Carbonate were investigated from the viewpoint of bulkiness according to a randomized complete block design proposed by G.E.P. Box and K.B. Wilson. Bittern and Sodium Carbonate were utilized as reactants in order to prepare Magnesium Carbonate. It was found that optimum temperature range of reactant solutions was 50∼70℃ and the optimum concentration range of the reactant solutions was 37.3∼38.1%(Bittern), 9.9∼10.3%(Sodium Carbonate), on the viewpoint of bulkiness. The optimum mole ratio of Bittern to Sodium Carbonate was in the range of 1.485∼1.503and the optimum reacting time range was 10∼12minutes. The optimum drying temperature range was 73∼83℃. Magnesium Oxide comes two types of granules when prepared by calcination of Magnesium Carbonate. The outcome of D.S.C. indicated a desolvation of Magnesium Carbonate occurred at about 75℃. The dehydration of the compound ceased at about 290℃ and the decarboxylation ceased at about 408℃. The physical and chemical properties of Magnesium Oxide as medicine were studied by use of Volume Test, Optical microscopic photographs and Acid Consuming Capacity measurments.

동종 조혈모세포이식 후 발생한 치명적 홍역 폐렴 1예

백창렬,이동건,최정현,정현화,조유경,박훈준,이승훈,박윤희,이교영,민우성,김춘추,신완식 대한감염학회 2001 감염 Vol.33 No.4

As a result of the enlarging pool of unvaccinated children and young adults, there has been an increase in measles in our countries. In these situation, it has been reported that measles associated pneumoinia is easily complicated with fatal respiratory failure, espycially in immunocompromised patients. Herein we report the case of lethal measles pneumonia after allogenic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation in adults proven by autopsy. Recently, one case of measles was encountered in 39-year-old female patients after allogenic bone marrow transplanted case (chronic myelogenous leukemia), who progressed into interstitial pneumonia pattern, despite treatment including antibiotics, immunoglobulin. The patient died of giant cell pneumonia compatible with that of measles which was comfirmed in the section of necropsy lung specimen. (Korean J Infect Dis 33:301∼309, 2001)

저체중 또는 과체중 청소년에서 캠프 프로그램을 이용한 영양 교육효과에 관한 연구

성미경,승정자,류화춘,박재년,박동연,최미경,조경옥,최선혜,이윤신,김유경,이은주 대한지역사회영양학회 2003 대한지역사회영양학회지 Vol.8 No.4

This study was performed to evaluate the effectiveness of a nutrition education program developed for nutritionally imbalanced adolescents. A summer nutrition camp was held for 23 overweight and 16 underweight subjects. Its effectiveness with regard to was evaluated at the end of the camp and 6 months later. Nutrition knowledge, nutritional attitude, food behavior, nutrient intake, exercise habit and ideal body figures desired by the subjects. The results showed significantly higher nutrition knowledge scores at the end of the camp as compared to those obtained prior to the camp program, and these scores were maintained for at least six months. Nutrition attitude scores also improved after the education program, and these improved scores also lasted for 6 months. However, the food behavior scores measured 6 months after the education program were not significantly different from those obtained prior to the camp. Also, the exercise habit, the ideal body figures and the body figures desired by the subjects remained unchanged. When nutrient intakes of subjects were assessed before the program and 6 months later, the mean daily vitamin C intake was significantly increased after the education program. Also, the intake of iron from plant food sources increased in the overweight subjects, while less iron from animal source were consumed by the underweight subjects. Both groups tended to consume more vegetables and fruits 6 months after the education program which may have contribute to the higher vitamin C and plant-based iron intakes. These results indicate that a 4-day nutrition education camp program sustained changes in nutrition knowledge and nutrition attitude for 6 months. The increased intake of vegetables and fruits was also achieved through this education program. However, changes in dietary behavior in adolescents may require repeated education.

일본의 대북정책의 지속과 변화 -자민당정권에서 민주당정권으로

신정화 ( Jung Wha Shin ) 현대일본연구회 2009 日本硏究論叢 Vol.30 No.-

동북아 안보구도와 한일관계 : 아베내각을 중심으로

신정화 ( Shin Jung-wha ) 현대일본학회 2016 日本硏究論叢 Vol.44 No.-

본 논문은 2012년 12월에 발족한 아베내각의 외교·안보정책과 한일관계를 분석했다. 아베내각의 외교·안보정책은 `적극적 평화주의`라는 개념 하에 중국을 견제하고, 일본을 대국으로 재건하는 것을 목표로 하고 있다. 이를 위해, < NSS >를 토대로, 자위대의 역할, 미일동맹, 아시아 태평양 지역의 파트너 국가와의 협력을 강화해 왔다. 그리고 “기본적 가치를 공유”하는 한국이 파트너로서 협력해 주리라 기대했다. 그러나 한국의 박근혜 정부는 동아시아의 주도권이 일본으로부터 중국으로 이전되었다는 판단 하에, 일본에 대해서는 과거사 청산을 요구하는 한편, 북한에 대한 영향력을 확대하고자 중국과의 관계를 강화했다. 위안부문제로 대변되는 한국과 일본의 갈등 이면에는 중국에 대한 상이한 정책이 있었던 것이다. 결국, 한국의 대중경사를 견제하고자 하는 미국의 움직임 그리고 북한의 제4차 핵실험을 계기로 한국과 일본의 대립은 봉합되어 갔다. 위안부문제는 2015년 <12.28 위안부 합의>로 타협되었으며, 미국을 매개로 한 군사협력이 강화되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 일본은 한국을 “동아시아의 평화와 안정을” 위해 “전략적 이익”을 공유하는 국가 이상으로 평가하지 않았다. 대중정책을 둘러싼 불신이 완전히 해소되지 않은 것이다. This paper analyzed diplomatic-security policy of the Abe Cabinet that was launched in December 2012 and Korea-Japan relations. The goal of diplomatic·security policy of the Abe Cabinet is to restrain China and to rebuild Japan as a superpower. And it is described as `Proactive Contribution to Peace`. The Abe Cabinet based on the < NSS > has been strengthening the Self-Defense Forces, the US-Japan alliance and have made ties with Asian countries against China. And Japan was hoping that South Korea, the country that shares "basic values" with Japan will work together as partners. But in the judgement that the East Asian initiative had moved from Japan to China, the Park Geun-Hye government requested Japan of the liquidation of past history while attempting to stregthen relations with China in order to expand its influence on North Korea. South Korea and Japan seemed to conflict in the issue of comfort women. However, the ultimate conflict had more relations to their policies over China. Due to US` move to pull back Korea from inclining towards China and also North Korea`s fourth nuclear test, confrontation between Korea and Japan was finally sealed. The issue of comfort women was resolved by < Announcement by Foreign Ministers of Japan and the Republic of Korea > on December 28, 2015 and around the event, the two countries strengthened military cooperation with the US mediating. Nevertheless, the Japanese assessed Korea as no more than a country to share the "strategic interests" with. This proves Japan`s remaining distrust against Korea.

일본 외교의 변화와 대북정책: 중핵국가로서의 영향력 확대

신정화 ( Jung Wha Shin ) 현대일본학회 2013 日本硏究論叢 Vol.38 No.-

본 논문은 일본이 동아시아의 중핵국가로서의 영향력을 확대·유지하기 위해 실시한 대북정책을 분석했다. 냉전 붕괴 직후인 1990년 일본은 변화하는 동아시아에서의 영향력 확대를 위해 북일 국교정상화를 시도했으나, 미국의 반대로 실패했다. 2002년에는 북일 정상회담을 통해, 북한과의 관계를 개선하고 북미관계를 중재해 영향력을 확대하고자 했다. 그러나 이 역시 미국의 반대에 의해 실패했다. 이후 일본은 납치문제의 해결을 북일 관계 개선의 최우선 조건으로 내걸고, 제재 중심의 정책을 실시해 왔다. 이를 통해 일본은 북한문제 해결에 있어서의 영향력을 유지하고 6자 회담의 의장국인 중국을 견제하고자 해 왔다. 이처럼 20여 년 동안의 일본의 대북정책은 중핵국가로서의 영향력 확대에서 영향력 유지를 위한 수단 변화되어 왔다. With the change of international circumstances, Japan has been trying to normalize their diplomatic relations with North Korea. During the early 1990`s, Japan tried to normalize the relationship with North Korea through economical compensations, and in 2002, Japan continued to normalize the relationship with North Korea through summit meetings. However their search for a diplomatic solution ultimately failed because of the resistance from the United States. As you can see from the six-party talks, Japan`s policy towards North Korea has been concentrated to solve the abduction issues. There is an intention to reflect the public`s opinion of Japan as well as keeping the influence of Japan that had been shrinking because of the continual decrease of the economy, and China empowering their country with their economy and military. Like this, over the past 20 years, japan`s policy towards North Korea has changed from their means to expand their influence as a core country to just preserving their position as a core country.

Effect of LED Irradiation on the Quality Characteristics of Sprout Ginseng

Min-Jung Kang,Ji-Hyeon Shin,Gyeong-Wha Kim,Jung-Hye Shin 한국식품영양과학회 2017 한국식품영양과학회 학술대회발표집 Vol.2016 No.10

일본의 대중경제정책: ODA, 직접투자, 무역을 중심으로

신정화 ( Jung Wha Shin ) 현대일본학회 2015 日本硏究論叢 Vol.42 No.-

중국이 개혁개방정책을 실시한 1979년부터 2010년 중국과 일본의 GDP가 역전될 때까지의 약 30년 동안, 일본이 실시한 대중경제정책에는 시대별로 상이한 특징이 있다. 먼저, 1980년대 일본정부는 부유하고 안정적인 중국이 국익에 도움이 된다는 판단 하에 ODA 지원을 통해 중국의 개혁개방정책을 지원했다. 그리고 일본기업은 85년 프라자합의 이후 엔고(円高)를 배경으로 저임금 노동력을 찾아 중국에 진출했다. 이에 따라 양국 간에는 선진공업국 대 발전도상국의 수직형 분업형태가 성립되었다. 다음으로, 90년대 중국이 ‘남순강화’ 를 발표하고 본격적으로 시장경제를 추진하자, 양국의 경제관계에는 기존의 ODA에 직접투자와 무역이 더해졌다. 한편, 중국의 ‘세계의 공장’화가 가속화되면서, 일본의 대중 적자규모는 확대되었다. 이를 배경으로 일본 국내에서는 ‘중국위협론’이 대두했다. 마지막으로 중국이 WTO에 가입한 2000년대 중국은 ``세계의 공장``에서 ``세계의 시장``으로 변모하기 시작했다. 대조적으로 일본은 90년대 이래 장기불황에서 벗어나지 못했다. 그 위에 중국의 반일민족주의가 더해짐으로서, ‘중국위협론’이 세력을 확장했다. 이를 배경으로 일본정부는 강력한 중국이 국익에 부정적이라고 판단하고 2005년부터 대중 엔차관을 중단했다. Over a thirty year time span from the year of 1979 in which China had carried out reform and opening-up policy to the year of 2010 when the GDPs of China and Japan had reversed, there was no long-term development strategy that Japan``s economic policy had toward China, but there are different characteristics by each decade of the thirty years. In the 1980s, the Japanese government initiated the ODA assistance under the judgment that the rich and stable China might be helpful for Japan``s interest. Japanese companies have invested in China to obtain the low-wage labor after appreciation of the yen was occurred by the 1985 Plaza Accord. As a result, the vertical division of labor forms that configure in between industrialized countries versus developing countries has been established between the two countries. In the 90s, China announced the ‘Strengthening namsun`` and forcefully promoted the market economy. Economic relations between the two countries became more closely focusing on the ODA, direct investment and trade. On the other hand, the trade structure changed into a horizontal structure and Japan``s deficit widened. As a result, trade friction begins to occur and the "China threat theory" has emerged in Japan. Finally, in the 2000s in which China had joined the WTO, China began to transform into a ``world market`` from the ``factory of the world``. However, Japan hasn``t been able to overcome the long-term recession since the 1990s. Moreover, as the more the anti-Japanese nationalism in China strengthened, the ``China threat theory`` has spread more widely. The Japanese government determined that the powerful China is affecting Japan``s national interests negatively, and cut the yen loan from 2005.

일본의 센카쿠열도 정책의 내용과 변화: 현상 유지에서 전략적 대응으로

신정화 ( Shin Jung-wha ) 현대일본학회 2017 日本硏究論叢 Vol.46 No.-

센카쿠제도는 일본이 유효하게 지배하고 있으며, 이에 대해 중국(대만)이 영유권 도전을 하고 있다. 일본의 공식적 입장은 센카쿠제도는 일본 고유의 영토이며, 타국과의 사이에 애초부터 영유권문제는 존재하지 않는다는 것이다. 그러나 실질적으로 센카쿠제도 영유권을 둘러싸고 일본과 중국은 갈등해 왔으며, 2010년대 들어와 그 갈등은 일층 격화되고 있다. 일본의 센카쿠제도 정책은 일본의 대중 정책이라는 전체적 틀 안에서 국내정치적 상황, 국내정책 결정그룹의 판단, 그리고 상대국인 중국의 정책이 상호작용하는 가운데 이루어져 왔다. 먼저 1972년 중일국교정상화부터 2000년대 중후반까지 일중관계가 우호·협조적으로 진행되는 가운데, 일본은 센카쿠제도에 대해 현상유지정책을 실시했다. 그러나 2010년대에 들어와 일중관계가 일본 우위에서 중국 우위로 전환되고 중국의 해양진출이 본격화되면서, 센카쿠제도는 일중간의 갈등과 대립의 상징으로 부각되었다. 이에 따라 일본의 센카쿠제도 정책은 중국의 위협으로부터 안전보장 확보를 전제로 한 전략적 외교·군사정책 차원에서 이루어지고 있다. The Senkaku Islands are under the valid control of Japan and China is challenging dominium about this. Japan’s official stance is that the Senkaku Islands are Japan’s own territories, and at the origin, territorial issues do not exist among other countries. However Japan and China have been conflicting over the Senkaku Islands ownership and the conflict has been flared entering 2000s. Japan’s policy of the Senkaku Islands has been made on interplay among domestic situation, judgement of domestic policy making groups, and policy of Chinese counterpart in overall frame of public policy. First, Japan had implemented immobilism policy under friendly and cooperative relations between Japan and China from normalization of diplomatic relations between two countries in 1972 to mid to late of 2000s. However as the relation has been changed from Japan advantage to China advantage and China’s marine expansion have been regularized, the Senkaku Islands has been magnified as a symbol of two countries’ conflict and opposition. For this reason, Japan’s policy of the Senkaku Islands is being administered in a strategic foreign and military dimension on the premise to obtaining security from China’s threat.