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      • KCI등재

        북한의 국가전략과 북일관계

        신정화 ( Jung Wha Shin ) 북한연구학회 2008 북한연구학회보 Vol.12 No.2

        This paper discusses North Korea`s National Strategy and North Korea-Japan Relations. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1980s, North Korea faced with international isolation and economic despair. The diplomatic normalization talks with Japan were one of the means that North Korea chose to overcome these difficulties. Japan would pay `amity funds` to North Korea through diplomatic normalization these were funds that North Korea needed it to reconstruct its economy. From the period of January 1991 to November 1992, there were 8 diplomatic normalization talks held between Japan and North Korea. However, North Korea-Japan diplomatic normalization failed due to disagreements between the two countries the issue of retribution of past wrongs by Japan was a primary issue for North Korea, and the nuclear issue was a primary matter for Japan. After the North Korea-Japan diplomatic normalization was ruptured, North Korea`s foreign policy has centered on negotiating nuclear issues with the United States. After Kim Jung-Il`s official inauguration in 1998, North Korea renewed its enthusiasm in improving the relationship with Japan. Kim Jung-Il practiced the foreign policy toward Japan based on military-first politics. In 2001, the North Korea-Japan summit meeting was held for the first time after the World War II. As a result of the talks, the North Korea-Japan Pyongyang Declaration was announced, which suggested a protocol to resolve conflicting views between North Korea and Japan regarding nuclear issues, kidnappings, and the retribution of past wrongs. Unfortunately, the relationship between North Korea and Japan has reached a deadlock again due to public opinion in Japan regarding North Korea`s involvement in kidnapping practices. Japan has made several requests for North Korea resolve this issue by returning all kidnapped people, getting at the root of kidnapping, ending kidnapping practices and punishing individuals involved in these practices. As a result, Japan has taken sanctions against North Korea. However, North Korea has insisted that the kidnapping issue was solved since Kim Jung-Il made an apology and promised to prevent kidnapping from happening again. Kim Jung-Il also returned all the kidnapped people to Japan. Instead, North Korea insists Japan settles past grievances that occurred in Korean history. Despite of these conflicts, North Korea still needs amity funds from Japan. Also, Japan understands there is little possibility of North Korea fully making up the kidnapping issue as requested by Japan.

      • 苦汁으로 부터 炭酸마그네슘과 酸化마그네슘의 最適合成條件에 關한 硏究

        鄭東燻,辛宗根,申和雨 圓光大學校 1989 論文集 Vol.23 No.2

        고즙과 탄산나트륨을 원료로 1)반응액의 온도, 2)반응액의 농도, 3)혼합비율(〔Bittern〕/〔Na₂CO₃〕), 4)작용시간 및 5)건조온도를 합성요인으로 하여 Box-Wilson 실험계획법에 의해 탄산마그네슘의 최적합성조건을 추구하고 그 중 우수제품에 대해 D.S.C.를 측정하여 이를 기준으로 하소시켜 산화마그네슘을 제조하여 용적시험, 제산도시험 및 광학현미경사진을 관찰한 결과 1. 탄산마그네슘의 최적합성조건의 범위는 ①반응액의 온도범위는 50∼70℃ ②반응액의 농도범위는 고즙은 37.3∼38.1%, 탄산나트륨은 9.9∼10.3%, ③혼합비율(〔Bittern〕/〔Na₂CO₃〕)의 범위는 1.485∼1.503, ④작용시간의 범위는 10∼12분, ⑤건조온도의 범위는 73∼83℃이다. 2. 시료탄산마그네슘의 D.S.C.측정결과 75℃정도에서 결정수의 이탈로 보이는 흡열Peak를 나타냈고, 290℃정도에서 구조수의 이탈로 생각되는 흡열Peak를 나타냈으며, 408℃정도에서 탄산깨스의 이탈로 생각되는 흡열Peak를 나타냈다. 3. 탄산마그네슘의 하소온도는 500∼600℃가 적당하겠으며, 용적시험결과는 모두 경질품이었고, 시판품보다 모두 용적시험치가 큰 결과를 나타냈다. 4. 제산도시험의 결과는 시판품의 제산능보다 모두 크며 광학현미경사진에 의한 관찰을 하였다. Optimal Synthesis Condition of Magnesium Carbonate were investigated from the viewpoint of bulkiness according to a randomized complete block design proposed by G.E.P. Box and K.B. Wilson. Bittern and Sodium Carbonate were utilized as reactants in order to prepare Magnesium Carbonate. It was found that optimum temperature range of reactant solutions was 50∼70℃ and the optimum concentration range of the reactant solutions was 37.3∼38.1%(Bittern), 9.9∼10.3%(Sodium Carbonate), on the viewpoint of bulkiness. The optimum mole ratio of Bittern to Sodium Carbonate was in the range of 1.485∼1.503and the optimum reacting time range was 10∼12minutes. The optimum drying temperature range was 73∼83℃. Magnesium Oxide comes two types of granules when prepared by calcination of Magnesium Carbonate. The outcome of D.S.C. indicated a desolvation of Magnesium Carbonate occurred at about 75℃. The dehydration of the compound ceased at about 290℃ and the decarboxylation ceased at about 408℃. The physical and chemical properties of Magnesium Oxide as medicine were studied by use of Volume Test, Optical microscopic photographs and Acid Consuming Capacity measurments.

      • KCI등재

        저체중 또는 과체중 청소년에서 캠프 프로그램을 이용한 영양 교육효과에 관한 연구

        성미경,승정자,류화춘,박재년,박동연,최미경,조경옥,최선혜,이윤신,김유경,이은주 대한지역사회영양학회 2003 대한지역사회영양학회지 Vol.8 No.4

        This study was performed to evaluate the effectiveness of a nutrition education program developed for nutritionally imbalanced adolescents. A summer nutrition camp was held for 23 overweight and 16 underweight subjects. Its effectiveness with regard to was evaluated at the end of the camp and 6 months later. Nutrition knowledge, nutritional attitude, food behavior, nutrient intake, exercise habit and ideal body figures desired by the subjects. The results showed significantly higher nutrition knowledge scores at the end of the camp as compared to those obtained prior to the camp program, and these scores were maintained for at least six months. Nutrition attitude scores also improved after the education program, and these improved scores also lasted for 6 months. However, the food behavior scores measured 6 months after the education program were not significantly different from those obtained prior to the camp. Also, the exercise habit, the ideal body figures and the body figures desired by the subjects remained unchanged. When nutrient intakes of subjects were assessed before the program and 6 months later, the mean daily vitamin C intake was significantly increased after the education program. Also, the intake of iron from plant food sources increased in the overweight subjects, while less iron from animal source were consumed by the underweight subjects. Both groups tended to consume more vegetables and fruits 6 months after the education program which may have contribute to the higher vitamin C and plant-based iron intakes. These results indicate that a 4-day nutrition education camp program sustained changes in nutrition knowledge and nutrition attitude for 6 months. The increased intake of vegetables and fruits was also achieved through this education program. However, changes in dietary behavior in adolescents may require repeated education.

      • 동종 조혈모세포이식 후 발생한 치명적 홍역 폐렴 1예

        백창렬,이동건,최정현,정현화,조유경,박훈준,이승훈,박윤희,이교영,민우성,김춘추,신완식 대한감염학회 2001 감염 Vol.33 No.4

        As a result of the enlarging pool of unvaccinated children and young adults, there has been an increase in measles in our countries. In these situation, it has been reported that measles associated pneumoinia is easily complicated with fatal respiratory failure, espycially in immunocompromised patients. Herein we report the case of lethal measles pneumonia after allogenic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation in adults proven by autopsy. Recently, one case of measles was encountered in 39-year-old female patients after allogenic bone marrow transplanted case (chronic myelogenous leukemia), who progressed into interstitial pneumonia pattern, despite treatment including antibiotics, immunoglobulin. The patient died of giant cell pneumonia compatible with that of measles which was comfirmed in the section of necropsy lung specimen. (Korean J Infect Dis 33:301∼309, 2001)

      • KCI등재후보

        安倍政権の外交·安保政策と北朝鮮政策 : 第1·2·3次内閣を中心に

        신정화 ( Shin Jung-wha ) 현대일본학회 2018 日本硏究論叢 Vol.48 No.-

        本論文は、日本の憲政史上最長の政権である安倍晋三政権の中、第1·2·3内閣における外交·安保政策、それから対北朝鮮政策の主な内容と特徴を明らかにするものである。 拉致問題に対する強硬姿勢で国民の支持を確保し、樹立された第1次内閣は拉致問題-反北朝鮮感情-民族主義の強化というサイクルを拡大·強化する形で国内の保守化に拍車をかけた。それから第2次内閣は、太平洋からインド洋にわたる海域での中国牽制を中心軸とする、「力による外交·安保政策」を提示·実施した。北朝鮮とは「ストックホルム合意」に達したこともあったが、拉致問題を日本に対する北朝鮮の脅威として活用した。最後に、第3次内閣は日本が北朝鮮の核‧ミサイル問題の「当事者」であると主張しながら、対北強硬政策における「日米一体化」を強化した。特に「平和の守り役」を自任した安倍の2017年9月の国連総会における一般討論演説は力によって北朝鮮はもちろん、中国を牽制しようと試みた第1·2·3安倍内閣の外交·安保政策の決定版でもあった。安倍政権にとって、対北朝鮮政策は、対中国牽制を目的とした「力による外交·安保政策」を実施するためのメカニズムでもあった。 This paper examines the main contents and characteristics of diplomacy and security policies and North Korea policy in the First, Second and Third Cabinets of the Abe Shinzo Administration, which is the longest period of Japanese constitutional history. The first Cabinet, which was established by securing public support from taking firm attitude for the abduction issue, spurred domestic conservatism by expanding and concentrating on the set of issues which are abduction, anti-North sentiment and nationalism. And the second Cabinet presented and implemented “Diplomacy and Security Policy b Force”aimed at checking China’s activities over the Pacific areas from the Indian Ocean. Although they had reached the “Stockholm Agreement”with North Korea, they used the abduction issue as a threat to North Korea. Finally, the third Cabinet insisted that Japan is “the directly concerned party” to the North Korean nuclear and missile issue, strengthening the unity with the United States in the hard-line policy toward North Korea. Moreover, Abe’s speech in September 2017 held at the UN General Assembly, in whichhe claimed himself to be the “guardian of peace” was the representation of the final version of the diplomacy and security policies created throughout the 1st, 2nd and3rd Abe Cabinets, the era that Japan attempted to control North Korea and China by force. For the Abe administration, the North Korea policy was also a mechanism to carry out the “diplomacy and security policy by force”to keep China in check.

      • KCI등재후보

        일본의 센카쿠열도 정책의 내용과 변화: 현상 유지에서 전략적 대응으로

        신정화 ( Shin Jung-wha ) 현대일본학회 2017 日本硏究論叢 Vol.46 No.-

        센카쿠제도는 일본이 유효하게 지배하고 있으며, 이에 대해 중국(대만)이 영유권 도전을 하고 있다. 일본의 공식적 입장은 센카쿠제도는 일본 고유의 영토이며, 타국과의 사이에 애초부터 영유권문제는 존재하지 않는다는 것이다. 그러나 실질적으로 센카쿠제도 영유권을 둘러싸고 일본과 중국은 갈등해 왔으며, 2010년대 들어와 그 갈등은 일층 격화되고 있다. 일본의 센카쿠제도 정책은 일본의 대중 정책이라는 전체적 틀 안에서 국내정치적 상황, 국내정책 결정그룹의 판단, 그리고 상대국인 중국의 정책이 상호작용하는 가운데 이루어져 왔다. 먼저 1972년 중일국교정상화부터 2000년대 중후반까지 일중관계가 우호·협조적으로 진행되는 가운데, 일본은 센카쿠제도에 대해 현상유지정책을 실시했다. 그러나 2010년대에 들어와 일중관계가 일본 우위에서 중국 우위로 전환되고 중국의 해양진출이 본격화되면서, 센카쿠제도는 일중간의 갈등과 대립의 상징으로 부각되었다. 이에 따라 일본의 센카쿠제도 정책은 중국의 위협으로부터 안전보장 확보를 전제로 한 전략적 외교·군사정책 차원에서 이루어지고 있다. The Senkaku Islands are under the valid control of Japan and China is challenging dominium about this. Japan’s official stance is that the Senkaku Islands are Japan’s own territories, and at the origin, territorial issues do not exist among other countries. However Japan and China have been conflicting over the Senkaku Islands ownership and the conflict has been flared entering 2000s. Japan’s policy of the Senkaku Islands has been made on interplay among domestic situation, judgement of domestic policy making groups, and policy of Chinese counterpart in overall frame of public policy. First, Japan had implemented immobilism policy under friendly and cooperative relations between Japan and China from normalization of diplomatic relations between two countries in 1972 to mid to late of 2000s. However as the relation has been changed from Japan advantage to China advantage and China’s marine expansion have been regularized, the Senkaku Islands has been magnified as a symbol of two countries’ conflict and opposition. For this reason, Japan’s policy of the Senkaku Islands is being administered in a strategic foreign and military dimension on the premise to obtaining security from China’s threat.

      • KCI등재

        북한의 국가 발전 목표와 대일정책 -김정일,김정은 시대를 중심으로

        신정화 ( Jung Wha Shin ) 북한연구학회 2015 북한연구학회보 Vol.19 No.2

        North Korea``s national development goal is to become a Kangsong Taeguk (strong and prosperous nation) which is composed of ideological strength, military might and economic power. During the Kim Jong-il era, North Korea declared that the ideological and military components have alreadybeen achieved, and vowed to focus on economic construction as the immediate task. The Kim Jong-un regime has also stressed the imperative of enhancing economic power. For the sake of stability and strength of the regime, there is a need for great economic power. North Korea’s internal capital has been depleted by the long economic crisis. Therefore, external capital is urgent in order to achieve economic development. North Korea has been trying to acquire large-scale external funds through the normalization of diplomatic relations with Japan. The Kim Jong Il regime held a North Korea-Japan summit meeting in September 2002 and the Kim Jong-un regime tried to normalize relations with Japan through the ``5.28 agreement`` in 2014. However, these attempts ended in failure by the abduction issue. It is evident that the attempts made by North Korea in order to normalize diplomatic relations with Japan were in a close relationship with the nation’s development goal.

      • KCI등재

        북한의 개혁,개방정책의 변화: 관광산업을 중심으로

        신정화 ( Jung Wha Shin ) 북한연구학회 2010 북한연구학회보 Vol.14 No.2

        The purpose for this paper is to analyse North Korea`s issue on the Reform- Opening Policy along with the country`s Tourism Policy as well. North Korea has enforced the Reform-Opening Policy for a set of time in order to overcome the economic crisis caused by the line of a self-supporting national economic building, and the Tourism Policy was the major Strategic Industry for the Reform-Opening Policy.W ith officially announcing ``the Joint Venture Law`` as the Reform-Opening Policy on September 1984, North Korea selected Tourism Industry to be its compatible subject for making business with West European companies and started to attarct foreign tourists. After the announcement of ``Rajin-Sonbong Free Economic Trade Zone`` in August 1991, North Korea intended to develop Rajin-Sonbong into the Special international Tourist Zone. This movement led to the collaboration with Hyundai Construction, developing Mt. Geumgang and accepting South Koreans quite willingly after ``July Economic Measures`` announcement on June 1st 2002. However, North Korea`s Reform-Opening Policy took three steps; as in where the country made attempts in the first place, failed in the second and attempted again for the third. The explanation for these results could be that North Korea was misled by conducting ``The kind of mosquito net`` from the intention to prevent the danger of the nation from becoming absorbed by capitalistic ideas whereas the country still needed external funds to overcome the economic crisis. This was repeated with the Tourism Policy. In results, the Tourism Industry turned into a failure as well, which North Korea had expected otherwise.

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