자궁경부 상피내선암

김왕식,이태성 대한부인종양 콜포스코피학회 1998 Journal of Gynecologic Oncology Vol.9 No.2

Adenocarcinoma in situ (AIS) of the cervix is a rare disease. Seventeen patients with this disease seen at the Keimyung University Dongsan Medical Center are reported, with a review of their clinical characteristics and pathologic data. Their median age was 49 years. Cervical cytology showed that all contained abnormal cells. In our series all cases were combined with other cervical epithelial precancerous and cancerous lesion. 6 cases of AIS were combined with invasive adenocarcinoma of the cervix. Cone biopsy margins were examined in 15 patients, and predicted the presence or absence of disease in twelve of 14 hysterectomy specimens. But their prediction was low accuracy.

세계교육에 대한 국가간 비교연구 : 한국, 싱가포르, 태국, 말레이시아, 일본, 미국 Korea, Japan, United States, Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand

김왕식,김경자,조연순 이화여자대학교 사범대학 교육과학연구소 1997 교육과학연구 Vol.26 No.-

제17대 대선에서의 투표 참여 요인

김왕식 한국시민윤리학회 2008 한국시민윤리학회보 Vol.21 No.2

본 논문의 목적은 제 17대 대통령 선거에 나타난 투표참여의 요인과 기권의 정치적 결과를 분석하고자 하는 것이었다. 이를 위해 본 논문은 우선 유권자의 사회경제적 특성과 합리적 선택 모형이 기초하고 있는 가설을 검증하기 위해 논리적 추론을 통하여 13개의 변수들을 설문조사에 기초하여 개발하였다. 이 가운데 투표참여를 유인한 중요한 요인은 선거 관심도, 투표 효능감, 투표행위만족감, 정당일체감 그리고 나이였다. 로지스틱 회귀분석 모형의 예측 적중률은 80.8%로 높은 적중률을 보였다. 또한 투표 참여자와 기권자 집단의 정치적 성향을 비교해본 결과 기권 행위가 선거 결과에 영향을 미쳤음이 밝혀졌다. 즉 제 17대 대통령 선거에서의 유권자의 기권 행위는 야당인 한나라당 후보에게 유리한 결과를 가져오게 했다. This paper aims to examine the factors that contributed to voting of the Korean voters and the political consequences of non-voting in the 17th presidential election. This analysis of the electoral survey on the 17th presidential election reveals that voters' concerns in election, efficacy of voting, party identification and age were the most important factors that contributed to voting in the 17th presidential election. Comparison of the political propensity between the voting and non-voting voters also shows that abstention from the presidential election affected the electoral outcome favorable to the candidate of the Grand National Party.

SEPIC 컨버터를 이용한 형광등용 자려 발진형 전자식 안정기 개발

김왕식,한재현,조계현,박종연 한국조명전기설비학회 2003 조명·전기설비학회논문지 Vol.17 No.4

본 논문은 기존 전자식 안정기에 사용되던 Boost 컨버터 형태의 역률 개선 부분을 SEPIC 컨버터 형태를 갖는 역률 개선 방식으로 대치하여 특성을 확인한 논문이다. Boost 컨버터 형태를 갖는 역률 개선 방식의 출력 DC 전압은 일반적으로 400[V]이며, 최소 전압은 입력 전원의 실효값 이상이어야만 한다. 하지만 SEPIC 컨버터 구조를 이용하면, 역율 개선 효과뿐만 아니라, 입력 전원의 실효값 보다 작은 출력 DC 전압을 얻을 수 있다는 장점을 가지고 있다. 본 논문에서는 SEPIC 컨버터 구조를 갖는 역율 개선 방식과 링코어를 이용한 자려식 발진 방식을 적용한 전자식 안정기를 제작하였고, 낮은 출력 전압을 이용하여 소자의 용량과 크기를 감소시켰다. This paper presents the PFC method for an electronic ballast using SEPIC converter. Generally, the Boost Converter Type PFC has a DC 400V and output voltage is a bigger than input rms voltage. But the SEPIC type converter has above 0.95 Power Factor and wanted output voltage. This paper employs the SEPIC(Single Ended Primary Inductance Converter) Converter for PFC and the Ring core for oscillating method. Consequently, We reduced element's size and capacity in a converter with minimum voltage for the operating lamp.

건축기행 : 서역의 이슬람교 건축

김왕식 대한건축학회 1997 建築 Vol.41 No.5

예전에 서역으로 불리던 지역은 현재 중국의 신강성이 대부분을 차지하고 있다. 서역은 인도와 유럽의 문화를 동쪽으로 전달하는 중개인 역할을 하는 나라여서 문화의 특성상 매우 중요한 지역이다. 중국불교의 초전을 기록한 <대당서역기>의 배경이 된 것도 서역땅이다.

Post-Fordism: Production and the Labor Process in Japan

김왕식 호남대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2011 인문사회과학연구 Vol.32 No.-

This paper the discusses epochal transition of the structure and organization of the modern economy and society from one distinct phase of capitalist development to a new phase focusing on post-Fordism. There is a great deal of debate about how to characterize these changes, the mechanisms at work, and the policy implications for different groups of economic and political actors. This paper reassesses the concept of post-Fordism in light of the experience of the Japan. It systematically analyzes the differences among the three theoretical positions lying at the heart of the post-Fordist debate: the neo-Schumpeterian approach, the flexible specialization approach, and the regulation approach. The preoccupation with techno-economy found in the neo-Schumpeterian approach tends to be too technologically deterministic, failing to adequately explain the formation and development of a long wave. The dualism of the flexible specialization approach is criticized as it caricatures each industrial paradigm and reduces diverse changes on either side of the defined paradigms. This paper finds that the regulation approach is the best model to explicate the changes revolving around us because of its breadth and tight conceptual structure. It is also proven to be most effective in terms of understanding the situation in Japan, where social organization and economic restructuring processes clearly show that the country has moved beyond Fordism. This paper the discusses epochal transition of the structure and organization of the modern economy and society from one distinct phase of capitalist development to a new phase focusing on post-Fordism. There is a great deal of debate about how to characterize these changes, the mechanisms at work, and the policy implications for different groups of economic and political actors. This paper reassesses the concept of post-Fordism in light of the experience of the Japan. It systematically analyzes the differences among the three theoretical positions lying at the heart of the post-Fordist debate: the neo-Schumpeterian approach, the flexible specialization approach, and the regulation approach. The preoccupation with techno-economy found in the neo-Schumpeterian approach tends to be too technologically deterministic, failing to adequately explain the formation and development of a long wave. The dualism of the flexible specialization approach is criticized as it caricatures each industrial paradigm and reduces diverse changes on either side of the defined paradigms. This paper finds that the regulation approach is the best model to explicate the changes revolving around us because of its breadth and tight conceptual structure. It is also proven to be most effective in terms of understanding the situation in Japan, where social organization and economic restructuring processes clearly show that the country has moved beyond Fordism.

미군정경찰의 정치적 위상

김왕식 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1994 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.65 No.1-2

The purpose of this study is to examine the political implication of the Korean police in the American Military Government period. For this purpose, I have analyzed the power configuration of the Korean society, American Military Government policy toward Korea, the internal dynamics of the Korean police, and the role of the Korean police in the Korean political process in the American Military Government period. The findings are as follows : First, the Korean police in the American Military Government period was the most important actor that could influence which political group would grasp state power in the state building period. As power vacuum was created in Korean society just after 8.15 and the Korean police was the only organization that enjoyed monopolistic control of physical coercion, it was very important for the political groups that seeked for control of state power to get support from the Korean police. Second, the high ranking officers of the Korean police had a strong political connection with Syngman Lee and Korean Democratic Party among the competing political groups. Most of the high ranking officers including the head of the Korean police were recruited from Korean police and leaders of the Korean Democratic Party shared conservative political ideology. Pro-Japanese behavior during the Japanese colonial period made them leaned toward anti-communist and conservative ideology. Third, the Korean police played decisive role for Lee-KDP group to gain control state power in state building period. 1) The Korean police made the leftist group excluded from the power competition for state power by repressing the leftist group and restraining the revolutionary change demanded from the below. 2) The Korean strongly supported separate government building campaign launched by the Lee-KDP group. 3) The first election in the Korean history was made possible by enormous effort of the Korean police including mass mobilization. Holding election in southern part of Korean peninsula itself meant political victory for the Lee-KDP group. 4) Arbitrary intervention of the Korean police in election contributed to Lee-KDP group to be a final winner in power struggle. Contrary to conventional wisdom about the role of the Korean police, the Korean police should be interpreted as a active political actor in state building process rather than passive agent of the political leaders.

서울특별시에 위치한 기초의회의 충원양태와 정치적 실적분석

김왕식 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1994 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.64 No.2-3

The purpose of this study is to examine the empirical relation between recruitment pattern and political performance of the District Councils in Seoul. For this purpose, I have analyzed the historical development of the regional self-government system in Korea, the recruitment pattern of the District Councils in terms of socio-economic and political background, and the political performance of the District Councils by examining sessional records of the Councils. The findings are as follows: First, strong relationship between development pattern of the regional self-government and political change in Korea has been found. The rise of authoritarian regime undermined autonomy of regional self-government, while decline of authoritarian regime worked as a good opportunity to enhance autonomy of regional self-government. Second, the District Council members are recruited by the persons working in commerce, construction or industrial business, with age of forties and higher educational background. Judging from socio-economic background, the District Council members are equipped with basic skill and enough knowledge to carry out decision-making function of the District Council. However, as most of the District Council members are relatively young persons who lack enough experiences in policy-making, but have strong political ambition to utilize their position in the District Council as a stepping stone for future career, there are high possibility for the District Council members to play rather passive role than active role in operation of the District Councils. The District Council members are prone to serve for the interest of specific business group rather than general interest of the residents due to the fact that the District Councils are over represented by the specific occupational groups. Furthermore, as most of the District Council members are recruited from the ruling party, political control of the District Council over the administrative organ can be weakened. Third, in relation to the above mentioned recruitment pattern, the political performance of the District Councils are not that much impressive. 1) The District Councils did not play an important role in policy formation. This was evidenced by the fact that the District Councils are passive in proposing the District Act as well as examining the District Act proposed by the executive organs. Even though basic function of the District councils are to enact the District Act, the District Council proposed tenfold less bill than the executive organ. The District Councils passed more than 99% of bills proposed by the executive organ without any meaningful revision. In this sense the District Councils are seen to be rather "Rubber-stamp" than active players in policy formation. 2) The role of the District Councils were neither impressive. Judging from distribution of issues dealt with in the District Councils, District Councils seem to put little emphasis on control function over policy implementation by the executive organs. 3) The District Councils showed efficiency in dealing with petitions. Roughly 70% of petitions are properly dealt with by the District Council, while the Seoul City Council dealted with only 24.2% of the total petitions. In this sense response capability of the District Councils can be evaluated relatively good.

지방의회의 활동 및 운영양태에 대한 지방의회의원의 의식구조: 하나의 표본조사

김왕식 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2000 東西硏究 JOURNAL OF EAST AND WEST STUDIES Vol.12 No.1

본 연구는 지방의회의 활동 및 운영양태에 대한 지방의회의원의 의식구조를 분석한 것이다. 설문조사의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 지방자치에 대한 지방의회의원의 인지수준과 평가의 측면을 보면 지방의회의원들은 지방자치가 중앙과 지방간의 권력분화를 잘 이루어 내고 있다고 보고 있지는 않으나, 지방자치가 지방과 지방간의 조정과 협력에 기여하며, 그 지방의 자율성과 자립성을 강화시키며, 지방자치를 통해 지방정부 및 의회가 독창성과 자발성을 발휘하며, 지방의 특수성을 부각시키며, 지방자치가 민원 등의 현실적, 국지적 정책 뿐만 아니라 종합적이고 장기적인 정책 수행도 한다고 인식하고 있으며, 지방자치제도가 정치지도자의 충원, 주민의 참여기회 확대, 민주주의의 훈련 기회, 지역 주민의 요구부응, 그리고 주민대표의 책임의식 함양에 기여한다고 인식하고 있는 것으로 조사되었다. 둘째, 지방의회의원의 의정태도와 지방의회의 활동에 대한 조사 결과를 보면, 대다수의 지방의회의원들은 지방의회의원임에 대하여 상당한 자부심을 갖고 있으며, 예산안 심의시 주민 선호의 반영, 적극적인 투자유치, 효과적인 행정통제를 위하여 세심한 준비와 참여를 하는 한편, 자신의 소속의회 활동에 대하여 주민들이 어떠한 평가를 내리고 있는지 대체로 알고 있는 것으로 조사되었다. 대부분의 지방의회의회의 기능인 정책결정, 대표, 입법, 행정통제, 청원처리, 심의기능 등을 원활히 수행하고 있는 것으로 자체 평가하고 있다. 대부분의 지방의회의원들은 자신이 소속한 지방의회의 활동에 대하여 지역주민들이 대체로 잘 알고 있으며, 그에 대하여 대체로 긍정적으로 평가한다고 보고 있다. 그러나 주민들이 내린 평가의 정당성에 대해서는 유보하는 태도를 보이고 있다. 셋째, 지방의회의 운영양태에 대한 조사결과를 보면 지방의회에서 가장 많이 제의된 안건은 예산 및 재정, 지역자치사업, 그리고 주민복지와 관련된 사항들이며, 지역의 현안문제로서 지역경제개발, 산업화, 부의 평등실현, 균형복지, 실업자구제 등의 경제회복사업, 교육문화사업으로 나타나고 있다. 제의안건의 발의기관으로 대부분의 지방의회의원들은 지방자치단체장을 꼽고 있으며, 지방의회가 외부세력이나 기관으로부터의 독자성이나 자율성을 갖고 있으며, 입법활동과 관련하여 대부분의 조례안은 주민들의 의사가 최대한 반영되고 있으며, 조례안은 충분한 토론을 거처서 제정되는 것으로 조사되었다. 그러나 행정통제와 관련된 운영양태는 대체적으로 부정적인 것으로, 그리고 청원심사시 지방의회와 집행기관간에 긴밀한 협조는 제대로 이루어지지 않는 것으로 조사되었다.

전자 민주주의의 가능성과 실체

김왕식,이홍균 이화여자대학교 교과교육연구소 2000 교과교육학연구 Vol.4 No.1

이 논문에서는 정보기술의 발달과 더불어 활발한 논의가 전개되고 있는 전자 민주주의에 대해서 그 가능성과 실체에 접근하려 한다. 일반적으로 전자 민주주의에 대한 논의들은 경험적 사실에 바탕을 두지 않고, 정보기술의 발달에 따라 기대되는 전자 민주주의의 가능성의 수준에서 전개되고 있는 것이 보통이 다. 이 논문은 전자 민주주의의 가능성이 무엇이고, 한국에서 전자 민주주의가 경험적으로 얼마나 전개 되고 있는지를 밝혀보려는 데 그 목적이 있다.