명말청초 휘주 이역의 붕충

권인용(Yin Yong Kwon) 명청사학회 2002 명청사연구 Vol.16 No.1

N/A

청말(淸末) 원산(元山)으로의 미곡 수출과 상무위원(商務委員)

權仁溶 ( Kwon¸ In-yong ) 명청사학회 2021 명청사연구 Vol.- No.56

In 1885, Qing Dynasty's Shanghai merchants sent a significant amount of rice to Wonsan. The purpose and content reflected in the related documents officially received by authorities in both Joseon and Qing Dynasty were the same. This export began at the end of September 1884 to relieve disasters in the Wonsan area, and in early May 1885, rice grains entered Wonsan from the Shanghai area, resulting in great results in disaster aid. Existing related studies based on these documents are also precisely tailored to revealing the story of success in disaster aid. After all, this story can be said to be the narrative of ‘Happy Ending’ that the aid project, which began in the second half of 1884, finally paid off in early May 1885. The narrative of this disaster aid reflects only a cross-section of facts. The story of the success of aid needs to be reconsidered. First, the consul's intervention was inappropriate. Chen Shutang, the consul general, pointed out Chen Keliang as a merchant in charge of the project. The two were both from the same hometown and from a distant family. Chen Shutang attracted consuls to the project as sharers of the stake. Now, the export of rice to Wonsan has also been linked to the private interests of the consuls. They were both referees and players. This is because other merchants besides Chen Keliang have also entered the rice export business. The risk of ‘conflict of interest’ has always existed. Second, the export of rice to Wonsan was not a one-time disaster relief. It continued after May. Chen Keliang also carried out the second export. By this stage, the justification for disaster aid has completely disappeared. Rather, the possibility of expanding the rice market due to the development of mines in the Yeongheung area emerged. Rice has already been constantly flowing into Wonsan by Japanese merchants as well as other merchants in China. Joseon's grains were also shipped to the market. In the second half of the year, there was even a side effect of temporary oversupply in the export process. Third, this export business has been marked by various twists and turns. Due to the delayed entry date to Wonsan, there was a series of disturbances in which tariffs were paid and refunded. Some of Chen Keliang's second rice transmitted passed the new duty-free deadline again, ending up paying tariffs. In addition, they had to undergo trial and error that caused disruptions by not conducting basic market research on export products. The export of rice to Wonsan, proposed in the second half of 1884 and realized in the first half of 1885, should not be remembered only as a successful example of aid. When I checked the reality, it was not smooth, and when I looked inside, it was not beautiful. The rice export business process was a series of difficulties. It was not easy to get on track, but the derailed accident continued afterwards. Inevitable tinkering continued until at least the second half of 1885. The involvement of the consuls was also inappropriate. The key was the consul's private greed. They shared a stake in a store run by a specific merchant among merchants from the Qing Dynasty who entered Wonsan. Whether or not the project was operated was directly related to the gains and losses of the consuls. It was difficult to ensure fairness in management and coordination of interests. The consul's attention was always focused on the business of a specific merchant. It was difficult to even find a minimal balance between the pursuit of public interest and self-interest. The transmission of rice to Wonsan, which was carried out through various twists and turns, advocated disaster aid, but it was an export business aimed at commercial interests involving the private desires of the consuls.

明末淸初 徽州의 役法變化와 里甲制

權仁溶(Kwon In-Yong) 역사학회 2001 역사학보 Vol.169 No.-

명대 미주의 리 편제와 증감

권인용(In Yong Kwon) 명청사학회 2000 명청사연구 Vol.13 No.1

在現存的徽州各種方志中, 關于里甲制的里在徽州的始置時期, 尙有許多不太淸楚的地方. 這恐是由于方志裏省略有關洪武十四年置里情況的記載而引起的. 徽州也근其他地區同樣, 洪武十四年開始置里. 但是, 在徽州置里時, 흔可能沒有充分的準備工作, 給徽州里甲制的實施帶來了某種程度的混亂, 經過一定時間, 才正常運行. 因爲令人注目的是第二次大造之年的洪武二十四年, 起碼有一些縣確實取消了多數的里. 也就是說經過不過十年的短短時間, 便進行大規模整頓. 從這點可以想像這件事情裏面有相當抵抗和不少曲折. 因此不得不說明初徽州置里, 事實上到洪武二十四年經過調整後才完成的. 從這一點上看, 除了休寧縣以外, 其他的五縣,在各種方志裏, 從洪武二十四年開始記載明代編里情況, 也有足구的道理. 萬曆《休寧縣志》的記載當中, 也有不太明白的地方.萬曆年間休寧縣有一些都所屬的里中, 相當多數留着空白. 從這點, 難免會提出這樣的疑問: 到明末許多里甲崩壞的現象, 是否也發生在休寧縣니? 不過看來, 這幷不符合事實. 通過分析《海陽圖譜》等有關資料, 可以判斷如下: 其空白現象發生在明初的洪武十四年和二十四年之間. 總之, 흔淸楚其空白只不過反映明初里甲制施行上一定範圍內的速成·混亂和對此一些調整的結果, 而與明中期以後所謂里甲崩壞的現象毫無關係. 洪武二十四年大大調整里빈以後, 各縣的演變狀況, 幷不一樣. 尤其是各種方志對這種情況的記載, 各縣的差別흔明顯. 所以對此的理解, 會帶來一定的因難. 比如休寧縣有比較詳細地記載, 而對其他五縣, 其內容頗簡單. 那마這是不是說其他縣的里甲制比休寧縣, 相對地穩定니? 這只是由于方志記載上問題而引起的誤解而已. 換句話說, 方志文章當中, 不僅有不太正確的內容, 而且有省略變化事實的問題. 其他五縣的簡略內容, 幷不是對事實的恰當的反映. 換言之, 對徽州改編里빈的樣子, 決不可僅僅依據方志的記載, 斷定各縣的差別或各縣里甲制的穩定與否. 整理明中後期徽州的里빈改編以後, 盡管在程度上, 各縣有若干的差別, 然而可以指出如下的共同點. 第一, 里빈改編的根本原因是戶數增減. 第二, 有改編必要的都圖才發生變化, 所以改編範圍局限在特定都圖. 第三, 改編年빈是大造之年. 第四, 通觀改編過程, 雖然各縣有多少的差別, 但是흔難看出急變卽崩壞的征候. 第五, 改編的結果, 雖然有一定的變動, 但是起碼從洪武二十四年到萬曆期間, 其變動傾向的主流是里的增加. 第六, 因爲這里的`增加`用語是綜合考察各縣總體狀況而作的判斷,所以裏面不排除有個別的里빈有減少的加能性. 總之, 明代徽州里的改編, 是在大造之年, 按照戶數變化, 在發生編里變動必要的都圖, 以里빈的增減爲主要方式進行的. 這就說明, 有明一代, 徽州也不能脫離里甲體制的變化壓力. 不過, 到明末, 其改編的主要傾向不是里的減少, 而是增加. 僅從里甲編制的側面來看, 這就意味着, 徽州通過里的增減方式, 終于克服其變化壓力.

청초 , 휘주의 리 편제와 증도

권인용(In Yong Kwon) 중국사학회 2002 中國史硏究 Vol.18 No.-

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명청사학회창립이십주년기념특집호 : 논문 ; 명중기 조선의 입명사행 -소세량의 『부경일기』를 통하여-

권인용 ( Kwon In Yong ) 명청사학회 2003 명청사연구 Vol.19 No.1

嘉靖十二年, 朝鮮以蘇世讓爲進賀使, 派遣幷賀皇子的出生, 算是個最好選擇. 明皇室等到十二年才能得到皇子, 就對明朝以小事大的朝鮮而言, 進賀使的人選頗有重要意義. 因此, 蘇世讓無愧被選爲進賀使, 他旣有詩才又善于隨機應變, 果然, 他在明活動也基本上不負于任命意圖. 蘇世讓雖然儀禮上謁見過嘉靖帝, 但是不僅在王河館門禁的懸案問題上조到解決方法, 而且他所寫上的詩文傳給新的權臣禮部尙書夏言, 得到意外好評. 使行結束後, 他遇到對自己行爲的批評, 不過, 那些使行活動符合於朝廷所豫期的使臣職責. 與此同時, 是個値得認可的成果. 不過, 蘇世讓對廢后事件的不구理解還顯示出使行活動的限界. 當然, 廢后的實況及其背景原來屬于宮中內部問題, 作爲外國人不但以認知內幕, 而且不一定是個使臣所必需把握的事. 但是當時, 朝鮮每年數次派遣各種使節團, 對明朝積極表示`事大`, 換句話說, 他不能不凝神注視明朝的一切動態. 尤其是, 廢后事件不僅僅直接關係到明朝皇帝, 而且統治集團也熱誠關心其問題, 歸根結底, 問題的核心在于朝鮮使臣是否正確認知內外所注目的事件. 換言之, 當時使臣是否充足朝廷的期待구爲重要. 更何況, 那事件裏面還包括着皇帝與太后之間的膈애及政治鬪爭的因素. 總之, 蘇世讓不能把握實際情況, 錯誤地理解重大政治動態的縮影, 就象徵性地露出入明使臣的限界. 我們可以說, 作爲一個使臣不能承擔錯誤理解的一切責任. 因爲朝鮮使臣處于不太良好的主觀情況, 卽明廷嚴格規定他的滯留期間, 正式日程以及接觸人物等. 在這種情況之下, 使臣之間需要緊密協助. 不過, 一個使臣雖然在往返上有期會隋時接觸영一使臣, 旦是他們之間沒有充分協調幷辦理共同目標. 在這一點, 考慮到, 越不易于接近的難題, 使臣之間越需要共有信息和人際關係, 我們不能不對此感到遺憾. 不過, 這些使行的非效率和不구調主要責任歸咎于朝鮮政府.使行的派遣雖然有可能有機會使臣個人以非正式貿易發財, 而是對朝鮮帶來沈重的財政負擔. 朝鮮政府爲表示`事大`, 認受這種負擔, 堅決持續派遣使行, 其次回遠遠超過明使, 的確, 派遣使行從政治上得到名分, 以引進一些物品, 吸收先進文化. 盡管如此, 爲了獲得高級信息, 朝鮮必修以改變使行制度運用方式, 使得使行之間圓滿協調. 這就是由政府主導辦好的部分. 比如說, 該政府不應該以人選使臣爲文官升任的通過依例, 而應該試圖走向使臣的專任化, 或者人選主要基準也不僅僅重視作文能力, 以誇示`文化國家`爲目標, 而應該積極加以考慮多方面的基準. 說到底, 蘇世讓使行所露出的界限, 不是一個使行的, 而是當時全體朝鮮的.

1884년 ‘최약국명안’(崔藥局命案)의 재구성

권인용(Kwon, In-Yong) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2014 亞細亞硏究 Vol.57 No.1

A tragedy occurred in the Choi’s drugstore located in Hanseong Jongro a little past 10pm, January 2, 1884. After the scuffle during purchasing Cheongsimhwan, three men who are suspected Chinese soldiers killed the storekeeper with a gun and stabbed his son with a knife after shooting. In the following morning, the father and the son’s destinies split. The owner survived dramatically, but his son passed away. The decapitation of the three escaped assailants was reported by Hanseongsunbo on January 11. It was a devastating incident, but it looked like this case had been closed. However, this murder case developed to a serious slip of the pen. The one who led it was Chen Shutang of the Qing dynasty. Chen Shutang sent an inquiry to the authority of the Joseon dynasty in order to ask grounds proving that the three decapitated Chinese soldiers were the assailants. The authority admitted a mistake. In late March, Chen Shutang prepared two notifications and intensively sent official documents and letters to the authority of the Joseon dynasty and government officials of the Qing dynasty. Especially, Chen Shutang asked two official documents to Li Hongzhang. The documents were a diplomatic document for the King of Joseon and a letter of order for Yuan Shikai. The diplomatic document was to put pressure on Joseon and the letter of order was a firm security to encourage Yuan Shikai who was passive for cooperation. Li Hongzhang’s move was cautious. He sent a letter of order but refused to send an diplomatic document. Meanwhile, the authority of Joseon showed its good faith to the inquiry from Chen Shutang. The authority proclaimed the two notifications in major cities and printed them on Hanseongsunbo. Inoue Kakugoro resigned from Hanseongsunbo and returned to his country. Since the Qing dynasty showed its strong intention, some concessions were unavoidable. It was the end of the serious slip of the pen. Even though this incident was closed, its aftereffect was serious. Chen Shutang started to find an alternatives after the court hearing as an advisory letter was foundered. Yuan Shikai should take a positive attitude since he received a letter of order from Li Hongzhang. These two guys" common solution was a court hearing. They summoned all concerned and held a court hearing which is jointly held by the authorities of both countries. In the meantime, two people had an elaborate prior consultation. At this time, the initiative of discussion was passed over to Yuan Shikai. It was totally different from the serious slip of the pen. On May 17, the court hearing was held. Chen Shutang who was inexperienced in legal principles was completely defeated. The statements of people concerned were euphemistic, but they sticked to their original opinion that assailants looked like Chinese soldiers. An exit strategy was necessary. Yuan Shikai finally came up with an option. He suggested to make it an unsolved case. However, Chen Shutang couldn’t give it up. He suggested a solution of the court hearing again with professional manpower, but Yuan Shi-kai coldly rejected it. Chen Shutang had no choice but to accept it. They reported it to Li Hongzhang under their names and received a endorsement. For the record, this case was closed as an unsolved case permanently. The six-month diplomatic issue of Korea and China was finally closed. One of important aspects of the murder case in the Choi"s drugstore is that the representative of Qing changed after the case developed to a diplomatic issue between Korea and China. Assuming the execution of three suspects as the first stage, the serious slip of the pen as the second stage and the court hearing and afters as the third stage, the serious diplomatic argue started from the second stage. The main hero of the second stage and the third stage was Chen Shutang and Yuan Shikai, respectively. Chen Shutang grew the aftereffects of the case as it seemed like an obsession, but the end was vain. Th

明末 徽州의 土地丈量과 里甲制

權仁溶(Kwon In-Yong) 동양사학회 1998 東洋史學硏究 Vol.63 No.-

슬괵건을 이용한 전방 십자 인대 재 재건술

인용,박원종,권오수,서영완,임동선,In Yong,Bahk Won-Jong,Kwon Oh-Soo,Suh Young-Wan,Im Dong-Sun 대한관절경학회 2003 대한관절경학회지 Vol.7 No.2

Purpose : The purpose of this study is to evaluate the results of revision surgery for failed anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) reconstruction using quadruple hamstring tendon autograft. Materials and Methods : From May 2000 to July 2002, six patients received ACL revision surgery using quadruple hamstring autograft for failed ACL reconstruction. Femoral tunnels were made 40 mm in depth and fixed with a cross pin and a bioabsorbable interference screw to fill the bone defect. In tibial tunnels, the grafts were fixed with Intrafix(Mitek, Norwood, MA). In case of tibial tunnel widening, additional screw-washer fixation was done. Follow up was at least 12 months postoperatively. Clinical assessments consisted of Lysholm knee scores, International Knee Documentation Committee(IKDC) evaluation form and manual maximal side to side difference using KT-2000 arthrometer. Results : The average Lysholm knee score improved from 77.2 preoperatively to 87.7 postoperatively. At the final IKDC evaluation, 1 case was graded as normal, 4 nearly normal, 1 abnormal. Mean side to side difference of manual maximum anterior displacement using the KT-2000 arthrometer was 1.8mm. The success rate was $83\%$. Conclusion : ACL revision surgery using quadruple hamstring autograft with double fixation is considered good procedure with successful results. 목적 : 전방 십자 인대 재 재건술 시행시 자가 슬괵건을 이식건으로 사용하고 대퇴 및 경골 터널은 이중으로 고정하는 방법으로 시행하여 그 치료 결과를 보고하고자 한다. 대상 및 방법 : 2000년 5월부터 2002년 7월까지 슬괵건을 이용한 전방 십자 인대 재 재건술을 시행 받고 1년이상 추시가 가능하였던 6예를 대상으로 하였다. 6예 모두 남자였으며 평균 연령은 28.3세였다. 1차 재건술 후 재 재건술까지 기간은 평균 28.9개월이었으며 재 재건술 전까지 평균 수술 횟수는 1.7회였다. 슬괵건은 네 겹으로 준비하여 이용하였으며 기존 대퇴 터널이 재 재건술에 영향을 주는 경우 대퇴 터널을 40 mm 깊이로 만들고 횡고정 핀 고정후 흡수성 간섭 나사로 이중 고정하였다. 경골 터널은 Intrafix로 고정하였고 기존 터널의 영향이 있는 경우 screw-washe로 이중 고정하였다. 술후 평가는 Lysholm 점수, IKDC (International Knee Documentation Committee) 평가 기준, KT-2000 관절계를 이용하여 평가하였다. 결과 : 최종 추시상 Lysholm 점수는 술전 77.2점에서 술후 87.7점으로 호전되었고 IKDC 평가 기준상 술전 B 1예, C 4예, D 1예에서 술후 A 1예, B 4예, C 1예로 5예$(83\%)$에서 B이상의 결과를 보였다. KT-2000 관절계를 이용한 최대 도수 부하 검사상 술전 평균 4.5 mm에서 술후 1.8 mm로 호전되었다. 결론 : 전방 십자 인대 재 재건술시 슬괵건은 좋은 이식물로 사료되며, 수술시 기존 터널의 영향이 있는 경우 이중 고정 방법은 좋은 방법으로 사료된다.

전방 십자 인대와 내측 측부 인대 통반 손상시 반대측 슬괵건을 이용한 전방 십자 인대 재건술

인용(Yong In),박원종(Won-Jong Bahk),권오수(Oh-Soo Kwon),심우건(Woo-Gun Shim) 대한정형외과학회 2003 대한정형외과학회지 Vol.38 No.2