일제강점기 경성(京城)의 음력설과 양력설 -북촌과 남촌을 중심으로-

안주영 비교민속학회 2019 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.68

The Korean New Year’s Day is the beginning point of the year and also for the seasonal customs, one of the most important seasonal customs of our country. However, due to the situation that the Lunar New Year’s Day originally had been considered as an unofficial holiday, Koreans underwent many confusions and conflicts to reach the conclusion that both the Lunar New Year’s Day and the Solar New Year’s Day were recognized as the national holidays. Despite the condemnation for celebrating both the solar New Year and the lunar New Year, many citizens of Seoul(Keijyo) celebrated the Lunar New Year during the occupation period of the Japanese Imperialism. There was the atmosphere of two differentiated cultures existing in two different regions – ‘Bukchon’ and ‘Namchon’ : the Lunar New Year's Day is called Koreans’ New Year’s Day, and the Solar New Year's Day called the Japanese’ New Year’s Day. This study presents how the Seoul(Keijyo) citizens actually celebrated the two differentiated New Year holidays, the analysis of the articles from the newspaper and magazine to seek the overall stance of the press in specific tone of the news to speak of the two differentiated New Year holidays, and also the documents of interview from the spot survey that was done to native Seoul citizens. Under the situation that it was during the certain Japanese occupation period, the press had to affirm only the Solar New Year’s Day and denied the Lunar New Year’s Day. However, many articles from the newspaper and the magazine often mentioned the importance and the meaning of Lunar New Year’s Day as they indirectly depicted the Lunar New Year’s Day’s lively scenery in Bukchon. Moreover, it was also ascertainable through interviews with the native Seoul citizens and many articles that there was a great awareness that only the Lunar New Year’s Day could be recognized among the past Korean citizens even with vast criticism on celebrating both the solar New Year and the lunar New Year and only praising the Solar New Year’s Day from the Japanese government general of Korea. There were accusations of celebrating both the solar New Year and the lunar New Year, which had lasted throughout the occupation period of the Japanese Imperialism. The press during the Japanese occupation period attempted to link the west modernization with celebrating only the Solar New Year’s Day. The modernization of the West, first adopted by Japan, also challenged the Korean government to adopt the modernization, which had a strong premise of the colonial modernity and encouraged the change of everyday life through the adaptation of solar calendar. This controversy over Solar New Year’s Day and the Lunar New Year’s Day clearly appeared on ‘Namchon’ with Japanese citizens and ‘Bukchon’ with Korean citizens during the occupation period of the Japanese imperialism in Seoul(Keijyo). Such spatial division and regional distinction have a great significance in the sense that they created different scenes with the contrasting meanings of two New Year’s Days − the Lunar New Year’s Day and the Solar New Year’s Day. 한 해의 시작인 설날은 세시풍속의 시작점으로 한국인들에게 가장 중요한 세시풍속의 하나라고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 설날이 지금처럼 양력설과 음력설로 나뉘어 양쪽 모두 공휴일로 인정되고, 음력설이 부정적인 의미의 ‘구정(舊正)’이 아닌 공식적인 의미의 ‘설날’로 달력에 표기되기까지 많은 혼란과 갈등이 있었다. ‘이중과세(二重過歲)’라는 비난을 받으면서도 일제강점기에 경성의 조선인들은 음력설을 지내왔다. “음력설은 조선인의 설, 양력설은 일본인의 설”이라는 말이 공공연히 들릴 정도로 일제강점기 경성에서는 ‘북촌’과 ‘남촌’이라는 분리된 두 장소에서 조선인과 일본인이 각기 다른 설 명절을 쇠는 이분화된 문화가 형성되어 있었다. 본고에서는 일제강점기에 경성 시민들이 양력설과 음력설을 실제로 어떻게 지냈는지, 양력설과 음력설을 지내는 대중을 향한 언론의 입장과 논조는 어떠했는지에 대하여 당시의 신문과 잡지의 기사 분석, 서울 토박이들의 현지조사 면담 자료를 통해 살펴보았다. 신문과 잡지의 기사들은 식민지라는 상황하에서 대외적으로는 양력설을 긍정하고 음력설을 부정하는 입장을 취해야 했으나 간접적으로는 북촌의 활기찬 음력설 풍경을 묘사하면서 음력설의 의미와 그 중요성에 대해 말하고 있었다. 또한 조선총독부에서 양력설을 강조하고 이중과세(二重過歲)를 비난함에도 불구하고 조선인들 사이에서는 여전히 “음력설만이 우리의 설”이라는 인식이 널리 퍼져 있었다는 것도 당시의 여러 신문 기사들의 내용, 서울 토박이들과의 면담 조사를 통해 확인할 수 있었다. 일제강점기 내내 지속되었던 이중과세(二重過歲)의 폐해에 대한 지적과 양력과세를 해야 한다는 당위론적인 논설류의 기사들은 양력과세를 서구의 근대화와 연결짓고자 하였다. 서구의 근대화는 일본이 앞서 도입한 것으로, 우리도 이에 따라야 한다는 식의 논리에는 ‘식민지적 근대성’이 전제되어 있었으며, 이는 ‘양력’이라는 근대 달력의 도입과 함께 일상생활의 변화를 촉구하는 것이었다. 음력설과 양력설을 두고 나타난 이러한 대립은 일제강점기의 경성에서 조선인의 공간인 ‘북촌’과 일본인의 공간인 ‘남촌’이라는 구분된 두 장소에서 뚜렷하게 나타났다. 이러한 공간적 이분화와 ‘구별짓기’는 음력설과 양력설이라는 대조적 의미를 지닌 세시풍속과 맞물려 상당히 대조적인 풍경을 만들었다는 점에서 시사하는 바가 크다.

북한의 양력설과 음력설 –북한의 민속정책과 국가의 ‘민속명절’ 만들기-

안주영(An, Ju-young) 실천민속학회 2023 실천민속학연구 Vol.41 No.-

이 논문은 북한의 명절 중 해방 후 민속명절과 사회주의명절의 이중적 정체성을 갖게 된 ‘양력설’, 1980년대 이후 전통 민속명절로 재창조된 ‘음력설과 정월대보름’이라는 두 개의 설을 중심으로 북한의 명절문화와 세시풍속의 변화, 민속전통의 의미 등에 대해 고찰한 것이다. 해방 후 북한사회에서ᅟᅳᆫ 음력설을 포함한 기존의 전통 민속명절은 부정되거나 비판받았던 반면, 새로운 국가의 양력 시간체제 내에서 양력설은 국가의 중요한 민속명절로 부각되며 진보적이며 인민적인 명절, 새로운 사회주의국가의 민속명절로 변용되었다. 그러나 1986년에 김정일이 제기한 ‘조선민족제일주의’에 따라 북한의 민속정책은 전환되었고, ‘민족의 설’이라는 민속전통의 정체성은 음력설과 정월대보름에 이전되어 재생산되었다. 해방 후 북한에서 대두된 양력설, 1980년대 이후 부활한 음력설과 정월대보름은 모두 국가에 의해 ‘만들어진 전통’이다. 1980년대 이후 국가가 내세우는 ‘민속전통의 설’이 양력설에서 음력설로 이전되었으나, 양력설과 음력설 모두 내면적으로는 사회주의명절의 함의가 내포되어 있다. 음력설에 내재된 ‘전통 민속명절’ 역시 전통의 세시풍속을 함의하는 것과 더불어 사회주의 국가체제의 결속과 유지를 위한 민속적 전통의 부활과 재창조의 의미가 내포되어 있기 때문이다. 북한사회에서 지속·변용되는 이러한 ‘만들어진 전통’의 이데올로기 속에서 인민 대중은 양력설과 음력설의 세시풍속과 국가의례 등을 실천함으로써 자연스럽게 이를 내면화하게 된다. The Solar New Year’s Day is one of North Korea’s folk holidays that has acquired a dual identity as a folk holiday and a socialist holiday after liberation from Japanese rule in 1945. The Lunar New Year’s Day and Jeongwol Daeboreum(the day of the first full moon of the lunar year) have been reinvented as traditional folk holidays since the 1980s. Focusing on these seasonal customs, this paper examines North Korea’s holiday culture, changes in seasonal customs, and the meaning of folk traditions. After liberation, in North Korean society, existing traditional folk holiday, including the Lunar New Year’s Day, were denied or criticized, while in the new national calendar system, the Solar New Year’s Day was highlighted as an important national folk holiday. The Solar New Year’s Day was transformed into a progressive and people’s holiday, a folk holiday of a new socialist state. However, in 1986, North Korea’s folklore policy was reversed under Kim Jong Il’s “the Chosun people’s nationalism” and the identity of folk tradition as “the New Year’s day of the people” was transferred and re-produced in the Lunar New Year’s Day and Jeongwol Daeboreum. The Solar New Year’s Day, which emerged in North Korea after liberation, and the Lunar New Year’s Day and Jeongwol Daeboreum, which have been revived since the 1980s, are all state-invented traditions. Since the 1980S, “the New Year’s day of folk tradition” of the state has shifted from the Solar New Year’s Day to the Lunar New Year’s Day, but both the Solar New Year’s Day and the Lunar New Year’s Day are inherently socialist holidays. This is because “the traditional folk holiday” inherent in the Lunar New Year’s Day also implies the traditional seasonal customs, as well as revival and re-creation of national traditions for the cohesion and maintenance of the socialist state system. In this ideology of “the invention of tradition” that is perpetuated and transformed on North Korean society, the public naturally internalizes it by practicing seasonal customs and national rites of the Solar New Year’s Day and the Lunar New Year’s Day.

단군신화속의 3×7일과 100일의 의미

손노선(Son No-seon) 한국민속학회 2011 韓國民俗學 Vol.54 No.-

단군신화에는 3×7일과 100일이라는 두 개의 시간적 관념이 나온다. 신화에 나오는 이관념들은 추상적인 이미지만을 보여주고 있어서 그 의미를 알 수 없었다. 상징을 해석함에 있어서 ‘환원’이라는 개념을 제공해준 후썰(Edmund Husserl)의 선견(先見)에 입각하여 시간에 관한 사유를 하였다. 이 과정에서 태양일과 태음일이라는 두 개의 시간적 관념이 도출되었고, 우리 조상들은 해와 달의 숭배와 함께 태양일과 태음일을 중요시하였음을 알 수 있었다. 우리는 여성의 생리주기를 달의 주기와 같다고 하여 월경이라고 불러왔다. 보통 이 주기를 28일로 설명을 한다. 그러나 1삭망월이 일어나는 시간은 29.53 태양일이다. 달의 주기를 28일 주기로 설명하기 위해서는 태음일을 적용하여야 한다. 1삭망월 동안의 태음일은 약 28.56일이다. 28이라는 숫자는 7로 나누어지는 숫자로, ‘1×7?2×7?3×7?4×7’로 분류할 수 있다. 단군신화에 나오는 3×7일의 의미는 달의 태음주기에 따른 것으로 여성의 월경주기와 맥을 같이하며, 배란이 일어나는 기간인 1×7일을 준비하는 기간인 것이다. 즉, 임신이 가능한 기간인 1×7일을 준비하기 위하여 3×7일 동안 마늘과 쑥을 먹으며 몸을 보하고 정화하였던 것이다. 이런 의미로 보았을 때 3×7일은 달의 시간인 태음일을 기준으로하는 시간이며 그 시간은 여성적 시간이다. 우리 조상들은 기자(祈子)를 위해서 100일기도를 하였다. 박문일에 의하면 남성의 정자가 성숙되고 수정력을 갖추는데 걸리는 시간이 100일이다. 한국에서는 아기가 태어나면 한살의 나이를 부여한다. 이는 태중에 있는 기간을 계산한 것이라고 하는데, 보통 인간의 임신기간은 280일이다. 여기서 280일은 생리일부터 계산한 것으로, 배란이 일어나는 14일을 빼면 266일이다. 여기에 정자가 수정력을 갖추는데 걸리는 기간인 100일을 더하면 366일로 일 년이다. 100일이라는 시간적 관념 속에는 해의 시간인 태양일을 기준으로 하고 있다. 이 시간은 남성의 생리주기를 바탕으로 하며 그 시간은 남성적 시간이다. 연구자의 주요제보자인 한 무당에 의하면, 기자를 위한 100일기도는 부인의 생리일을 기준으로 시작한다. 그 과정은 5단계로 구분이 되는데, 각 단계는 3×7일씩 4단계와 나머지 16일로 구성되어 있다. ‘(3×7일)×4’단계는 84일로 세 번의 생리주기이다. 나머지 16일은 부인의 배란일과 거의 정확히 일치한다. 여기서 얻을 수 있는 결론은 단군신화에 나오는 100일의 의미는 남성의 생리주기와 여성의 생리주기가 정확히 일치하는 시간으로 인간의 탄생을 위한 완벽한 시간이다. There are two time concepts in Dangun mythology; 3×7 and 100 days. Because 3× 7and 100 days showed their abstract images, it was impossible to find the meaning of them. After providing the concept of reversion for interpretation of the symbolism, I thought about the time based on Edmund hursserl"s foresight. In this process, two time concepts were drawn; solar day and lunar day. Also it was realized that our ancestors, with the worship of sun and moon, considered them important. We have called women’s mense ‘Wolkyoung’, for women’s menstrual cycle is the same as that of the moon. The cycle is commonly known to be 28days. But, the amount of time it takes for a synodical month to occur is 29.53 solar days. To explain the moon cycle as 28days, a lunar day should be applied. The lunar days for a synodical month is about 28.56. The number, 28, which is divided by 7, can be classified into ‘1×7’ ‘2×7’ ‘3×7’ and ‘4×7’. The meaning of 3×7 days in Dangun mythology was based on the lunar cycle. The period is the same as women’s menstrual cycle and is the time for preparing 1×7 days, the period for ovulation. That is, to prepare 1×7days, for which pregnancy is possible, they strengthened and cleaned their bodies eating garlic mugwort. In this sense, 3×7days is based on lunar days, time of the moon, and it is feminine time. Our ancestors conducted100day’s pray for bearing sons. According to Park mun-il, the amount of time it takes for sperm to mature and have fertilizing power is 100days. In Korea, a baby is born, it has one year of age. It means the period of maternity. A pregnancy period of human is generally 280days. 280days is a value acquired by counting from menstrual period. If 14days, the period for ovulation, is counted out, it becomes 266days. If 100days, the time for sperm to have fertilizing power, is added to it, a pregnancy period is 366days, 1 year. The time concept of 100days is based on a solar day, the time of the sun. The time is a masculine time, based on a physiology cycle of men. According a shaman, a main informant of me, a 100day’s prey for bearing a son starts based on a woman"s menstrual period. The process is classified into 5 steps. Each step consists of four steps by 3×7 days and the rest, 16days. ‘(3×7days)×4’ step is 84days, three times of menstrual cycle. The rest, 16days, is exactly almost the same as the woman"s ovulation day. From this, we can draw the fact that 100days in Dangun mythology means the time in which the physiological cycle of men and menstrual cycle of women are exactly the same, or perfect time for the birth of human being.

개천절 일자(日字)와 단군조선 개국년도 문제 고찰과 제언

박창범,Park, Changbom 한국천문학회 2015 天文學論叢 Vol.30 No.1

The National Foundation Day of Korea (개천절, 開天節) is currently celebrated on October 3 in Gregorian calendar. We review the history of dating the National Foundation Day of Korea and make a suggestion that it be celebrated on October 3 in the lunar calendar. We present numerous historical records on heaven-worship rites supporting the date October 3 in the lunar calendar. It is pointed out that October 3 in the solar calendar has been adopted in 1949 by the National Assembly with the thought that the lunar calendar is inferior and behind the times. The thought originates from misunderstanding on the value of the lunar calendar and from the ignorance of importance of history and tradition. Since there are now many national holidays that follow the lunar calendar, the logic of the National Assembly in 1949 also makes no sense. We emphasize that the lunar calendar should be followed for the National Foundation Day of Korea for its historical and symbolic characteristics restoration. We also investigate the year of the foundation of the first country of Korea, Dangun Joseon. It is found that even though the majority of the literature before late 15th century recorded the beginning year of Dangun Joseon dynasty to be equal to that of Liao Dynasty (堯), it was accidentally changed to the 25th year of Liao Dynasty in 1484 through a misinterpretation of the previous records. We claim that the beginning year of Dangun Joseon should be set to that of Liao Dynasty as recorded in the original literature in the earlier days. According to the two main opinions accepted by Korea, the beginning year of Liao Dynasty was 2357 B.C. or 2333 B.C., which correspond to the year of Gap-Jin (the 41st year of the sexagenary cycle) or Mu-Jin (the 4th year of the sexagenary cycle), respectively.

‘步氣朔術’ 분석을 통해 본 高麗前期의 曆法 -『高麗史』「曆志」 『宣明曆』과 遼의 『大明曆』 ‘氣朔術’을 중심으로-

서금석,김병인 한국중세사학회 2014 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.38

The purpose of this study is to prove that the Daming Calendar of the Liao Dynasty which has been neglected in the field of research on Goryeo calendar system was used along with the Xuanming Calendar in the early period of Goryeo. To do so, the study reviewed Gisaksul of the Daming Calendar shown in 『Liaosa (History of Liao)』, 「Yeoksangji」 and compared that with the first day of the month recorded in 『Goryeosa (History of Goryeo)』, 「Sega」. The order of Northeast Asian calendar system was related to change of power between political units. Especially with the advent of Khitan in the 10th century, the relationships between Goryeo and Khitan became important as much as those with Song which later joined. Regardless of the Central Plain (Zhongyuan) or Northern people power, unified dynasties tried influence on Goryeo. As a result, Goryeo followed the investitures, era name, and calenda system from them during the period of the Five Dynasties through Song. But it is hard to find a description showing that Goryeo accepted the calendar system from Liao and Jin, And yet it does not mean Goryeo excluded the calenda system of Liao and Jin. The order of Northeast Asian calendar system came to the order of time itself in the area, and it was developed into a system shared. Goryeo was also a member of the order system in Northeast Asia. Even though Goryeo could not develop an independent astronomical calendar, it had high understanding of the calendar system of China (Five Dynasties and Song), Liao, Jin and Yuan. Based on that, Goryeo produced the calenda consistent with its reality and used that. The research earlier conducted reviewed the cases of calculating Goryeo calendar day by focusing on the Xuanming Calendar shown in 『Goryeosa』, 「Yeokji」 and the Daming Calenda in 『Liaosa』, 「Yeoksangji」. The promulgation of the Daming Calenda in Liao had a direct effect on Goryeo enough to have Goryeo change its calendar to the Daming Calenda and apply that to calculate a calendar day. In conclusion, it is proved that Goryeo referred to Liao calendar system to produce Goryeo calendar, inheriting the present Xuanming Calendar and accepting the calendar from Song. Winter solstice and the first day of the lunar month were generally consistent with reality based on Daming Calendar calculation in the period of King Hyunjong’s reign. Researchers used the record of April Eulyu day, the 21st year of King Hyunjong (1030) in 『Goryeosa』 as a ground of Goryeo calendar. To examine and prove the records, this study reviewed the Gisaksul of the Xuanming Calendar and the Daming Calendar. According to the calculation based on the Xuanming Calendar and the Daming Calendar, December of the 20th year of King Hyunjong (1029) was the small month and December of reality was a small month. According to the historical records, Song calendar had the long month and the calendar presented by Taesa had the small month. Thus, we can conclude that Goryeo calendar presented by Taesa accorded with reality. But it does not mean that the calendar by Taesa was superior to that of Song. Taesa’s calendar made an error in lunar eclipse. Based on such historical records, what is proved through the above two calendar calculations is that Goryeo produced its independent calendar by referring to not only Song calenda, but also other routes and ways. Goryeo in the reign of King Hyunjong accepted both the Xuanming Calendar of Tang and the Daming Calendar of Liao, and had a correct calculation system enough to be comparable with Song calendar, that is, Goryeo produced its independent calendar day by referring to those calendar systems.

『譯註 海觀自集』에 나타난 춘천의 세시풍속

강명혜(Myeong-Hye Kang) 아시아강원민속학회 2007 아시아강원민속 Vol.21 No.-

본고는 해관 홍종대 선생(1905~1951)의 유작품집인『譯註 海觀自集』을 통해서 1900년대부터 6ㆍ25전쟁 발발 전(구체적으로 1921~1950년)까지의 춘천지역 세시풍속은 어떠했는지를 살펴보았다. 그 결과 당시에는 춘천지역에 많은 세시풍속 습속이 지켜지고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 특히 현대에는 거의 사라지다시피한 칠석, 유두, 중양절 등이 의례나 놀이를 행하는 중요한 명절로 인식되고 있었으며, 그 외의 명절에도 제의 및 ?邪行爲가 상당량 행해지고 있었다. 이를테면, 유두(벽사행위)나 중양일(벽사행위) 그리고 삼월삼질(불제사), 칠석(걸교제사), 동지(팥죽으로 제사)에는 민가에서 사적으로 제의를 지내거나 除厄招福의 의미가 있는 의식을 행했으며, 또한 단오, 대보름, 설날에도 邪氣를 물리치는 의식, 즉 도소주를 먹고 복숭아 부적 및 산초를 벽에 발랐으며(설날), 들에서 풍년을 점치거나, 江神을 위한 치성(어부제), 창포뿌리를 허리에 차서 벽사의 효험을 기대하거나 약쑥을 묶어서 대문 옆에 세워두고(벽사), 풀싸움과 채색 실 두르기, 창포술 마시기(단오) 등을 하기도 했다. 장수를 기원하는 의미의 채색 실 두르기나 물싸움 등은 춘천지역에서만 특별히 행해진 단오 풍속으로 알려져 있다. 그 외에 특별한 의식을 행한 것은 아니지만 초복, 중복, 말복 등에는 천렵을 가거나 술을 마시며 친교를 다지는 날로 인식되고 있었고, 민가에서 보편적으로 행해진 것은 아니지만 봄이나 가을, 혹은 봄가을에 행해지는 문묘석전제사와 백운동제단제사, 매강단 제사, 그리고 만천리에서 행해지고 있는 신라시조 박혁거세묘 제사 풍습이 잘 드러나고 있었다. 또한 작가는 민가에서 행하는 의례에는 비판적이었지만 〈祭道路祭祝文〉이나 〈后土祭祝文〉을 짓는 등, 작가의 의식세계도 우리의 원형상징에서 크게 벗어나지 않고 있었다. This manuscript examined Chuncheon seasonal customs through 『Yeok-Ju Hae-Gwan-Ja-Jip』, posthumous works of Hae-Gwan Hong Jong-Dae (1905~1951), from the 1900s till before the outbreak of Korean War. It showed that many conventions of seasonal customs were kept In Chuncheon in those days. Chilseok, Yudu, and Jungyangjeol, which almost don’t exist at present, were recognized as important holidays that hold ceremonies and plays, and ceremonies and Byeoksa(a ceremony or force of rejecting evils) were held in other holidays as well. For example, in Yudu(Byeoksa), Jungyangjeol(Byeoksa), Samwol samjit nal(Bull religious service), Chilseok(Geolgyo), and Dongji(religious service with red bean gruel), ceremonies were held privately in houses or those which symbolize Jeaek Chobok were held. In Dano, Daeboreum, and the New Year’s Day, ceremonies for repulsing evil force, that is, herbal wine was served, and peach amulet and mountain grasses were pasted on walls (New Year’s Day). Also, fortunes for good harvest were told in the fields, sacrifice for the god of rivers was offered (religious service of fishermen), root of iris was girded round the waist and effects of Byeoksa were looked for or wormwood was tied and set beside the front gate(Byeoksa), grass fight and wrapping colored string, drinking iris wine (Dano) and etc. were done as well. Grass fight and wrapping colored string, which symbolize a long life, were known as customs of Dano that were held only in Chuncheon. Although there weren’t any special ceremonies, Chobok, Jungbok, and Malbok were recognized as days to go fish in a river or drink and form a close friendship, and although it wasn’t universally held in houses, customs of religious service for Mun-myo-seok-jeon, Baeg-un-dong-je-dan, Bak-hyeok-geo-se-myo, the founder of Silla, and Mae-gang-dan which are held in spring or fall, are well known. Also, even though the writer was critical with ceremonies held in houses, having written 〈Jae-Do-Ro-Jae-Chuk-Mun〉 and 〈Hu-To-Jae-Chuk-Mun〉, his world of ceremony didn’t wander from our original symbol(archetype).

정읍지역 마을굿의 지속과 변화의 전개양상

김월덕(Kim Wolduk) 국어문학회 2008 국어문학 Vol.45 No.-

This paper focuses on an aspect of the continuity and the change of Maeul-kut that have performed in Jeongup, In this paper, Maeul-kut is treated as agricultural custom The season of Maeul-kut in Jeongup is the 15th of January and the first of February according to the lunar calendar. Baekjung custom on the 15th of July has been continuing in Jeongup. The continuity and the change of Maeul-kut of Jeongup may be considered as follows : forms of Maeul-kut, behaviors that consist of Maeul-kut, time and place, performers, the subdivisions of the seasons and so on. The cause of the change are related to the change of villagers' recognition to tradition and rural life. And new custom according to the solar calendar such as 'invented commemoration day' supported by township is worthy of notice. All the changes are the result that the old culture adapted to the realities.

당대(唐代) 시회(詩會)의 통시적(通時的) 변화: 상사일(上巳日) 시회(詩會)를 중심으로

강필임 ( Kang Pilyim ) 한국중국학회 2017 중국학보 Vol.81 No.-

본 연구는 唐代 上巳日 詩會를 중심으로 당대 시회의 통시적 변화를 고찰했다. 상사일 시회를 주요 연구대상으로 삼은 이유는 시회의 직접적인 기원이라 할 수 있는 蘭亭雅會가 상사일에 열렸고, 당대 문인들은 상사일이면 蘭亭雅會의 풍류를 모방하고 시회의 전통을 계승하고자 많은 시회를 개최했기 때문이다. 『全唐詩』에서 上巳日, 上巳, 三月三日, 三日, 修?, ?? 등의 시어가 사용된 작품을 뽑아 주요 연구대상으로 했다. 전통적으로 상사일에는 동으로 흐르는 물가에서 몸을 씻으며 한 해의 재앙을 떨어버리는 `修?`라는 전통풍습이 행해졌다. 당대 문인들은 이 수계 행사와 함께, 시회를 개최하기도 했다. 당대 황실에서는 상사일이면 渭水나 曲江으로 나가 수계를 진행하고 관료들과 시를 지어 酬唱하기도 했다. 이때 지어진 시는 應制詩나 奉和詩였는데, 전반적으로 내용보다는 修辭가 중시되었다. 시의 형식은 시대에 따라 古詩에서 점차 律詩나 絶句로 지어졌다. 상사일 宮庭詩會는 전반적으로 初·盛唐 시기에 빈번하게 개최되었고, 中唐 이후 현저히 감소한다. 당대 일반 문인들도 시회에서 지은 작품에 봄날의 경치나 상사일 연회의 즐거움 등을 주로 묘사했다. 특히 초성당의 시회에서는 주어진 제목으로 참가자들이 동시에 시를 짓거나, 현장에서 제시된 韻 자로 시를 창작함으로써, 각자의 作詩 능력을 발휘했다. 그러나 궁정시회와는 달리, 문인 간의 시회는 단순히 시가 창작만이 목적이 아니라, 궁극적으로는 그것을 통한 상호 소통이 목적이다. 대표적인 작품이 中唐 大和 4년(830년)의 상사일에 李德裕와 劉禹錫이 주고받은 唱和詩이다. 唱和詩의 和詩 작자는 일차적으로 唱詩에 대한 독자여서 기본적으로 상호 내면적 교류가 가능하다. 이처럼 중당 이후의 문인 시회에서 창화시가 시회의 주요 형식이 된 것은, 시회문화가 干謁이나 詩才의 경쟁보다는 문인 간의 소통과 교류의 역할이 중시되면서 보편적 교류문화로 정착했기 때문이다. 또 中唐 시기 元?, 白居易가 `和韻`의 唱和詩를 수창하면서, 시회에서도 依韻, 次韻 등의 방식으로 和詩를 창작했고, 晩唐에는 次韻詩가 창화시의 주요 형식이 되었다. 당대 시회는 初·盛唐에는 宮庭과 귀족을 중심으로 전개되다가, 中唐 이후 문인 사회에 파급되면서 정치성이 약해지고 상대적으로 수평적인 교류문화로 정착했다. 이러한 환경변화를 바탕으로 唱和詩나 和韻詩 등 상호성이 담보된 시가형식이 보편화 될 수 있었고, 시회문화는 문인사회의 보편적인 교류, 오락, 창작문화로 정착된 것이라 할 수 있다. This study examined the diachronic changes in the poetry parties during the Tang Dynasty focusing on the Sangsiri(上巳日) Poetry Party(詩會). Sangsiri was originally the “snake day” in the beginning of March, however, was fixed to March 3 after the Wei- Jin(魏晉) period. The reason the Sangsiri Poetry Party was chosen as the major subject of study is that the Meeting of Scholars in the Lan Pavilion which is considered as the direct origin of poetry party was held on Sangsiri, and the literary people at the time held a number of poetry parties on Sangsiri to take after the art of and continue the legacy of the Meeting of Scholars in the Lan Pavilion(蘭亭). The works that used poetic words such as Sangsiri, Sangsi(上巳), March 3, Xiuxi(修?) and Fuxi(??) in 『Quantangshi (全唐詩)』 were selected as the major subjects of the study. Traditionally, people had the custom of `Xiuxi` which was to bathe in the waters flowing toward the east to wash away ill fortunes of the year on Sangsiri. Literary men of the Tang Dynasty also held the poetry party with xiuxi. The royal family of Tang also did xiuxi in Weishui(渭水) or Qujiang(曲江) on Sangsiri and wrote and exchanged poems with bureaucrats. The poems written during this time were Yingzhi poetry(應制詩) or Fenghe poetry(奉和詩), which emphasized rhetorics than the overall meaning. The format of the poems gradually moved on from ancient poem to lvshi or quatrains according to the period. The poetry party in the palace on Sangsiri was held frequently during the early Tang Dynasty and quite rarely from the mid-Tang Dynasty. Ordinary literary people during the Tang Dynasty also mainly appreciated the spring scenery or the joy of the party on Sangsiri in the poems they wrote at the party. During the poetry parties held in the early Tang Dynasty, in particular, the participants demonstrated their poetic mastery by writing poems at the same time on the given subject or using the rhyme presented at the scene. Unlike the poetry party in the palace, however, the poetry parties held by literary people were intended for not only writing poems but also communicating with each other through the poems. One of the typical examples is the antiphon poems(唱和詩) exchanged between Li Deyu(李德裕) and Liu Yuxi(劉禹錫) on Sangsiri in the fourth year in the reign of King Wenzong(文宗) of the mid Tang Dynasty(830). The author of the responding poem(和詩) in antiphon poetry is primarily the reader of the changshi(唱詩) and basically it enables internal reciprocal exchange. The fact that the antiphon poetry became the main format for a poetry party indicates that the culture of poetry party settled down as a universal exchange culture as the emphasis was given on the communication and exchange between literary people than as a way of seeking to interview with requests for favor or as the competition of poetic talent. After Yuan Zhen(元?) and Bai Juyi(白居易) began to write antiphon poetry in the mid-Tang Dynasty, the participants of poetry parties created responding poems in the manner of yiyun(依韻) or ciyun(次韻), and rhyme poem became the major format of the antiphon poetry in the late Tang Dynasty. The poetry parties were mainly held by the royal family and bureaucrats in the early Tang Dynasty and gradually lost political aspects as they were spread to literary people and settled down as a relatively horizontal exchange culture from the mid Tang Dynasty, and the formats that assured reciprocality such as antiphon poetry and poems with the same rhythm became universal.

Short Term Load Forecasting Algorithm for Lunar New Year’s Day

Kyung-Bin Song,Jeong-Do Park,Rae-Jun Park 대한전기학회 2018 Journal of Electrical Engineering & Technology Vol.13 No.2

Short term load forecasts complexly affected by socioeconomic factors and weather variables have non-linear characteristics. Thus far, researchers have improved load forecast technologies through diverse techniques such as artificial neural networks, fuzzy theories, and statistical methods in order to enhance the accuracy of load forecasts. Short term load forecast errors for special days are relatively much higher than that of weekdays. The errors are mainly caused by the irregularity of social activities and insufficient similar past data required for constructing load forecast models. In this study, the load characteristics of Lunar New Year’s Day holidays well known for the highest error occurrence holiday period are analyzed to propose a load forecast technique for Lunar New Year’s Day holidays. To solve the insufficient input data problem, the similarity of the load patterns of past Lunar New Year’s Day holidays having similar patterns was judged by Euclid distance. Lunar New Year’s Day holidays periods for 2011-2012 were forecasted by the proposed method which shows that the proposed algorithm yields better results than the comprehensive analysis method or the knowledge-based method.

양양군 농경세시 고찰

이한길(Han-kil Lee) 아시아강원민속학회 2007 江原民俗學 Vol.21 No.-

본고는 양양군의 세시풍속 중 농경세시에 관하여 살펴보았다. 양양군은 지역의 넓이가 워낙 넓어 어느 지역의 농경세시를 선택할까 상당히 고민스러웠지만 결국은 38선 이북의 특정지역으로 선정하였다. 과거에 38선 이북이어서 무엇인가 민속이 특별한 것이 있으리라는 짐작 때문이었다. 어쩌면 그 특별함이 한때 북한 치하였기 때문에 생겨났을지도 모른다는 생각에서 접근하였다. 그래서 선정한 지역이 감곡리, 기리, 금풍리, 사교리, 사천리, 정손리 일대였다. 이 지역은 중간의 야트막한 야산을 중심으로 하여 길쭉한 타원형을 그리듯 빙 둘러 있는 마을들이었다. 마을간의 친연성이 높아 민속의 대동(大同)과 소이(小異)함을 잘 관찰할 수 있는 장점이 있었다. 이른바 농경세시라 하면 농경의 절기에 따른 다양한 풍속의 일단을 지칭한다. 양양군 이들 마을의 농경세시를 정월부터 시작하여 추석까지 살펴보면서 어떤 특징이 농경 세시에 영향을 미쳤고 어떤 결과를 도출하였는가를 면밀히 살펴보았다. 그 결과 이들 마을은 강원도내 다른 지역과는 상당히 다른 특별한 곳임을 밝힐 수 있었다. 우선 일꾼의 날이 강원도 다른 지역에서는 대체로 2월1일이었던데 반하여 양양군 내 이 지역은 6월 유두였다는 것이 독특했다. 좀생이별을 보고 농사의 풍흉을 점치는 풍속도 2월6일이 아니라 정월15일이었다. 쓰레씻이도 모내기 이후에 한다는 특징이 있었다. 이런 모든 것들이 강원도 내 다른 지역과는 상당히 다른 것이었는데, 이런 특징들은 결국은 합리적인 판단에 의해 농업생산성을 가장 극대화하기 위한 것임을 짐작할 수가 있었다. 의례보다는 실용을 중시하는 상당히 현실적인 감각을 그들은 가지고 있었다. 그래서 풍년을 기원하는 의례보다는 풍작을 바라는 현실적인 조치가 여러 농경의례 이후의 잔치라는 풍속으로 나타났던 것이다. 그들의 축제, 곧 마을잔치는 결국 노동 생산성을 높이기 위한 장치였던 것이다. In this paper I am investigated on the agricultural customs in Yang-yang-gun(gun means county). Yang-yang-gun’s area is very wide. So It is very difficult for me to choose only some villages in Yang-yang-gun’s many villages. I must choose only some villages. After long deliberation, I decided to study on some villages of above the 38th parallel. These areas were taken at once time the government by The North Korea. The North Korea’s ideology was materialism which regarded the traditional customs as superstitions. So I thought that in the traditional customs it may be happened the remarkable transformation. Finally thess areas where I decided to investigate were Kamkok-ri(감곡리), Keumpung-ri(금풍리), Ki-ri(기리), Sakyu-ri(사교리), Sachun-ri(사천리), and Jungson-ri(정손리). These villages have surrounded around the central hilltock. Accordingly I thought these village’s relationship may be closer mutually. In this case, I hope to take the good investigation to survey the same and the difference that include the various customs on the agriculture’s subdivisions of the seasons on the agricultural customs. From the first lunar month to the 8th lunar month I investigated the agricultuaral customs in above six villages. This research’s results were that: 1) The agricultural labour’s day was the 15th day(유두) of the 6th lunar month in Yang-yang-gun, but the other guns in Kangwon-do(do means province) were the 1st day on the 2nd lunar month. 2) The day surveying the zomsaeng-i(좀상이) star to prophesy the year of abundance was the 15th day of the 1st lunar month in Yang-yang-gun, but the other guns in Kangwon-do were the 6th day of the 2nd lunar month. 3) The day washing a wedding hoe(호미씻이) was after a rice-transplantation in Yang-yang-gun, but the other guns in Kangwon-do were inner the 7st lunar month.