국창쇄록(菊窓瑣錄)의 일화 선택과 이상적 인물 형상

이강옥(Lee, Kang-ok) 국어국문학회 2013 국어국문학 Vol.- No.165

This article analyses Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) edited by Whoweon Lee (李厚源). Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) represents the image of ‘ideal king’, ‘ideal Sadaebu(士大夫)’, and ‘the desirable relationship between kings and Sadaebus. Ideal king is very strict in reflecting himself and generous in taking care of retainer and people. He practices filial piety towards his parents, and strictly disciplines his children. The most important virtue of ideal king is the ability to choose the wise men and to listen to their expostulation. Ideal Sadaebu holds fast to his principle and ideology. He leads a sincere and austere life. He willingly remonstrates with the king about his foolish conduct and behaviors. Keeping his belief and cause is the most important value, He would not confer with the vulgar people not to taint his principle. Promoting public interests and keeping justice are his priorities. Prerequisite to the desirable relationship between king and Sadaebu is king’s will and ability to find the talented subjects without being confined to the traditional measures of appointing officials. Once chosen, the subject would have king’s total support. The king would listen to the remonstrance of the retainer, reflecting on himself. In return, the retainer should demonstrate extraordinary ability in administration or scholarship, and remonstrate with the king without any reservation. Whoweon Lee(李厚源) tried to find a solution of the crisis in the relationship between king and retainer of his time by selecting those anecdotes which incorporated ideal relationship between king and his subjects. Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) tried to give lesson not only to king but also to Sadaebu through the representation of the ideal cases. Rather than following the tradition of Japrok(雜錄), Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) selected the episodes from didactic books. Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) highlighted frugality, filial piety, expostulation and uprightness as the essential virtues of ideal king and his retainers, while avoiding adapting the negative anecdotes of unworthy kings. By foregrounding the positive parts of the past society, Whoweon Lee(李厚源) wanted to console his contemporary society and to give the model example which people could emulate. Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) used epitaph as a significant source of anecdotes. Since epitaph aims to announce the owner of the tomb and to explain his life to the posterity, epitaph inclined to take the tone of praise and commemoration. The positive perspective and narrative method of Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) came from those of epitaph. It can be concluded that Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄) is a kind of epitaph written on papers, enabling many model kings and Sadaebus’s virtuous personalities to shine. Future generations would try to emulate their virtuous personalities and principles, by reading Kukchangsheorok(菊窓?錄).

금남 최부의 정치 활동과 인재관 –성종 17년 重試 책문과 최부의 대책문을 중심으로-

안소연 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2018 한국학논총 Vol.49 No.-

Choi-Bu(崔溥) was one of Sarim faction(士林) in King Seoung-Jong’s reign. His grandfather was a pupil of Gil-Jae(吉再) who Loyalis of the late Goryeo Dynasty, so Choi-Bu(崔溥) grown up Confucian scholar’s family. He was disciple of JeomPilJea(佔畢齋) Kim-JongJik(金宗直). He participated in the compilation of books, like 『DongGookTongGam(東國通鑑)』, 『DongGook- YeoJiSuengRam(東國輿地勝覽)』. And Choi-Bu(崔溥) spread Kim-JongJik(金宗直)’s academic traditions in Youngnam(嶺南) and Honam(湖南) Regions. Choi-Bu(崔溥) took the civil service examinations(科擧) twice, 13th reigns and 17th reign in King Seong-Jong. From among these, the civil service examinations(科擧) of 17th reigns in King Seong-Jong is worthy of notice. Because King Seong-Jong make up questions of engagement of talented himself and Choi-bu was proxime accessit that examination. So I think question of the civil service examinations(科擧) in the 17th year of Seong-Jong and Choi-Bu’s answer of examination(對策) are important source of understanding ideal talented model in King Seong-Jong’s reign. The content of a question of the civil service examinations(科擧) in 17th reigns in King Seong-Jong shows that Sarim faction(士林) in King Seoung-Jong’s reign pursued the reign of peace Emperor Yao and Shun(堯舜) in ancient China and critical of the after Han dynasty and Tang dynasty. Meanwhile, King and sarim factions wanted to build an objective ideal telented model by comparing the two era and asking their strengths and weaknesses in the examination. At last, the most ideal talented model is wise vassal in the reign of peace Emperor Yao and Shun(堯舜), like Gao-Yao(皐陶) and kui(虁) and asks how these talented people come from Joseon. Choi-bu argued in his answer that king couldn’t reign by himself but could do good politics only with the help of his wise vassal. Then He analysed the reign of peace Emperor Yao and Shun(堯舜) in ancient China and attributed it to the support of vassals. Contrastively, the after Han dynasty and Tang dynasty didn’t emulate Emperor Yao and Shun(堯舜). So he analysed in the after Han dynasty and Tang dynasty, the era of peace has not formed. Based on the former discussion, Choi-Bu emphasized that the king Seong-Jong must embrace and reign with the wise vassal in order for Jo-Seon dynasty to achieve its peaceful era and stressed role of prime minister(宰相) for this. At last, Choi-Bu also set great store by the king's perception of selecting talented people. He warned If the king does not studying hard himself, the judgment of identifying talented people will disappear. And He said Only when the king strengthens the discipline himself can the true scholar(眞儒) be promoted, and the wise minister(賢相) takes the stand. 최부는 성종대에 활약한 사림이다. 여말선초 길재의 문인으로 건국 초에 은거한 주자성리학자 집안에서 성장하였으며, 점필재 김종직(1431~1492)의 문인으로 『동국통감』, 『동국여지승람』 등의 편찬에 참여하면서 성종대 문물제도 정비에 기여하였다. 또한 김굉필과 함께 김종직의 학풍을 영호남 지역에 전파하여, 영호남 사림의 형성에 영향을 주었다. 이러한 최부는 성종대에 두 차례 과거 시험을 치렀는데 그 중 성종 17년 重試의 경우 그 책문을 성종이 직접 지었고 내용 또한 인재 등용에 대한 것이었으며, 최부가 이 시험에 亞元으로 합격한 대책문이 전하고 있다. 따라서 성종 17년 책문과 대책문은 최부와 같은 성종대 사림이 추구한 이상적인 인재관을 알 수 있는 자료라고 할 수 있다. 성종 17년 重試 책문을 통해 요순시대를 이상세계로 추구하고 있으며, 한당 시대는 반면교사의 대상으로 언급되고 있다. 그러면서도 요순과 한당에서 각각 장단점은 없는지 또한 물어보면서 보다 객관적이고 확실한 인재관을 구축하려는 모습을 보이고 있다. 가장 이상적인 인재상은 요순시대의 고요와 기 같은 인물이며, 당시 조선에 이러한 인물이 나올 수 있도록 해야 한다고 말하고 있다. 최부의 대책문에 드러난 인재관은 다음과 같다. 우선 왕 혼자서 천하를 다스릴 수 없으며 현인의 도움을 받아야 좋은 정치가 이룩된다고 주장하고 있다. 이를 기반으로 중국 고대의 聖君으로 불리는 堯舜 또한 신하들의 보좌를 받아서 태평성대를 이룩한 것이며 漢唐 시대에는 그러지 못했기 때문에 태평성대가 이루어지지 못했다고 평하고 있다. 그리고 이 앞서 논한 것을 바탕으로 현재 조선이 태평성대를 이루기 위해서는 임금(성종)이 현자들을 포용하여 이들과 함께 다스려야 하며, 이를 위한 재상의 역할을 매우 강조하였다. 또한 인재를 선발하는 임금의 안목을 굉장히 강조하고 있다. 임금이 스스로를 잘 닦지 않으면 인재를 분별하는 안목이 사라지게 된다고 경고하고 있으며, 나아가 임금이 기강을 세워야 眞儒가 등용되고, 賢相도 등단하게 된다는 것이다.

중종 시대 심언광의 정치 문학

김명준 ( Myung Joon Kim ) 경남대학교 인문과학연구소 2017 人文論叢 Vol.43 No.-

이 논문은 중종 시대 심언광의 정치 문학에 대한 의미를 밝히는 데 그 목적이 있다. 심언광은 중종 시대에 중종의 측근으로 주요 관직을 두루 거친 인물이라 할 수 있다. 이런 까닭에 그는 문학 행위를 통해 중종의 고민을 해결하고자 했던 것으로 보인다. 중종이 가지고 있는 왕위 계승에 대한 콤플렉스를 심언광은 정현왕후에 대한 만사를 통해 어느 정도 극복하고자 했다. 정현왕후를 문왕과 무왕의 어머니로 비유하는 방식으로 중종의 정당한 왕위 계승을 강조한 것이다. 그리고 심언광은 중종을 위협하던 권신 세력을 차단하기 위해, 중종이 명 천자와의 권위를 빌리는 정책에 동의하여 시를 통해 외교활동을 펼치기도 하였다. 또한 관료 전체에 대해 맡은 직분에 따라 올바른 자세를 제시하면서 그 근본에 충절이 있음을 강조하였다. 그러나 심언광은 중종 개인의 의중만을 충실히 파악하고 그대로 전파하려는 전도사는 아니었다. 그는 조선을 중종 시대에 이상국가로 건설하려는 꿈이 있었다. 겉으로는 중종의 왕위 계승을 노래했지만 이면에는 중종을 고대 성군처럼 만들고자 하는 의도가 있었고, 관료들에게 역설한 충성은 언로를 개방할 때만 가능한 조건적 충성임을 잊지 않았다. 그리고 그의 외교시는 중종의 친명정책을 따르면서도 조선을 명과 같은 문명국가로 만들고자하는 의지가 반영된 산물이었다. 결국 그는 군주의 인재 등용과 인재의 긍정적 활용만이 조선을 이상국가로 만들 수 있다고 믿었기 때문에 그에게 중종 시대는 꿈을 이룰 수 있는 최적기였던 셈이다. The purpose of this study was to clarify the meaning of political literature of Shim Eon Gwang from the Reign of King Jungjong. Shim was a close servant of King Jungjong and he served in various major posts with relatively good understanding of King Jungjong`s intentions. For that reason, it seems that he tried to resolve King Jungjong`s concerns through literature activities. King Jungjong`s complex related to the succession of throne was overcome by a certain degree through Shim`s eulogy for Queen Jeonghyeon. Queen Jeonghyeon was compared to the mother of King Moon and King Moo to justify King Jungjong`s enthronement. Shim also agreed to King Jungjong`s borrowing of authority of the Emperor of Ming Dynasty to fight the political powers that threatened him and engaged in diplomatic activities through poetry as the diplomatic delegation. He suggested the righteous attitude for the entire government officials and emphasized that the essence should be the loyalty. However, Shim was not a missionary who only worked to understand and spread King Jungjong`s message. He had a dream to make Joseon an ideal state during the reign of King Jungjong. He sang about King Jungjong`s enthronement on the surface, but he actually intended to make King Jungjong like an ancient ruler. He emphasized the loyalty of servants, but did not forget to mention that it is conditional faith that should be given only with freedom of speech. His diplomatic poems were the outcomes of his determination to make Joseon a civilized state like the Ming Dynasty while following King Jungjung`s alliance with Ming. In conclusion, he believed that the king`s appointment and positive use of competent manpower could make Joseon an ideal state, so King Jungjong was not his purpose, but a political tool.

지식과 권력의 규범적 관계 모색: 밀턴의 도덕적 지식과 이성적 정체(政體)

이종우 한국고전중세르네상스영문학회 2002 중세근세영문학 Vol.12 No.2

This essay discusses the problem of the relationship between power and knowledge, considering Milton's idea that true knowledge can provide the conditions for a thorough reform of society. In his political tracts, Milton expresses the idea that a new formation of political information and knowledge is required to limit the manipulative power of the politicians or partisan writers over susceptible people. According to Milton, the means of solving the problem of social control which stands in the way of a general reformation is to ensure the better circulation of knowledge and proper ethics. The process of King Charles I's condemnation and the event of his execution in 1649 raised some controversies about whether his trial was justified and the meanings that it had politically. Many pamphlets condemning the King or Parliament were published that voiced different views and explanations of the event. Royalists claimed that the execution was not carried out according to the proper procedures of the law. This view was opposed by Milton who argued in his political tracts that the King was a tyrant rather than a just ruler who abused his power and broke his contract with the people. Therefore, his execution was fully justified. Milton's concerns were not limited to the exploration of the King's wrong-doing nor the attacks of those who disagreed with him. He was also concerned with the problem of rhetoric which was shrewdly employed by the Royalist apologists to deceive the opponents. In Eikonoklastes, he aims to expose the crimes of King's regime. By showing how much of King's rule was dependent upon ill-conceived political machinations rather than a proper governmental policy, he attempts to demystify the King's image and to counter the false forms of knowledge created by Royalist propaganda. According to his argument, the King was not a locus of political authority rooted in intellectual leadership supported by true knowledge but a key figure in political imposture armed with the vanity of mere words. Although the King was far from being the earthly manifestation of the godly rule which Milton expected at the time, the people, nevertheless, tended to approve his tyrannical rule and engage in his idolatry. In this context, Milton's self-appointed task was to ensure that the people would be equipped with the ability to choose the interpretation which would best reveal the true nature of the King's words and deeds so that they could become no longer his dupes but his judges. As Milton continually stresses, the power of the state remains the province of the people rather than being inherent in authority. Therefore, as he suggests in Eikonoklastes, there is a need for active readership on the part of the English people in responding to Charles's regime and his carefully-crafted image. As Milton emphasizes in his political tracts of late 1640s and 1650s, it is very important for the readers to see a political situation correctly. One model he suggests is to break the "double sense deluding." It is a model of reading based on reason and judgement that can produce the moral knowledge necessary for the construction of an ideal polity rather than on the external authority of an institution. Warning about the moral and epistemological failure of the King's regime, Milton claims that an ideal new polity should base itself in the search for moral knowledge. The moral knowledge can be epitomized as following: "Truth is but Justice in our knowledge, and justice is but Truth in our practice." This knowledge, if understood properly, can provide the means to tackle some of the political problems of seventeenth-century England and lead to the creation of an ideal polity.

고려시기 伊尹 故事와 그에 나타난 군신관계

현수진 역사학회 2019 역사학보 Vol.0 No.244

The present study aims to reveal the idea of the relationship between king and bureaucrat in the Goryeo Dynasty, by investigating how the interpretations of Yiyin(伊尹)’s story had been changed. Yiyin was a bureaucrat who helped King Tang(湯) to found China Shang(商) and assisted Tang’s successor Taijia(太甲) by teaching him king’s duty. The ruling class of the early Goryeo considered that Yiyin was an ideal bureaucrat and such an interpretation lasted until the late Goryeo era. Yet the story was then reinterpreted to justify the aspects of expelling king by bureaucrat in the late and very late Goryeo period. The cases of justification can be found Choi Chungheon(崔忠獻)’s dethronement of kings, Kwon Hangong(權漢功)’s attempt to expel King Chunghyeo(忠惠王), and the dethronement of King Gongyang(恭讓王) who was the last king of Goryeo. The reasons for the reinterpretation are the weakening of king’s authority in the actual political situation of the late Goryeo Dynasty and an new academic atmosphere that emphasized Mengzi(孟子) from the Neo-Confucianism’s perspective. 이 글의 목적은 고려시기 伊尹 故事에 대한 해석이 시대에 따라 어떻게 변화되었는지 추적함으로써 고려사회의 이상적인 군신관계를 살펴보는 것이다. 이윤은 다양한 유학 典籍에서 湯을 도와 商을 건국하고 太甲에게 군주의 도리를 훈계함으로써 군주를 보필했던 신료로 서술된다. 고려전기에는 군주를 보필하는 이윤을 바람직한 신료상으로 인식하였으며, 이러한 관념은 고려후기에도 지속되었다. 한편 고려후기에 군주권의 위상이 변화하는 현실과 맞물려 기존의 군신관에 균열이 생겼으며, 이는 이윤 고사의 해석에도 반영되었다. 이윤 고사는 최충헌의 군주 추방을 정당화하거나 충혜왕의 추방을 주장하는 논리로 전환되었으며, 우왕대부터 본격적으로 신료의 군주 추방을 정당화하는 논리로 활용되다가 마침내 공양왕 폐위 명분으로 활용되었다. 이윤 고사가 이전과 다르게 활용되었던 이유는 이윤의 군주 추방 고사가 군주권의 약화 및 『맹자』의 강조라는 고려후기의 정치사상적 배경으로 인해 재해석되었기 때문이다.

논문(論文) : 북송(北宋) 전기(前期)、중기(中期) 유학의 다원화 발전 -유개(柳開)의 도통설과 손복(孫復)의 존왕론 중심-

뢰가성 중국사학회 2012 中國史硏究 Vol.76 No.-

북송전기(北宋前期)(태조、태종에서 진종 시기)는송대 학술 발전의 잠복기라 말할 수 있다. 유개(柳開)는 이 시기에 유가(儒家) 대표 인물 중의 하나이다. 유개(柳開)는 공자, 맹자, 순자, 양웅, (문중자)왕통, 한유를 유가의 전통으로 여겼다. 석개(石介)는 유개(柳開)의 도통설"u道統說"v을 계승하여 한유를 본받는 것을 주장했으며, 불(佛)·노(老)를 배격하고, 문장으로 사상을 표현하는 것을 강조했다. 송대 초기 세 사람중의 하나인 손복(孫復)은송 인종 시기에 태산에서 강학을 하였는데, 그 학설은 『춘추(春秋)』를 중심으로 존왕사상을 주장하는 것이었다. 『춘추존왕발미(春秋尊王發微)』는 즉 손복(孫復)의 존왕사상을 나타내는 대표작이다. 손복(孫復)의 존왕사상은 한편으로는 신하의 분수에 넘치는 행위에 대해 호된 비판을 하고, 또 한편으로는 군왕 명분의 제왕은 감히 침범할 수 없음을 더욱 강조하며, 제왕이 어질고 어리석음과 관계없이 신하로써 성심성의를 다하여 군왕을 보좌해야만 한다고 주장한다. 손복(孫復)의관점을 이구(李구), 사마광(司馬光)이 계승하고 널리 알렸는데, 이구(李구), 사마광(司馬光)은 "u왕도(王道)"v는 황제만 가능한 것을 강조하며 제후와 신하신분이 왕도를 탐하면 즉 분수에 어긋나는 것으로 맹자의 인·의를 행하면 천하를 지배한다 "u行仁義可以王天下"v라는 학설에 의심을 갖고 비판적인 태도를 취했다. 유개(柳開)의 "u도통론(道統論)"v과 손복(孫復)의 "u존왕론(尊王論)"v에서 우리는 북송 전기·중기 유학 발전의 여러 면모를 관찰할 수 있다. The Diversified Development of Confucianism in Northern Sung Early and Middle Periods: Liu Kai "Confucian Traditionism" and Sun Fu "Ideal of Respecting Kings".The former period of the Northern Sung Dynasty was the lurking period of Sung Dynasty`s scholastic development,and Liu Kai was one of the representatives of Confucianism. Liu Kai viewed Confucius, Mencius, Xun Zi, Wang Tong,Han Yu as traditional figures. Shi Jie inherited Liu Kai`s Traditionalism, insisted on learning from Han Yu, and blamed the saying of Buddihism and learning of words,emphasizing moral by essays. One of the three Sirs of early Sung Dynasty, Sun Fu, taught in Tai Mountain during the period of Emperor Renzong, with doctrines of "Spring and Fall" as main, insisting on respecting the Kings, and "A Study of the Ideal of Respecting Kings in Spring and Fall" was the representative work of the thinking of respecting Kings. The thinking of Sun Fu on the one hand severely criticized the trespassing behavior of officials; on the other hand, he emphasized the name of the Kings as holy and not invasive. Whether the King was wise or foolish,officials should do their best to help the King. The viewpoint of Sun Fu was inherited and wielded by Lee Go and Sima Guang. Lee Go and Sima Guang insisted on that the King`s way could be only workable to the King, and it was a trespassing if the officials wanted to perform the way. So Mencius kept a skeptical attitude to the doctrine of "doing benevolence and justice can govern the world". By Liu Kai`s traditionalism and Sun Fu`s respecting Kings, we can see the diversified aspects of the Sung`s former, middle periods of development of Confucianism.

‘철학자 왕’과 ‘이상국가’ 비판

최용철 전북대학교 인문학연구소 2018 건지인문학 Vol.0 No.22

1. ‘The Philosopher King’ asserted by Plato presupposes that the minimum philosophers have a privilege. But this presupposition can’t be confirmed. 2. According to Plato, all states have been corrupted form out of pure FORM as model or original. Especially democratic state form has been the one of the worst form. 3. Surprisingly ‘The Ideal state’ is class-society in which the ruling class worries about increasing human cattle. The Justice principle of ‘The Ideal states’ is to apply to unequal master-slave relationship. 4. ‘The Philosopher King’ have a privilege to lie in order to increase nation-interests. Also ‘The philosopher King’ have to breed humans(human cattles) in order to flourish the state secretly. 5. ‘The Ideal State’ asserted by Plato can’t be an utopia. Rather ‘The Ideal State’ is merely a corrupted state in which ‘The Philosopher King’ have dominated slaves as human cattle.

원간섭기 이상적 인간형의 역사상 추구와 형태

김인호 한국역사연구회 2003 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.49

During the ruling period of the military generals, the King’s ruling authority was severely damaged due to the constant changes of governments, and to make matters worse the officials were only seeking for either self-preservation or more power. Thus, a new image for the King and a vassal in an ideal situation was actively sought for. Due to the influence from the Neo-Confucian philosophies the ideal king’s authority was identified with the highest level of morality, instead of the divine nature of heaven. And that morality was only gong to be backed up by continuous academical studies. In the meantime, the ideal image for the vassal was that of armed with loyalty and integrity. Before the Neo-Confucian philosophies were introduced to the peninsula, the person’s natural-born, inherited talent was a more preferable trait sought for in an officials character, but in the subsequent time periods the aspect of morality came to replace that trait, and the vassals of the Yuan intervention period started to put their efforts in acting as sincerely as possible according to their newly enhanced moral standards.

韓非의 上古 관념과 이상적 君主像

윤무학 동양고전학회 2022 東洋古典硏究 Vol.- No.89

본문에서는 먼저 제자백가의 上古관념과 거기에 반영된 군주상을 개괄 하고, 『한비자』에 제시된 이상적 군주상의 특징을 도출하였다. 제자백가는 공통적으로 상고 관념을 서술하는 가운데 역사의 주체로서 “聖人”, “先王”, “聖王” 등의 용어가 등장한다. 한비는 고대의 선왕을 무조건적으로 높히거 나 비판하지 않고 사례에 따라 평가를 달리하였다. 특히 부모와 자식, 그리 고 군주와 신하의 관계에서는 선왕을 비판하면서도 이른바 법가의 法⋅術 ⋅勢의 측면에서는 오히려 옹호하는 경우도 있었다. 한비의 이상적 군주상은 당시 중앙집권화에 몰두하던 각국 제후들의 관 심을 반영한 것이다. 다시 말하면 한비의 이상적 군주상의 명칭은 비록 다 양하지만 결국 법치에 기반하여 상벌을 시행하고, 권세를 기반으로 술수로 써 신하를 제어하는 것이다. 따라서 이것은 당시 변법을 진행하는 각국의 군주를 전제로 한 것이며 한편으로는 그들을 독려하는 의미를 지닌다. 따 라서 한비의 이른바 “새로운 성인”은 새롭게 출현하는 성인이 아니라 당시 현실에 맞게 자신이 설계한 법⋅술⋅세가 유기적으로 결합된 법치 이념을 실천하는 군주상이다. 한편으로 한비가 제시한 이상적 군주상은 일정한 한계를 지닌다. 첫째, 한비가 무조건적으로 군주를 높이고 신하를 낮추어 법치의 대리인으로서 직분을 고정한 것은 명확한 군권지상주의이다. 이것은 선진 제자백가의 民 本관념과는 정면으로 배치되는 것이다. 둘째, 군주와 신하 관계와 같은 방 식으로 부모와 자식, 남편과 아내의 관계도 상하로 고정하여 정치적 안정 의 필수 조건으로 설정하였다. 이것은 선진 유가의 상호 윤리를 전도시킨 것이며 漢代이후 三綱윤리의 근원이 되었다. 따라서 이상은 모두 당시 통 일 전야의 급박한 중앙집권의 필요성에서 비롯된 것이지만, 동시에 법가의 시대적 한계로 지적하지 않을 수 없다. In the main text, first, the Hundred schools' concept of ancient age and the image of a monarch reflected therein were outlined, and the characteristics of the ideal image of a monarch presented in Hanfeizi were derived. In the Hundred schools, terms such as “the Sage”(聖人) and “the Former King”(先王) and the Holy King(聖王)” appear as the subject of history while describing the concept of antiquity in common. Hanfei did not unconditionally elevate or criticize the ancient the Holy King(聖王), but evaluated it differently according to the case. In particular, there were cases in which the Former King(先王) was criticized in the relationship between parents and children, and the monarch and subjects, but rather defended in terms of so-called Fa(法), Shu(術), and Power(勢). Hanbi's ideal image of a monarch reflected the interest of Feudal Lords, who were immersed in centralization at the time. In other words, although the names of the ideal image of a monarch in Hanbi vary, in the end, ShangFa(賞罰) is implemented based on Fazhi(法治), and ShuShu(術數) is used to control subjects based on Power(權勢). Therefore, this was premised on the monarchs of each country who were conducting Bianfa(變法) at the time, and on the other hand, had the meaning of encouraging them. Therefore, the so-called new Sage of Han Fei is not a newly emerging Sage, but a monarch who practices the rule of law ideology organically combined with Fa(法), Shu(術), and Power(勢) designed by himself to fit the reality at the time. On the one hand, the ideal image of a monarch has certain limitations. First, the fact that Hanbi unconditionally exalted the monarch and lowered the vassal to fix his position as an agent of the rule of law is a clear principle of supremacy of military authority. This is in direct contrast to the MinBen(民本) idea of advanced he Hundred schools. Second, the relationship between parents and children and husband and wife was fixed up and down in the same way as the relationship between monarch and subject, and was set as a necessary condition for political stability. This reversed the mutual ethics of advanced Confucianism and became the source of the Sangang ethics of Han dynasty. All of the above came from the urgent need for centralization on the eve of unification at the time, but at the same time, it cannot but be pointed out as the limitations of the era of the legal community.

三國遺事 ‘景德王 忠談師’ 條와 <讚耆婆郞歌>의 意味 再考

황병익 한국어문교육연구회 2019 어문연구(語文硏究) Vol.47 No.4

According to the results of the arguments and interpretation of this paper, the translation of <Changiparangga, Ode to Giparang> is as follows. As the rough water becomes calm, the moon appears. Chasing and floating after the white clouds, (it shines) on the water dividing the sandbank! ❚The forest and the Sumonae[Ipcheon, 卄川] gravel field (are the places) where Giparang(耆婆郞)’s image is still vivid. There, we shall follow his will and ideals. ❚Ah! (uncorrupt) Judgment(判定), you are the branch of the towering nut pine that even snow fall can not damage, Here, the “forest” is a training space for the Hwarang(flower knights, an elite warrior group of male youth), and “Hwapan(花判)” is an abbreviation for “Ohwapansa(五花判事)” which means “making good judgement about beauty and ugliness(beauty and ugliness, good and bad, right and wrong)”. When I refine the 9~10 lines, they can be interpreted as follows. “Just as the branch of a towering nut pine is not damaged when snow falls, Giparang, you are a man of great virtue who made good judgement about right and wrong with integrity and unyielding principles.” The 1~4 lines express the admiration for Giparang in the scenery descriptions(敍景), and the 5~8 lines describe the memories and reverence in the forest and the gravel field. The 9~10 lines compare him to the branch of a nut pine to show clearly how noble the subject is. Chungdam was a ‘Buddhist monk belonging to the Hwarang organization’(郞僧), who was choosing beautiful boys(as Hwarang), training them in the principles of moral justice, finding the right ones in the group, and recommending the good talents to the royal court. "Monk Chungdam gave a direction, praising Giparang and making him as a model figure of the Hwarang who were worshiped as Maitreya. By doing that, he intended not only to strengthen the bonds within the Hwarang, but also to make the society politically stable by strengthening ties between the absolute authority of the king and the aristocrats. King Gyeongdeok already knew “how lofty Giparang’s ideal world is”(其意甚高), what this song represents. It means that the king and Monk Chungdam thought alike. 황병익, 2019, 삼국유사 ‘경덕왕 충담사’ 조와 <찬기파랑가>의 의미 재고, 183 : 203~241 본고의 논증과 해독 결과에 따라 1~4구는 敍景 표현에 숭상의 마음을 담았고, 5~8구는 수풀과 자갈 벌에서의 회상과 추종심리를 담았다. 9~10구는 잣가지에 견주어 숭고한 대상을 명료히 했다. “아름다운 사내를 (화랑으로) 뽑아, 도의를 연마하게 하고, 그 무리 중에 바르고 바르지 않는 이를 살핀 후, 착한 인재를 가리어 조정에 천거”하던 郞僧(화랑 소속의 승려) ‘충담사’가 기파랑을 찬양하여 당시 미륵으로 추앙하던 화랑의 본보기를 만들어 하나의 지향점을 제시함으로써 화랑집단의 결집을 강화시킴은 물론이고, 나아가 전제왕권과 귀족들의 유대 강화를 통하여 정치사회를 안정시키려는 목적을 가졌다. 경덕왕은 이 작품이 표현한 “기파랑이 지향하던 이상 세계가 높음(其意甚高)”을 익히 알고 있었기에, 왕과 충담의 마음이 이심전심으로 통했음을 알 수 있다.