제의연극과 연극치료 - 치유형식으로서 제의연극의 현재적 양상과 특성

김숙현 ( Kim Suk Hyun ) 한국연극학회 2016 한국연극학 Vol.1 No.59

본 연구는 제의연극을 매개로 하는 연극치료의 양상과 그 특성을 탐구하는데 목적을 둔다. 이는 연극이라는 예술적 지반을 통한 치료, 즉 연극치료의 원류 혹은 정체성에 대한 질문과도 연관된다. 이를테면 연극 치료학은 연극학과 어떤 연계성을 지닐 수 있는가라는 계보의 문제이기도 한 셈이다. 이에 본 연구는 제의기원설을 주축으로 하는 인류학적 접근의 연장선상에 있는 연출가들, 특히 그로토프스키의 연극여정을 통해 제의연극의 특성을 논의한 후, 그와의 접점에서 연극치료에서 실행되는 치료형식으로서의 제의연극에 대한 정의와 양상을 신화와 원형, 그리고 신화의 서사적 구조인 통과의례를 통해 살피고 있다. 최종적으로는 제의연극에 기반하고 있는 클레어 쉬레이더의 ‘신화드라마’와 스티브 미첼의 ‘자기표현의 연극’의 치료과정을 제시함으로써 언급한 내용들을 구체 화한다. 그 결과 연극사적 층위에서의 제의연극이 동시대 연극치료에서 어떤 방식으로 수용, 재생(renewal), 계승되고 있는지를 파악한다. ‘탈연극’으로의 큰 변화에도 불구하고 그로토프스키가 추구한 본질은 ‘연극은 왜 하는가?’라는 철학의 문제와 연계된다. 그의 대답은 영성의 회복이었고, 따라서 그의 연극 여정은 원형으로부터 오는 에너지를 자유롭고 창조적으로 활용함으로써 통합적인 자기(self)에 도달하고자하는 것과 무관하지 않았다. 제의연극 형식의 치료를 수행하는 주요치료사들의 작업 역시, 삶과 예술의 경계가 와해되는 지점에서, 상실한 참여자의 창조성을 ‘재생(regeneration)’시켜 그들 개인의 제의를 수행할 수 있도록 참여자를 독려하는데 그 궁극의 목적을 둔다. 근본적으로는 신화의 힘과 통과의례에 대한 동일한 이해를 전제로, 연극 본유의 제의 기능에 대한 인식과 회복의 필요성을 강조한다는 점에서 이들은 일맥을 이룬다. 본 연구는 연극치료/학의 계보가 제의를 토대로 하는 일련의 ‘성스러운 연극’에 연원함을 구체적으로 확인하는 한 계기를 마련하고 있다. 특히 그로토프스키의 연극여정에서 연극치료의 전조적 현상과 그 가능성을 읽어내는 가운데, 제의연극/치료의 실제적인 프러세스를 조우시킴으로써 연극사적 층위의 바로 그 지점에 연극치료의 위상을 정립하고 있다. This paper examines the current aspects and characteristics of drama therapy using the ritual theatre form as a vehicle for therapy. It is connected with the question of an identity and a background of drama therapy. A genealogy of it is related to a history of theatre, so to speak. In anthropological approaches based on the origin of the ritual, this study tries to illuminate the works of some avant-garde directors, their viewpoints and especially to illuminate for Grotowski`s journey of theatre/performance among them. And this thesis studies the definition of ritual theatre in drama therapy and today`s aspects of the ritual theatre forms in drama therapy through myths, archetypes, and the rite of passage, the narrative structure of the monomyth/hero-myth which Joseph Campbell suggested. Through Steve Mitchell``s ‘Self-Expressive Theatre’ and Claire Schrader``s ‘Mith-a-Drama’, this study shows the process of therapy in practice. As a result, it suggests that Grotowsky`s ritual theatre is almost similar to a ritual theatre of drama therapy in basic viewpoints from Jung`s thoughts and the anthropological approaches except for clinical settings. They all have suggested that leader/therapist should help participants to be facilitated an integrated self through regeneration of lost creativity in the performative structure above all. Also, they have intended to recognize and to recover the function of ritual in the theatre under the understandings of the efficacy of ritual/myth. But patients in drama therapy are needed to recover lost personal creativity, and then evoke and confront archetypes against personal trauma/wounds, to complete group ritual and then solo ritual for its performativity in consecutive order, so the ritual theatre in a field of drama therapy is just different from it on the level of theatre in that way. The result of this study shows that the present ritual theatre as a vehicle for drama therapy has been continued to be with the flow of ‘holy theatre’ that promised the play as the cure of souls.

Ritual: A Fundamental Ministry of Pastoral Care

이창규 한국실천신학회 2013 신학과 실천 Vol.0 No.37

Ritual has played a significant role for the ministry of care throughout the history, especially for those in need. Unfortunately, however, contemporary pastoral care and counseling seems to disregard its ritual legacy by focusing on a more individualistic and psychologically -oriented means of care. This essay endeavors to rectify the errors of contemporary pastoral practices by arguing that ritual needs to be considered as a valuable and effective ministry of care. Ritual acts, if used in an appropriate way, can be vital resources for the cure of souls. This essay briefly explores the historical background of ritual in pastoral care history, particularly highlighting the reasons why rituals have been ignored in mainline Protestant pastoral care practices. The important functions and meanings of ritual are addressed and the pastoral aspects of liturgy are described. Through this endeavor, the reciprocal relationship between ritual and pastoral care are articulated. By using a case study material, this paper illustrates how ritual can be effectively used in a pastoral care situation. Some guidelines for the effective use of ritual in pastoral care are suggested. In this essay, I make the argument that ritual can enrich the ministry of pastoral care and counseling, and that, in this sense, ritual, which is based on rich theological tradition and is effective means of the cure of souls, is necessary for contemporary pastoral care ministry.

고려시대 우사(雩祀) 시행과 운영

이승민 한국사상사학회 2023 韓國思想史學 Vol.- No.73

Rituals for rain of Goryeo can be classified into regular rituals and irregular rituals in response to droughts. The regular rituals for rain are implemented to wish stable climate unlike the rituals which wish to rain in draughts. Pre-modern East Asia implemented Wusa, the regular ritual for rain, every year by stipulating it as the national rite. Goryeo organized Wusa as the regular ritual doing the national rite system in the reign of Seongjong of Goryeo. Usa is the ritual to wish to rain properly in time because rain is the condition of good harvests. The ritual was implemented by selecting a lucky day on Maengha, the fourth lunar month. Wusa would be implemented every year without exceptional weather situations. But all the records were not left because they would be excluded when they were not the kings' direct participation according to compilation legends of 『History of the Goryeo Dynasty』. A significant number of Wusa which can be checked in 『History of the Goryeo Dynasty』 is the records of ‘Jaewu (再雩)’ which were implemented on April to May. First, the year to just record the second Wusa without the first one is guessed that Seopsa participated in the first one and the King participated in the second one. If the second Wusa was not implemented because there was no any drought, any records were not left. And in the second year of the reign of Jeongjong, 3rd monarch of Goryeo, a minor officer suggested the measures which should be implemented when drought continues after Wusa referring to classics of the Chinese dynasty. According to him, Jaewu was implemented after political and social measures including Hyeongjeong, Jinhyul, reprimands and taboos received by the king and his liege subjects and Akjinhaedoksancheon(岳鎭海瀆山川) rituals and royal ancestral shrine rituals. It would be difficult that these contents were surely and uniformly implemented according to the order. But it is meaningful in that the rituals for rain were composed by organizing the relationships between Wusa and other measures. That is, the second Wusa was implemented with the measures for drought as the follow-up measures when drought and natural disasters continued. Wusa is the ritual stipulated to wish climate safety of the agrarian society. Especially for the climate of the Korean peninsula, it's dry in spring and it rains in summer. So Wusa that is implemented in the period that spring is over and summer comes can be the ritual for rain which could experientially guarantee the effects. 고려의 기우제는 정규 의례와 가뭄에 대응한 비정규 의례로 구분할 수 있다. 정규 의례는 국가의 사전(祀典)으로서 규정되어 시행된 의례를 지칭한다. 정규적인 기우제는 가뭄에 비를 내리길 기원하는 기우제와 달리 안정적인 기후를 기원하기 위해 시행하는 의례의 의미가 있다. 전근대 동아시아에서는 정규 기우제인 우사를 국가 제사로 규정하여 매년 시행하도록 했다. 고려에서는 성종 대 국가 제사 체계를 정비하면서 우사를 정규 의례로 정비했다. 우사는 풍작의 조건이 되는 비가 때를 맞춰 적당히 내리길 기원하며, 맹하 곧 음력 4월에 길일을 택해 의례를 지낸다. 우사는 맹하에 비가 내리는 등의 예외적인 기상 상황이 아니라면 매년 시행했을 것이다. 다만 기록이 모두 남지 않은 것은 『고려사』 편찬 범례에 따라 국왕의 친사가 아니라면 제외했기 때문이다. 『고려사』에서 확인할 수 있는 우사 중 상당수는 4~5월에 걸쳐 시행된 ‘재우(再雩)’기록이다. 첫 번째 우사 없이 두 번째 우사만을 기록한 해는 첫 번째 우사는 섭사가, 두 번째 우사는 국왕의 친사였을 것으로 짐작된다. 또한 가뭄이 없어 재우를 시행하지 않았다면, 모두 기록에 남지 않았을 것이다. 또한, 정종 2년 유사가 중국 왕조의 고전을 참고하여, 우사 이후 가뭄이 지속될 때 시행해야 하는 조치들을 건의했다. 그에 따르면 형정, 진휼, 국왕과 신하가 받는 견책과 금기 등 정치적 사회적 조치들과 악진해독산천(岳鎭海瀆山川) 의례와 종묘 의례 등을 거쳐 후에 재우를 시행하도록 했다. 이 내용들이 순서에 따라 일률적으로 반드시 시행되기는 어려웠을 것이지만, 우사와 다른 대책과의 관계를 조직하여 기우 의례를 구성했다는 점에서 의미가 있다. 즉, 두 번째 우사는 가뭄과 자연재해가 지속될 때 후속 조처로서 가뭄 대책과 함께 시행되었다. 우사는 농경 사회의 기후의 안정성을 기원하기 위해 규정된 의례이다. 특히 한반도의 기후는 일반적으로 봄에 가물고 여름에 비가 내리기 때문에 봄이 끝나가고 여름이 시작되는 시기에 지내는 우사는 그 효과를 경험적으로 보장할 수 있는 기우제였다고 할 수 있다.

유아기 가족의 가족의례에 대한 인식 및 실태

정계숙 ( Kai Sook Chung ),손환희 ( Hwan Hee Son ),윤갑정 ( Gab Jung Yoon ) 한국유아교육학회 2015 유아교육연구 Vol.35 No.2

Rituals are considered important for forming a strong and healthy family unit. This study was for providing perceptions and realities of family rituals of family with children in early childhood. For the purpose, survey was conducted targeting 257 parents with young children. The results divided to two topics. One is perception and realities of family rituals, another is difference of family rituals according to demographic characteristics. First, families had their family rituals, discussed and decided depends on their spouse in early marital. And family rituals experience about ‘family love’ were traditional rituals in parents’ childhood and weekend rituals in the present. In the dinnertime ritual, families ate meal together and talked about daily life, in the bedtime ritual, parents read a book and slept with their children before 9 p.m. And families performed vacation rituals with frequency, next was annual rituals and weekend rituals among 8 types rituals. Parents perceived family rituals have a lot of affective contribution, symbolism and occurrence. Second, family rituals’ types and performance were according to parents’ ages, academic ability, a couple working, religion, family’s special rituals, and discussion about family rituals. Finally, this study showed that parents’ perceptions and realities of family rituals of family with children in early childhood for the first time, Korea. It implicated that family rituals contribute to creation of a sense of family love and family identity. 본 연구는 유아기 가족의 가족의례의 실태는 어떠하며 가족의 배경 변인에 따라 가족의례 실행에 어떠한 차이가 있는지를 알아보는데 주된 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 부산과 경상도에 거주하는 유아기 자녀를 둔 부모 257명을 대상으로 가족의례 척도를 사용하여 설문조사를 실시하였다. 연구결과, 첫째, 가족의례의 인식과 실태를 살펴보면, 대체로 유아기 가족은 가족 고유의 가족의례를 가지고 있으며, 가족의례에 대해 결혼 초기에 의논하였고, 배우자의 의견을 따르는 경향을 보였다. 또한 가족애를 느끼게 하는 의례는 부모의 어린 시절에는 전통의례였으나 현재에는 주말의례라고 응답하였다. 저녁식사의례는 가족이 모두 함께하며 주로 일상생활에 대한 이야기를 나누며, 취침의례는 저녁 9시 이전에 책읽기를 하고 자녀와 같이 자는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 8가지 의례유형들 중 휴가의례, 연중의례, 주말의례 순으로 많이 이루어지고 있었으며, 가족의례는 정서적 기여, 상징성 부여, 정규성이 높다고 인식하는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 가족의 배경변인에 따른 가족의례의 차이를 살펴보면, 부모의 연령, 학력, 맞벌이 유무, 종교, 가족 고유의 가족의례 유무, 가족의례 의논 유무에 따라 가족의례유형과 구성요소별 실행에 유의한 차이가 나타났다. 본 연구는 처음으로 국내 유아기 가족의 가족의례 실태를 밝힘으로써 앞으로 가족 정체성과 건강성을 증진하기 위하여 가족의례의 연구와 활용에 대한 시사점을 제공하였다.

조선총독부 제정 「의례준칙」의 보급과 시행실태

김혜영 국립민속박물관 2016 민속학연구 Vol.0 No.39

This study is intended to explain how 「Ritual Standards」 established by Japan during colonial era propagated in Joseon society, and how these rules penetrated and regulated Joseon-era people’s ritual life. It is a noticeable research subject in folklore study that what effects dissemination of modern legislation had on traditional ritual culture, and how people in those days reacted and recognized. Japan issued 「Ritual Standards」 on November 10, 1934 by defining new wedding, funeral and memorial service of Joseon. The 「Ritual Standards」were established because Japan viewed rituals of Joseon with a distorted perspective and simplified them according to colonial policy. Japan, which shifted to a wartime posture in 1930s, felt necessity to simplify rituals as one of colonial policies for material exploitation and human exploitation. It was to control Joseon’s both daily life and traditional thinking structure under the colonial policies. Through ritual improvement of Joseon, Japan earned money to execute the war, and through dissolution of Joseon’s traditional rituals, Japan destroyed people’s identity and pride. The dissemination of 「Ritual Standards」 could be done nationwide through the network of administration system established in 1930s. While the efforts of central government to disseminate 「Ritual Standards」 was done forcibly through administration system, in local areas, Joseon people who had pro-Japanese tendency led the dissemination of 「Ritual Standards」. In this study, the dissemination process and Joseon people's way of accepting were researched through resources issued during colonial era. Sometimes education officials and instructors were sent to ritual fields and regulated the rituals by force, and other times repressive measures and conciliatory policy were used at the same time through lectures and education for necessity of ritual revision. Joseon people showed complaints and criticism about Japan’s repressive measures. However, those who agreed to Japan’s policy practiced the regulations of 「Ritual Standards」 and took the lead in informing to Joseon society. The 「Ritual Standards」 weren’t issued after 1937. Even though the period was short, it aroused the necessity of rituals’ simplification and improvement to Joseon people. Therefore, today’s 「Family Ritual Standards」 was followed the rules of 「Ritual Standards」 with the form of ‘standard’, and the influence of 「Ritual Standards」 is still continued due to common dissemination process and intention and items of ritual improvement.

의례(ritual)수행의 치유기능에 대한 목회상담학적 연구

KIM SOO YOUNG SUE 한국실천신학회 2016 신학과 실천 Vol.0 No.49

Humans lives in rituals. With meaningful and habitual actions, rituals connect individuals to communal levels. By expressing and acting out the behaviors, the individual inner world is interrelated to the outer world. By sharing a ritual meaning, a community is born and made concrete. These meanings, contained in repeated behaviors, overlap at the both the individual and communal levels. Thus, rituals represent individual experience and collective understandings of social life. Healthy rituals create a balance between communal and individual meanings in which one does not absolutely overwhelm the other. Healthy, balanced rituals become important pathways for psychological, social and religious survival and advancement. In particular, rituals are the time and place where one with suffering, grief or any kind of loss is recognized by the family or community. The the purpose of this article is to explore a theoretical understanding of rituals in the caring and healing context and also in Christian life and Christian community. For humans, in psychological, social and religious aspects, ritualization is a basic means to be survival in a changed world. To achieve successful ritualization with acquiring a sense of identity, therefore, makes humans be related to others as well as to the constantly changed surroundings. Helping the person to avoid both uncontrolled impulsivity and excessive self-restriction, ritualization supports the growth of individual ego. As one of forms of rituals, sacraments implies how the Christians live sacramentally in daily life by experiencing God’s presence and by encountering God’s stories in human stories. In order to understand rituals and its therapeutic functions, first, I will consider the definition and meanings of rituals. At second, I will explore three elements of rituals: language, symbols and storytelling. At last, I will also discuss some examples of rituals related to caring and healing and their potential in communal transformation toward caring and healing community. 인간은 태초부터 의례 가운데 살아왔으며, 의례를 창조하고 의례에 참여해 왔다. 인지하든 인지하지 못하든 의례는 인간의 한 부분이며 공동체를 형성하는데 결정적 역할을 해 왔고, 기독교 신앙 공동체는 역사 대대로 성례라는 의례를 행하며 자신의 정체성을 확인하며 유지 해 왔다. 의례는 문화인류학, 종교학을 비롯하여 다양한 학문의 영역에서 연구되어 왔는데, 돌봄과 치유 가운데 건설적인 의례를 세울 수 있는 방법은 무엇일까? 어떻게 그런 의례를 창조할 수 있을까? 공동체에는 어떤 영향을 줄 수 있는가? 본 논문의 목적은 목회적 돌봄과 상담의 현장에서 의례가 갖는 치유의 기능을 밝히면서 의례가 공동체와 특별히 신앙공동체에 주는 의미를 제시하는 데 있다. 이를 위해 필자는 첫째, 치유적 관점을 견지하는 가운데 의례의 정의와 구성요소들을 확인하고, 둘째, 돌봄과 치유의 의례를 창조하기 위해 의례의 요소인 행위, 상징, 이야기를 살펴 볼 것이며, 마지막으로 의례가 돌봄과 치유적 역할로 활용된 예들을 통해 구체적인 현장 속에서 의례의 활용 가능한 영역을 제시하고자 한다. 의례의 가장 중요한 역할 중 하나는 인간의 내면세계와 외부세계의 연결과 함께 개인과 공동체의 연결이다. 의례 속 의미와 의미를 담은 이야기를 공유함으로써 공동체가 탄생하고 견고해진다. 기독교인이 행하는 의례적 행동은 인간 내면세계와 기독교 공동체라는 외부 세계를 연결한다. 또한 의례적 행동을 할 때마다 그 행동 이면에 담겨 있는 기독교적 이야기와 신앙적 의미가 기억되고 개인과 공동체의 정체성이 형성, 유지된다. 본 논문은 의례의 특성 중 공동체를 형성하고 유지하는 역할을 살펴봄으로써 목회적 상담이 개인의 내적치유의 협소함을 넘어 돌봄과 치유의 가족공동체, 신앙공동체 나아가 사회를 향한 영향력을 의례를 갖는 방법의 일환으로 의례를 제시한다. 이를 통하여 목회의 현장과 치유가 필요한 실천적 현장에서 의례의 역할과 기능을 이해하고 나아가 활용하기 위한 이해를 돕게 될 것이다.

A Critique of Religious Ritual

Jong Hwan Park 한국기독교교육정보학회 2010 Journal of Christian education information tech Vol.0 No.17

This paper investigates the dark side of religious ritual/worship with some critical distance and perspective on ritual performance. This paper focuses on the ritual experience in the Sunday worship setting, by looking at the ritual experience critically and suspiciously in order that its social effects and implications may be exposed. Since the religious ritual in many Christian education settings, including Christian liturgy, misrepresents our social and personal experience; our own convictions often mask the truth which is supposed to be conveyed in the liturgical experience. These are the reasons we have to carefully observe ritual gestures and words that cause the teacher/pastor to manipulate the performance in positive and negative ways in the name of religious tradition. Using Ricoeur’s “hermeneutic of suspicion”, ritual performance should be examined not to support the very foundation that makes possible specific prejudice or ideology, but because the ritual performance often gives more power to this consciousness. Thus, taking ritual seriously means being prepared to critique the theological and ecclesiastical establishments and their one-sided emphasis on doctrinal meaning and efficacy. For this purpose, this paper explores the relationship of ritual performance to power and authority, and traces ritual efficacy in perpetuating traditional authority. Since the power is not morally neutral, ritual performance functions in the production of concentrations of power which are very dangerous. In this paper, the views of several scholars on the meaning of ritual and its relationship to efficacy are examined in order to show how and why their approaches to the meaning of ritual simplify the complexity of ritual practices with their manifold efficacies.

A Critique of Religious Ritual: An Examination of Its Meaning and Efficacy in Christian Education Settings

박종환 한국기독교교육정보학회 2010 Journal of Christian education information tech Vol.0 No.17

This paper investigates the dark side of religious ritual/worship with some critical distance and perspective on ritual performance. This paper focuses on the ritual experience in the Sunday worship setting, by looking at the ritual experience critically and suspiciously in order that its social effects and implications may be exposed. Since the religious ritual in many Christian education settings, including Christian liturgy, misrepresents our social and personal experience; our own convictions often mask the truth which is supposed to be conveyed in the liturgical experience. These are the reasons we have to carefully observe ritual gestures and words that cause the teacher/pastor to manipulate the performance in positive and negative ways in the name of religious tradition. Using Ricoeur’s “hermeneutic of suspicion”, ritual performance should be examined not to support the very foundation that makes possible specific prejudice or ideology, but because the ritual performance often gives more power to this consciousness. Thus, taking ritual seriously means being prepared to critique the theological and ecclesiastical establishments and their one-sided emphasis on doctrinal meaning and efficacy. For this purpose, this paper explores the relationship of ritual performance to power and authority, and traces ritual efficacy in perpetuating traditional authority. Since the power is not morally neutral, ritual performance functions in the production of concentrations of power which are very dangerous. In this paper, the views of several scholars on the meaning of ritual and its relationship to efficacy are examined in order to show how and why their approaches to the meaning of ritual simplify the complexity of ritual practices with their manifold efficacies.

유교가례의 변용과 창조적 계승

이희재 한국유교학회 2008 유교사상문화연구 Vol. No.

전통문화에 바탕한 유교가례가 한편으로는 근대화와 경제논리에 의해 한편에서는 서구지향적 문화에 의해 변화되고 있다. 그러나 어떻게 유교가례를 오늘에 창조적으로 계승할 것인가에 대한 논의는 체계적으로 이루어지지 못하고 있는 실정이다. 유교의 전통적 가례는 위정척사파와 같은 유교의 선비들이 끝까지 지켜려고 했으나, 일제강점기를 맞이하여 근대지향의 가치에 따라 차츰 근대적으로 변형되었고, 해방이후에는 가정의례준칙의 장려 등으로 변화를 거듭함과 동시에 급속한 도시화로 인해 한국인이 삶의 환경이 바뀜에 따라 의례역시 급속히 변모하고 있다. 유교가례 속에서는 왕조시대의 신분적 가치, 남녀유별, 장유유서를 비롯해서 헌법불일치 판정을 받은 동성동본불혼이나 호주제에서 보여 주듯 낡은 가치로 간주되고 있다. 그러나 유교의 가례에서는 유교적 가치를 간직하고 있으므로 이를 재조명해 보아야 한다. 그것은 예컨대, 관례에서 성인의 덕목으로서 강조한 효제충신(孝悌忠信)의 가치를 들 수 있다. 이는 성인과 청소년의 기준을 도덕성으로 본 다는데서 큰 의의를 가진 것이다. 혼례에서 보여주는 것 또한 남녀차별이 아닌 남녀의 조화인 것이다. 이것은 음양조화를 상징하는 모든 의례절차가 상징하는 것으로 부부간의 금슬과 가족간의 화목 등 조화의 사상이 핵심인 것이다. 상례에 보여주는 것도 인간관계에서의 인의 발로인 것이다. 인간이 비록 생물학적으로는 사망할 지라도 그 기를 이어받은 후손에 의해 영원한 생명을 누릴 수 있다는 것이 상례절차의 핵심적 가치이다. 그러므로 이는 자신의 생명의 근원으로서 조상을 모시는 제례로 연결되고 자신을 희생해서라도 자손들을 위해 헌신할 수 있는 생명관인 것이다. 유교가례의 뜻을 현대에 살리기 위해서는 우선 생경한 외국어와 같은 한문 의식을 한글화하는 것이 매우 필요하다. 또한 도덕적 성인의 의의를 갖는 관례시에 한복착용법이 절하는 법, 혹은 집안의 족보교육을 하는 것이 바람직하다. 여성차별의 문화를 넘어서서 여성들이 제례에 동등한 위치로 참여하는 것이 또한 모색되어야 하며, 장남뿐만 아니라 모든 자녀들이 동등한 위치에서 제사를 올리는 것도 필요한 대책이다. 유교의 죽음예비교육, 유교식 호스피스 교육, 유교장례사 교육 등을 통해 대중들이 절실히 필요로 하는 사안들을 인간이면 누구나 겪어야 하는 의례를 통해 유교속의 보편적 가치를 실현하도록 하여야 할 것이다. The traditional family rituals of Confucianism were protected and preserved by Confucian scholars in nineteenth century Korea. However, when faced with the joint challenges of Japanese imperialism and modernity family rituals were forced to change and adapt. After independence from Japan also, the Korean government encouraged the simplification of family rituals. Added to these influences Korea also underwent rapid industrialization and urbanization in the post Korea war period. Not with standing these modernizing trends, family rituals still managed to survive in the shape of traditional festivals, visitation of family graves, and memorial rituals. In other East Asian nations too there was a recovery of national and cultural pride resulting in an affirmation of family rituals. Confucian family rituals traditionally promote certain social values such as gender distinction (男女有別) and order between the older and the younger generations (長幼有序). These values are, however, often criticized for being overly patriarchal and rigid. Recently, however, Confucianism has been re-evaluated by many scholars and leaders and it has been promoted as a possible global ethic which contains such universal values as benevolence (仁), faith and forgiveness (忠恕), and moderation (中庸). Within the Confucian tradition it is Confucian family rituals that would seem best to promote these values. For example, the ‘Coming of Age Ritual’ (Gwanrae: 冠禮) expresses the adult values of filial piety (孝), brotherliness (悌), loyalty (忠), and obedience (順). And it is precisely these very values that distinguish mature adult behaviour from that of a child. The ‘Wedding Ritual’ (Honrae:婚禮) provides another example of this promotion of Confucian values. By promoting harmony between men and women in general and specifically between husbands and wives conjugal harmony and a unified family is encouraged. The ‘Mourning Ritual’ (Sangrae:喪禮) encourages benevolence in human relations, even after death. In a similar vein, the ‘Memorial Ritual’ (Jaerae:祭禮) commemorates one’s ancestors as the origin of one’s life. If we intend to revive Confucian family rituals and make their moral meaning more evident, change is required in order to make these rituals more accessible to the wider population. For example, because family rituals in Korea are based on works written in traditional Chinese characters they are extremely difficult for many Koreans, particularly the younger generations, to understand. Therefore there is a need to translate these documents into modern Korean in order to make them more accessible. Also, when the ‘Coming of Age Ritual’ is celebrated there is a need to educate the participants in how to conduct a formal bow, how to wear traditional clothes, and about family ancestry. There is also a need to move away from any form of discrimination against women and to endeavour to create a form of memorial ritual which is based on sexual equality. Finally, the ‘Mourning Ritual’, the most important ritual in Korea, needs to be transformed in order to make it more meaningful for both modern men and women. For example, there needs to develop educational programs dealing with the serious topics of death and dying and eventually, perhaps, the foundation of a Confucian hospice movement may be considered.

Buddhist Rituals and It’s Thoughts in the Goryeo Dynasty

양은용 원광대학교 원불교사상연구원 2011 원불교사상과 종교문화 Vol.49 No.-

The era of the Goryeo dynasty (918-1392 AD) was a very important period for the establishment of ethnic identity in Korean history. It imitated the administration system of Shilla’s, However, the spirit and ideology of it’s foundation had succeeded to those of Goguryeo(including Balhae), which is clear from the name of nation. Considering the official name of nation, Korea, it seems that it was internationally acknowledged during the period. Goryeo took Buddhism as the governing ideology and provided active patronization policy by King Taejo. The policy was consistent until the end of the dynasty. In the flow of the history of Korean Buddhism, the practice(Seon, 禪) and the theories of tenets(Gyo, 敎)were developing together, and especially Buddhist rituals flourished. That phenomenon might be connected with the development of rituals of Taoism at the time, which were called Gwaui(科儀, ritualistic)Taoism. Rituals were hosted by the royal court and mostly performed as patriotic rituals. Among the representative rituals, Yeondeunghoi(燃燈會) and Palgwanhoi(八關會) were settled and performed as the sundry rituals of the celebration service among the five ceremonies in Goryeo royal court. In the“ Hunyo”(訓要), Yeondeunghoi is clarified as a Buddhist ritual, and Palgwanhoi as secular folklore. Palgwanhoi consisted of 1) the ceremony of king’s appearing and accepting congratulations,2) the ceremony of being presented with tributes by foreign envoys,3) the ceremony of serving foods, such as tea, cookies, alcohols, and cuisines, 4) the ceremony attending to temple and the shrine of King Taejo, and burning incense, and 5) the ceremony of Baekhigamu(百戱歌舞, various entertainments, dances and songs). Palgwan ritual derived from Bulseol Palgwanjaegyeong(佛說八齋戒經) that a Danwol(檀越, Skt. danapati, Eng. donor) of Buddhist laity keeps eight kinds of discipline, the Paljaegye(Skt. as ·t·a -n·gas、l-la, Pa-li at ·t·han·gasl-la) during one day and one night. It was transmitted to Goryeo from India and China, through Goguryeo, Shilla and Taebong. In Shilla, it was performed as the patriotic ritual as well as comforting service of deceased soldiers, and then gradually increased political character. In Taebong and Goryeo, Palgwanhoi became the symbolic event of the proclamation of enthronement of a king who was the host. The formal process of king’s attendance to temple and burning incense in Palgwanhoi shows the royal status of Buddhism at the time. In Goryeo dynasty, Buddhist events were performed in the various forms of Beobhoi(sermon and service), Doryang(service ritual),Jaehoi(memorial service), Beobseok(sermon of venerable monk) and the others; Together with those events, serving foods to monks were held abreast. During 475 years with 34 kings of the Goryeo dynasty,83 kinds of Buddhist rituals were performed 1038 times. It can be calculated as 30 times per a king and twice a year, in average. Then, what is the essence of patriotic thought to perform those Buddhist rituals? The Book of Music in the History of Goryeo, contains songs or poems which might had been sung at the Palgwan ritual or other. Those are “Song of Tilting Glass”(傾杯歌), “Wind Enters Pine Tree”(風入松) and so on. These songs contains a poem that ““heavenly son of Haedong is the emperor of Buddha in the contemporary world.”In accordance with this thought of identity of king and Buddha, it developed the thought of protecting homeland Buddhism.