고맹(膏盲)과 고맹유(膏盲兪)에 관(關)한 문헌적(文獻的) 고찰(考察)

소재진,이윤호,김창환,So, Jae-jin,Lee, Yun-ho,Kim, Chang-hwan 대한침구의학회 2003 대한침구의학회지 Vol.20 No.5

Objective & Methods: In order to ascertain the names. locations. the way of getting acu-point and indications for moxibustion about Ko-Hwang(膏盲) and Go-Hwang-Su(膏盲兪). I have translated the text for Ko-Hwang(膏盲) and Go-Hwang-Su(膏盲兪) collected in several relative classical books. and performed literal investigation about it. Through the study, the following results are obtained. Results & Conclusions: 1. The two words Go(膏) and Hwang(盲) have different concepts each other originally. and Go-Hwang(膏盲) is the abbreviation of the words "Upon the Hwang(盲), Under the Go(膏)", which means "A gap of Heart and diaphragm" that is under the heart and on the diaphragm 2. Go-Hwang-Su(膏盲兪) is the acu-point which can treat the diseases located in the gap of Go(膏) and Hwang(盲), so they must not be named as Go-Hwang(膏盲) or Go-Hwang-Hyui(膏盲穴). 3. The origination of Go-Hwang-Su(膏盲兪) is speculated as the interval of Hwang-Bo-Mil(皇甫謐) and Son-Sa-Mak(孫思邈). And I think it had been created by Son-Sa-Mak(孫思邈) up to now. 4. The words "Four ribs and Three spaces(四肋三間)" those are founded in the text of The Entrance of Medicine(醫學入門) and The Great Success on Acupuncture and Moxibustion(針灸大成) are either the words those had been quoted from The Bible of Helping Life by Acupucture and Moxibustion(針灸資生經) in wrong way. or the misunderstanding of the original mind of Son-Sa-Mak(孫思邈) as being quoted in the text. So you should know it exactly as Son-Sa-Mak(孫思邈) had said. 5. When you search the acu-point Go-Hwang-Su(膏盲兪), you must pull the arms of patients forwardly to reveal the acu -point. because it is covered by the scapula in normal posture. 6. The indications for the use of Go-Hwang-Su(膏盲兪) are same as mentioned in this study. And it can grow the Yang-Gi(陽氣) more prosperous.

梅花詩에 나타난 李滉의 意識指向

李在鎰(Jae-Il Lee) 동양한문학회(구 부산한문학회) 2008 동양한문학연구 Vol.27 No.-

  이황은 매화를 소재로 한 75題 106首의 시를 남겼으며, 그 중 62제 91수를 選拔하여 「梅花詩帖」이라는 단행본 시집으로 만들었다. 이와 같은 이황의 행위는 일관된 의미망 형성을 위한 의도적인 것으로 짐작되며, 따라서 결코 예사롭게 여길 바가 아니라고 하겠다. 매화는 분명 이황의 意識의 指向을 가늠할 수 있는 바로미터일 터인데, 그 의식지향이라는 것이 과연 무엇일까?<BR>  그 해답의 모색에 있어서 우선 매화에 대한 이황의 特異한 態度를 확인할 필요가 있어 보인다. 그 태도는 한 마디로 酷愛라고 하겠다. 이황 스스로 자신이 매화를 혹애한다고 明言했거니와, 예컨대 매화의 寒傷에 대해 절절히 가슴 아파하며, 매화와 오랜 知己인 것처럼 서로의 胸襟을 贈答하는 등 그의 매화에 대한 行爲는 혹애라 아니할 수 없을 터이다.<BR>  이황의 그와 같은 매화에 대한 혹애의 이유는 매화가 자신과 同一視되었기 때문이고, 그 동일시의 媒介는 淸淨이라고 생각된다. 벼슬살이에서 무수히 엿보이는 이황의 고뇌의 바탕으로 여겨지는 그의 廉直性 내지 介潔性은 청정성에 다름 아니라 하겠으며, 由來上 매화는 청정의 表象이고 이황의 매화시들 역시 맑고 차가운 이미지 내지 배경, 仙界의 詩想, 隱士의 삶, 節槪 등으로 보아 그 모티브는 청정이라고 해야 할 터이다.<BR>  청정을 매개로 하는 이황의 매화 同一視는 贈答詩, 寒傷詩, 物我一體的交融의 詩라는 세 가지 측면으로 논의가 가능할 듯하다. 증답시는 말 그대로 이황과 매화 간에 주고받은 形式의 시인데, 그 形式은 이황의 매화 동일시의 극한적 內容을 담아낼 수 있는 가장 적합한 것이라고 하겠다. 한상시는 이황이 매화가 추위로 인해 손상된 모습을 마치 자신의 손상인양 애달파하면서 지은 시들에 붙이는 이름인데, 이 역시 이황의 극한적인 매화 동일시가 만들어낸, 매화시의 특이한 內容的 양상이라고 해야 할 것이다. 그리고 이황의 매화시는 주로 자아와 매화 간의 個我的 경계가 허물어진, 물아일체적 교융을 詩化한 것이라고 할 터이다.<BR>  결론적으로, 매화시에 나타난 이황의 의식지향은 內面的 淸淨이다. 내면적 청정은 人慾이 蕩滌된 상태이므로 天人合一의 境界이며, 精神의 絶對自由의 境地라고도 표현되는 意識의 自由이다. 따라서 매화시에 나타나는 이황의 의식지향이란 종국적으로는 自由에의 指向이라고 할 것이다.   Lee Hwang left 106 poems under 75 subjects on a theme of Ume blossom and among these, he selected 91 poems under 62 subjects to produce the independent volume of poetry titled 「Maehwasicheob」. It is expected that this Lee Hwang"s behavior was intended to form the consistent semantic network, Therefore, we should not overlook this point. Ume blossom might have been a barometer that can judge his aim for consciousness. If so, what is the aim for consciousness?<BR>  To explore the answer, we need to make sure of Lee Hwang"s unique attitude towards Ume blossom. The attitude might be called ‘tremendous love" in brief. Lee Hwang claimed himself that he possessed the tremendous love for Ume blossom. And for example, he expressed a deep pain on damage of Ume blossom due to a cold weather and he spoke his bosom as if he and Ume blossom were old friends. Nobody would deny that these behaviors originated from his tremendous love for Ume blossom.<BR>  The reason for Lee Hwang"s tremendous love for Ume blossom was because Ume blossom was identified with himself and the medium of this identification was considered to be cleanness. His integrity and pure character which were considered as the basis of Lee Hwang"s agony during his official life did not much differ from cleanness. According to history, Ume blossom was a representative of cleanness and in consideration of its pure/cold image or background, poetical imagination of God"s world, hermit"s life, fidelity, motive of Lee Hwang"s poems of Ume blossom may be cleanness.<BR>  Lee Hwang"s identification with Ume blossom by the medium of cleanness can be discussed in three aspects―poem of exchange talks, poem of damage due to cold weather and poem of union between material and ego. Poem of exchange talks means type of poetry in which Lee Hwang and Ume blossom exchanged the talks and the type is the most adequate to get an extreme content of Lee Hwang"s identification with Ume blossom. Poems of damage due to cold weather means that Lee Hwang produced this sort of poems when he confessed a heartrending sorrow to see the damaged Ume blossom due to cold weather as if he had been damaged. This also could be unique contents trend on poems of Ume blossom that Lee Hwang"s extreme identification with Ume blossom produced. Poem of exchange talks and poem of damage due to cold weather were the representative types, Lee Hwang"s poems of Ume blossom mainly could be said that addressed the union between material and ego without individual barrier.<BR>  In conclusion, Lee Hwang"s aim for consciousness in his poems of Ume blossom is internal cleanness. Internal cleanness means the completely cleared off state of human greediness. Therefore this is a state of union between God and man and freedom of consciousness can be demonstrated as absolute freedom state of mentality. Therefore, Lee Hwang"s aim for consciousness in his poems of Ume blossom can ultimately mean the aim for freedom.

조선 중기 黃耆老 草書風의 유행

柳志福(Yu Jibok) 한국미술사학회 2007 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.253

이 논고는 黃耆老 草書風의 특징과 후대에 끼친 영향을 살펴봄으로써 조선 중기의 황기로 초서풍의 전개과정 및 서예사적인 의의를 규명하는 데 그 목적이 있다. 황기로(1521-1575이후)는 16세기 초반에 활동했던 초서의 명가이다. 그는 14세에 司馬試에 합격하는 뛰어난 재능을 지녔음에도 평생 벼슬에 나아가지 않은 채 경북 善山의 寶泉灘 언덕에 정자를 짓고 술과 글씨로 평생을 지냈다. 또한 보천탄 언덕을 孤山이라 부르고 정자를 梅鶴亭이라 이름하여 그의 호를 삼았는데, 이는 西湖 孤山에 매화를 심고 학을 길러 ‘梅妻鶴子’로 불렸던 북송의 은둔시인 林逋의 처사적 삶을 동경한 데서 온 것이다. 황기로의 초서풍은 唐代에 이른바 ‘狂草’로 불렸던 張旭의 거칠고 호방한 필획과 懷素의 가늘고 유려한 운필을 바탕으로 하면서, 明代에 초서로 이름을 떨쳤던 張弼(1425-1487)의 변형된 획법을 가미하여 독자적인 서풍을 이루었다. 장필을 포함한 명대의 개성적 초서풍은 16세기를 전후한 시기에 국내에 유입되어 커다란 반향을 불러일으켰다. 그 결과 국내에 다수의 초서 명가가 속출하였는데, 이 가운데 명대의 개성적 초서풍을 가장 적극적으로 수용한 이가 황기로이다. 황기로의 초서풍은 특히 장필의 초서에서 보인 특징들이 보다 강조된 경향을 보였다. 그러나 점획을 과감하게 생략한 減筆法, 획간의 공간을 좁거나 짧게 처리한 속도감 있는 운필, 中錄으로 쓴 맑고 깨끗한 선질은 장필의 초서풍과 뚜렷이 구분되는 특징들이다. 황기로의 초서풍은 16ㆍ17세기에 걸쳐 폭넓게 유행했다. 16세기에 그의 초서풍을 따른 대표적 서예가는 李瑀(1542-1609)이다. 황기로의 사위였던 그는 황기로에게서 매학정을 포함한 모든 유품을 물려받았기에 누구보다 황기로의 글씨를 직접 전수받을 수 있었다. 이밖에 李山海(1538-1609) 역시 황기로의 영향을 받았으며, 吳澐(1540-1617)과 徐益(1542-1587)은 황기로가 주로 활동했던 안동을 포함한 인근 지역에서 그의 서풍을 계승한 대표적 서예가이다. 17세기에 황기로의 초서풍을 수용한 가정 대표적인 예로 여주이씨 星湖家門을 들 수 있다. 이 기운데 李志定(1588-1650)은 성호 가문의 서풍을 개창한 인물로 평가 받는다. 그는 역대의 어느 서예가보다 황기로의 초서풍을 가장 핍진하게 구사하였으며, 황기로의 초서에 나타나는 제 특징을 보다 극대화시킨 서예가이다. 이지정의 필법은 종질 李夏鎭(1628-1682)과 그의 아들 李?(1662-1723)에게 이어졌는데, 이들에게 전수된 서풍은 다소 매너리즘화 경향을 보이며 변모되는 양상을 띠었다. 이밖에 전라 지역에서 활동한 宋日中(1632-1717), 안동 지역에서 활동한 金世欽(1649-1720) 역시 황기로의 초서풍을 계승한 17세기의 대표적 서예가이다. 이처럼 황기로의 초서풍은 시기나 지역적인 한계를 벗어나 다수의 서예가들에게 그 영향이 이어졌다. 황기로의 초서풍이 유행했던 배경에 관해서는 당시의 書壇이 이미 二王의 전형을 벗어난 서풍을 받아들일 만큼 심미적 취향이 다양화되었다는 점을 들 수 있다. 또한 무엇보다 황기로의 개인적 삶이 당시 사람들에게 찬탄과 숭모의 대상이 되었던 점을 간과할 수 없다. 황기로는 당대 또는 후대의 여러 문사들에게 세속의 명예와 이익을 탐하지 않고 유유자적 살다 간 처사로서 높은 평가를 받아왔다. 이처럼 황기로의 처사적 삶은 그의 뛰어난 글 솜씨와 함께 당시 사람들에게 동경의 대상이 되었으며, 이를 숭모하던 당ㆍ후대인들에 의해 그의 서풍이 지속적인 유행을 보게 된 것이라 생각한다. 황기로의 초서풍은 조선 중기뿐만 아니라 18세기에 이르는 시기까지도 그의 영향이 지속되었다. 이는 그의 초서풍이 후대의 서예가들에게 모방의 대상이자 學書의 규범이 되었기 때문이다. 황기로는 장욱ㆍ회소로부터 시작되어 장필로 이어진 광초의 전통을 계승하는 한편, 이들을 통해 터득한 서풍을 보다 조선적 미감에 맞는 초서풍으로 발전시켰다. 이로 인해 조선 중기의 서예사에 기왕의 초서와는 구별되는 개성적 초서풍의 한 전형을 이루었다는 데 큰 의의가 있다고 하겠다. This study aims to examine the development and significance of Hwang Gi-ro's cursive script style in the middle Joseon period, by looking into the characteristics and influence on the later ages of his style. Hwang Gi-ro (1521-after 1575) was a master of cursive script active in me early 16th century. Though his ability was so great that he passed Sama examination only at his fourteen, he did not enter the government service but spent life drinking and practicing calligraphy at a pavilion at the Bocheontan riverbank in Seonsan, the Northern Gyeongsang province. He also named me Bocheontan riverbank Gosan and the pavilion Maehakjeong (梅鶴亭, a pavilion of plums and crane), which became his penname. This was derived from his admiration to a recluse-poet of the Northern Song period, Lim Pu (林逋), who planted plum trees and raised cranes at Sihu Gushan (西湖 孤山) in China, thus called "Spousing a Plum and Fathering a Crane." Hwang Gi-ro's cursive script style formed a unique style with based on Chang Wu (張旭)'s wild and broad-minded stroke and Huai Su (懷素)'s fine and smooth brush strokes called ''Wild-cursive Script (狂草)" in the Tang period in China, and by mixing me transformed stroke style of Chang Pi (張弼, 1425-1487), a master of liberal cursive script style in the Ming dynasty. Liberal cursive script style in Ming dynasty was transmitted to Joseon and created a great sensation around the sixteenth century. Upon this, Joseon produced several masters of the cursive script, and among them Hwang Gi-ro was the one who most vigorously developed such calligraphic style. His cursive script style has a tendency to stress the characteristics in Chang Pi's works more than Chang Pi himself. However, omission stroke that omits tittle resolutely, speedy brushing that sizes the space between strokes and clean and pure lines written by centered tip stroking (中鋒) are his unique characteristics clearly different from Chang Pi. Hwang Gi-ro's cursive script style were popular widely through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Representative calligraphers in the sixteenth century who followed Hwang's cursive script style is Yi U (1542-1609). Being the son-in-law of Hwang Gi-ro, he inherited Hwang's calligraphy better than others, along with articles and Maehakjeong. Besides, Yi San-hae (1538-1609) was also influenced by Hwang, O Un (1540-1617) and Seo Ik (1542-1587) were typical calligraphers who inherited Hwang's style in the area around Andong where Hwang was mainly active. In the seventeenth century, the representative case of accepting Hwang Gi-ro's cursive script style is Yeju Yi's Seongho family. Among them, Yi Ji-jeong (1588-1650) is regarded as a reformer in Seongho family's calligraphic style. He adopted Hwang Gi-ro's cursive script style better than any other calligraphers in successive generations. maximizing the characters of Hwang's style. Yi Ji-jeong's stroke technique was handed down to his nephew Yi Ha-jin (1628-1682) and his son Yi Seo (1622-1723), but they showed some mannerism. Song Il-jung (1632-1717) in the Jeolla province and Kim Se-heum (1649-1720) in Andong were also the seventeenth century calligraphers in the school of Hwang Gi-ro. Hwang Gi-ro's cursive script style influenced on many calligraphers. The popularity of Hwang Gi-ro's cursive script style was made possible by the fact that Joseon's calligraphy at the time was so diversified in aesthetic taste to accept many other trends than two Wang's. Also, Hwang's personal life became me subject of admiration for people at the time. Hwang Gi-ro was highly esteemed by many literati people as a hermit who lived free from worldly cares not coveting secular honor and interest. Along with his excellent writings, his script style seems to have kept up in vogue. Hwang Gi-ro's cursive script style had influenced even the calligraphers of the eighteenth century. His style was treated as a model for later generations and a norm of scholarly calligraphy.

드라마 <황진이>의 대중코드 읽기

신원선 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2007 민족문화논총 Vol.35 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to analyze Hwang Jini’s own popular codes, a drama possessing popularity differentiated from other historical dramas. For this purpose, this paper examines the drama from the three perspectives of the aspects of variation appearing in the course of adaptation of the original novel, initiation drama, and the power of tiny and refined mise-en-scene. The drama Hwang Jini, and its original novel Me, Hwang Jini have clearly different colors and contents. Whereas the novel describes Hwang Jini as an intellectual close to a seeker after the truth, the drama spends more time to portray her as a dancer. Meanwhile, there appear scenes of competitions between Baek Mu and Hwang Jini, and between Maehyang and Buyong, which are not contained in the original drama, but are dramatic devices appearing in the course of adaptation in order to promote the dramatic excitement. The stories of Eun-ho and Kim Jeong-han, heroes of the two great melodramatic lines of the drama, proceed quite differently from the original. Both Kim Eun-ho, Hwang’s first man, and Kim Jeong-han, her second man, also are depicted as unmarried men who hold Hwang in their heart for the first time. This is because the drama can attain sympathy from the public only when Hwang shows purest love because she has the status of a Gisaeng. As such, in the drama Hwang Jini, every other character is adapted to make Hwang’s attractiveness prominent differently from the original, and those characters who don’t are all eliminated. What is visible in the drama is the depiction of the training course in which young Hwang Jini is grown as a famous Gisaeng undergoing fails and difficulties, whereas what is invisible (but we can see through) is the process of a human’s ordeals and realization, who tries to incessantly seek the human way, which makes a foundation for the drama. In order to show the course of Hwang Jini’s growth visually, the drama Hwang Jini selects dance, a visual art genre. And, the invisible growth drama resembles the mythological structure of entrance to death. The entrance to death in the drama is realized with love, and the stage of redemption of the love is inherited by art. Such path of Hwang Jini’s shows the course of growth in which she progressively completes greater arts through hurts by love and their overcoming, and simultaneously realizes the human way. The power of tiny and refined mise-en-scene meets its climax with the beautiful mountains and rivers, and buildings appearing in the drama as backgrounds, the traditional Korean clothes that the main characters are dressed with, and the traditional Korean dances. As such, the drama Hwang Jini succeed in attaining popularity by differentiating the story with the power of tiny and refined mise-en-scene, which otherwise is easily regarded as boring as it is excessively well-known to the public.

梅花詩에 나타난 李滉의 意識指向

이재일 동양한문학회 2008 동양한문학연구 Vol.27 No.-

Lee Hwang left 106 poems under 75 subjects on a theme of Ume blossom and among these, he selected 91 poems under 62 subjects to produce the independent volume of poetry titled 「Maehwasicheob」. It is expected that this Lee Hwang's behavior was intended to form the consistent semantic network, Therefore, we should not overlook this point. Ume blossom might have been a barometer that can judge his aim for consciousness. If so, what is the aim for consciousness? To explore the answer, we need to make sure of Lee Hwang's unique attitude towards Ume blossom. The attitude might be called ‘tremendous love' in brief. Lee Hwang claimed himself that he possessed the tremendous love for Ume blossom. And for example, he expressed a deep pain on damage of Ume blossom due to a cold weather and he spoke his bosom as if he and Ume blossom were old friends. Nobody would deny that these behaviors originated from his tremendous love for Ume blossom. The reason for Lee Hwang's tremendous love for Ume blossom was because Ume blossom was identified with himself and the medium of this identification was considered to be cleanness. His integrity and pure character which were considered as the basis of Lee Hwang's agony during his official life did not much differ from cleanness. According to history, Ume blossom was a representative of cleanness and in consideration of its pure/cold image or background, poetical imagination of God's world, hermit's life, fidelity, motive of Lee Hwang's poems of Ume blossom may be cleanness. Lee Hwang's identification with Ume blossom by the medium of cleanness can be discussed in three aspects―poem of exchange talks, poem of damage due to cold weather and poem of union between material and ego. Poem of exchange talks means type of poetry in which Lee Hwang and Ume blossom exchanged the talks and the type is the most adequate to get an extreme content of Lee Hwang's identification with Ume blossom. Poems of damage due to cold weather means that Lee Hwang produced this sort of poems when he confessed a heartrending sorrow to see the damaged Ume blossom due to cold weather as if he had been damaged. This also could be unique contents trend on poems of Ume blossom that Lee Hwang's extreme identification with Ume blossom produced. Poem of exchange talks and poem of damage due to cold weather were the representative types, Lee Hwang's poems of Ume blossom mainly could be said that addressed the union between material and ego without individual barrier. In conclusion, Lee Hwang's aim for consciousness in his poems of Ume blossom is internal cleanness. Internal cleanness means the completely cleared off state of human greediness. Therefore this is a state of union between God and man and freedom of consciousness can be demonstrated as absolute freedom state of mentality. Therefore, Lee Hwang's aim for consciousness in his poems of Ume blossom can ultimately mean the aim for freedom. 이황은 매화를 소재로 한 75題 106首의 시를 남겼으며, 그 중 62제 91수를 選拔하여 「梅花詩帖」이라는 단행본 시집으로 만들었다. 이와 같은 이황의 행위는 일관된 의미망 형성을 위한 의도적인 것으로 짐작되며, 따라서 결코 예사롭게 여길 바가 아니라고 하겠다. 매화는 분명 이황의 意識의 指向을 가늠할 수 있는 바로미터일 터인데, 그 의식지향이라는 것이 과연 무엇일까? 그 해답의 모색에 있어서 우선 매화에 대한 이황의 特異한 態度를 확인할 필요가 있어 보인다. 그 태도는 한 마디로 酷愛라고 하겠다. 이황 스스로 자신이 매화를 혹애한다고 明言했거니와, 예컨대 매화의 寒傷에 대해 절절히 가슴 아파하며, 매화와 오랜 知己인 것처럼 서로의 胸襟을 贈答하는 등 그의 매화에 대한 行爲는 혹애라 아니할 수 없을 터이다. 이황의 그와 같은 매화에 대한 혹애의 이유는 매화가 자신과 同一視되었기 때문이고, 그 동일시의 媒介는 淸淨이라고 생각된다. 벼슬살이에서 무수히 엿보이는 이황의 고뇌의 바탕으로 여겨지는 그의 廉直性 내지 介潔性은 청정성에 다름 아니라 하겠으며, 由來上 매화는 청정의 表象이고 이황의 매화시들 역시 맑고 차가운 이미지 내지 배경, 仙界의 詩想, 隱士의 삶, 節槪 등으로 보아 그 모티브는 청정이라고 해야 할 터이다. 청정을 매개로 하는 이황의 매화 同一視는 贈答詩, 寒傷詩, 物我一體的 交融의 詩라는 세 가지 측면으로 논의가 가능할 듯하다. 증답시는 말 그대로 이황과 매화 간에 주고받은 形式의 시인데, 그 形式은 이황의 매화 동일시의 극한적 內容을 담아낼 수 있는 가장 적합한 것이라고 하겠다. 한상시는 이황이 매화가 추위로 인해 손상된 모습을 마치 자신의 손상인양 애달파하면서 지은 시들에 붙이는 이름인데, 이 역시 이황의 극한적인 매화 동일시가 만들어낸, 매화시의 특이한 內容的 양상이라고 해야 할 것이다. 그리고 이황의 매화시는 주로 자아와 매화 간의 個我的 경계가 허물어진, 물아일체적 교융을 詩化한 것이라고 할 터이다. 결론적으로, 매화시에 나타난 이황의 의식지향은 內面的 淸淨이다. 내면적 청정은 人慾이 蕩滌된 상태이므로 天人合一의 境界이며, 精神의 絶對自由의 境地라고도 표현되는 意識의 自由이다. 따라서 매화시에 나타나는 이황의 의식지향이란 종국적으로는 自由에의 指向이라고 할 것이다.

홍석중의 〈황진이〉 연구 - 주인공의 현실인식 변모 양상을 중심으로

고인환(Ko In-Hwan) 한국문학회 2008 韓國文學論叢 Vol.48 No.-

  〈Hwang Jin-Yi〉 by Hong Seok-Jung contains important meaning on inner change of North Korea"s literature and literary exchange of South and North Korea. This novel has the strong power to attract the readers of South Korea though it is reflected the idea of North Korea appropriately. The main driving forces of this novel are individual love in question and to pursuit happiness although it has strong voice of criticism of irrational social reality. It is a meaningful change which compares with the existing North Korea"s novels are captured with the logic of socialism However, it"s clearly exposed the critical points of various researches because of the prejudice of North Korea"s novel. The mistakes which evaluate the novels with the circumference context rather than concrete text analysis. But, now the inductive method is required for see the change aspect of North Korea"s literature with analysis of the work itself. In this paper, therefore, focuses on the change of reality recognition of "Hwang Jin-Yi(heroin in the novel)" and analyze the concrete meaning of this novel. 〈Hwang Jin-Yi〉 searches for the change procedures of reality recognition of main character in actual life realized, with these steps, writer reflects the era of "Hwang Jin-Yi" lived and our reality.<BR>  In this novel, "Hwang Jin-Yi" is a vivid woman who has self-consciousness. She goes through many social positions - "the only daughter among many sons in noble Hwang"s family → Gi-Saeng(singing and dancing girl who is cultured in ancient Korea / it"s neutral position between ruling class and lower class) → freeman" - and her reality recognition had changed according to her social positions.<BR>  "Hwang Jin-Yi" who is the only daughter among many sons in noble Hwang"s family has romantic and abstract reality recognition. Especially, the eyes of writer who catches delicately the internal desire of "Hwang Jin-Yi" has universality which union the difference ideal gap of South and North Korea.<BR>  The reality recognition of "Hwang Jin-Yi" as Gi-Saeng is expressed as division; she satirizes the noble"s hypocritical desire and despairs herself with social position as Gi-Saeng. Such crack are sutured as love with "Nomi(hero in this novel". The tragic and pure love between "Nomi" and "Hwang Jin-Yi" is compared with the hypocritical love and doesn"t have the meaning of revolutionary love as ideal concept. Like this, individual love and desire are rarely reveal in North Korea"s novels which forbid the inside and desire of existence, so this novel is very meaningful to look for communication South and North literature.<BR>  "Hwang Jin-Yi" as a freeman who lefts the human society doesn"t mean of escape from reality but rises above the world after doing her duties in her life. It"s impossible to overcome the hypocrisy and falsity of noble class as Gi-Saeng. It"s a transcendence beyond the dichotomy like as" good vs evil", "truth vs false" and "ruling class vs lower class".<BR>  "Hwang Jin-Yi" doesn"t overcome the contradiction of her era. But it doesn"t matter. It can become a signal of new era because "Hwang Jin-Yi" considers her problem as periodic meaning in her era. Probably, the significance of literature which captures the state of tension between existence and real world is to reflect the real life"s meaning. Such a point, 〈Hwang Jin-Yi〉 by Hong Seok-Jung asks us who lives in real world which the capital logic governs what is the meaning of life, with heroin "Hwang Jin-Yi" who tries to overcome the periodic dominant concepts though she couldn"t escape the false era.

황장엽의 ‘통일한국’ 구상에 대한 기독교적 응답

김회권(Kim Hae Kwon) 한신대학교 신학사상연구소 2017 신학사상 Vol.0 No.176

이 글은 황장엽의 인간 중심주의 철학인 주체사상에 입각한 ‘통일한국’ 구상에 대한 기독교적 응답이다. 황장엽은 남한에 와서도 자신의 주체사상이 김정일의 수령절대주의체제는 물론이거니와 마르크스주의 계급독재주의나 계급투쟁론 그리고 무산계급독재론을 극복한 인문사회변혁론이라고 주장한다. 김정일 중심의 북한 체제에 대한 비판의 준거는 자신이 창시한 주체사상 이다. 따라서 그의 주체사상의 얼개를 먼저 파악하기 위해서는 그가 남한에 와서 저작한 중심 저작들의 주제들을 일별해 볼 필요가 있다. 글의 목차는 황장엽의 북한 체제 비판, 황장엽의 남한 체제 비판, 황장엽의 주체사상 개요, 황장엽의 통일한국 구상 그리고 황장엽의 통일한국 구상에 대한 기독교적 비판으로 구성될 것이다. 결론부터 말하자면 황장엽은 사상적으로 남한 체제에 전향하지 않았고 자신의 인간 중심 주체사상으로 남북한 사회를 공히 비판적으로 지양함으로써 통일한국을 제시한다. 그는 절대적 계급주의 사상, 수령론으로 각질화된 주체 사상, 주체사상을 타락시킨 김정일의 선군정치 등을 비판하면서도 자신의 집체주의적 사회역사관을 조금도 부정하지 않는다. 소련 및 동구권의 몰락을 두고 사회주의에 대한 자본주의의 승리라고 보는 자본주의 국가들의 견해를 지극히 단선적인 해석이라고 단언하며, 소련과 동구의 몰락은 자본주의와 사회주의의 갈등 너머에 있는 미래 사회를 가리키는 예후라고 파악한다. 황장엽은 남한의 민주주의적 체제의 통일한국 창조에서의 선도적 역할과 책임을 강조하지만 남한 사회의 현재 모습에 대해서는 심각한 의구심을 피력했다. 황장엽의 인간관, 사회 역사관, 세계관 등은 ‘통일한국’ 구상에 결정적인 요소들이다. 이 논문은 황장엽의 주체사상에 입각한 통일한국 구상을 세 가지 기독교 신학적 관점으로 비판한다. 즉 인류 역사의 무한 진보에 대한 종말론적 비판, 개인의 사상개조를 주도할 국가사상권에 대한 기독교적 인간론과 하나님 나라 사상에 입각한 비판 그리고 황장엽의 무진장한 자연관에 대한 창조신학적 비판을 제시한다. The present essay is a Christian response to noted North Korean defector Hwang Jang-yeob’s blueprint for a Unified Korea, a blueprint based on his human-centric Juche Idea. Even after defecting to South Korea, Hwang claims that his Juche Idea is a humanistic, socially revolutionary idea that has overcome the limitations of Marxist ideology of the Proletariat dictatorship and class struggle, not to mention the absolutist regime of Kim Jong-il. The standard against which Hwang criticizes the North Korean system, which revolves around Kim Jong-il, is his own Juche Idea. To first grasp the framework of Hwang’s Juche Idea, what is first needed is an overview of the themes that run through the major works published after his defection to South Korean. This paper will cover the following: Hwang Jang-yeob’s criticisms of the North Korean system, Hwang Jang-yeob’s criticisms of the South Korean system, an overview of Hwang Jang-yeob’s Juche Idea, Hwang’s ideas for a reunified Korea, and a Christian critique of Hwang’s ideas on a reunified Korea. To begin with the conclusion, Hwang Jang-yeob has not been won over ideologically by the South Korean system. He rejects and criticizes both North Korean society and South Korean society equally and calls for a reunified Korea. Yet, even while criticizing an absolute class ideology, a Juche Ideology that has been ossified by an absolute ruler, or the militarism of Kim Jong-il, Hwang stands firm in his own view of history and society, which favors collectivism. Hwang criticizes the one-dimensionality capitalist view, which sees the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc as a victory of capitalism over socialism. Rather, Hwang sees the failures of the Soviet Union and the Eastern bolc of communist states as a prognosis for a future society, beyond the conflict between capitalism and socialism. Hwang Jang-yeob emphasizes the leading role and the responsibilities of South Korean democracy in the creation of a reunif

역사가 입장에서 보는 역사소설과 사료 해석

박광용(Park Kwang-yong) 한국현대문학회 2006 한국현대문학연구 Vol.0 No.20

There are many historical novels. Historians want a novelist to study a lot of sources and to think with different views correctly and synthetically about his or her material when he or she write a historical novel; the novelist can express appropriately about the traditional features and typical characters through the process. Hwang Jin-ee( 黃眞伊) by Hong, Seok-joong(洪錫中) in North Korea is an excellent historical novel in this view. There are four original historical records about Hwang Jin-ee but Chinese poetry and shijoes(Korean odes; a kind of short lyric poem). But only three are left which show the thought of the time. The first of them is Eouyadam(於于野談; a historical romance) by Yu Mong-in(柳夢寅), which was written before the other two. Yu Mong-in, who was an administer, found Hwang Jin-ee's activism beyond any restriction and her self-realization. She was a different person. One of the other two is Songdokiee(松都奇異) by Lee, Deok-hyeong(李德泂), and the last is Chisorok(識小錄) by Heo, Kyoon(許筠). Lee, Deok-hyeong was a leader to form the main family of the gentry in Korea and he was caught Ms. Hwang's traditional beauty and a kisaeng's charm and aroma. Heo Kyoon who had a revolutionary temperament described her as an 'Eein(異人)' which means outstanding heroine. Without these, we have Songdoinmulchi which was written by Kim, Taeg-yeong(金澤榮, a Neo Confucianist) long after above three but many choose it to read. He gave warning of Ms. Hwang's action for herself from a patriarchism. Mr. Hong's Hwang Jin-ee didn't refer to Eouyadam by Yu Mong-in but chose Songdoinmulchi by Kim Taeg-yeong among the above references. This shows that he wanted to portray her kisaeng's life in ruled class prior to her self-realization. So we can tell the novel as a ‘Kisaeng Story'. Mr. Hong designed the common people who went to ruin as a pivot. Hwang Jin-ee's life represents the common ruined and their resist. This is for their relationship with the revolutionary tradition. Ms. Hwang has a gigolo who's called Nomi. Their relationship is destiny and the relations appear in the beginning, the middle, and the end. We can understand the Nomi is important as its heroine. Ms. Hwang's father is a noble(兩班) in origin, but her mother is a female slave, so she becomes a humble person in this novel. Nomi is a lowly man as a male slave originally but he appears as a common(平民). He is a son whose father has no his land and make money by a daily labor as a gogong(雇工). But his parents abandoned him(遺棄兒), so he is a roamer and becomes steward for the house of Mr. Hwang(Jinsa: a successful candidate in the secondary grade civil service examination). He is disappointed in the failure with Ms. Hwang and he leaves the house to become a leader of bandits and is put to death. Mr. Hong's Hwang Jin-ee was born in North Korea. The North Korea's historical school accept the popular resistance in the line of modern revolutionary tradition. A gang becomes a set of bandits, and the farmer's war which rose in Pyongan-do with leading of Hong Kyong-rae in 1811, resistances against Western invasions, Palchisan movement, and the North Korea's 'Juche (self-reliance) ideology(主體思想)' are followed. Nomi is a typical in the beginning of revolutionary tradition based on this 'Juche ideology'. Mr. Hong's Hwang Jin-ee is on the literary tradition of Lee Tae-joon's Hwang Jin-ee. And this historic novel is based on 'the revolutionary tradition' not based on 'the national cultural heritage' which are North Korea's two main pivots. So we can find some shortages. The first and the biggest is Mr. Hong's Hwang Jin-ee didn't see Chisorok by Heo Kyoon and didn't represent her outstanding character as an 'Eein'. The 'Eein' was the opposition of ‘Kunja(君子, a true gentle class)', but he or she is accepted as an important character because his or her accomplishment for subversion of a main community. Another shortage is Mr. Hong didn't represent her 'angelic beauty b

맥락으로 본 황금대(黃金臺) 기사의 주제 의식과 그 의미

박수밀 ( Su Mil Park ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2012 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.52 No.-

본고는 연암의 황금대 관련 기사를 구성하는 외부 맥락에 주목하여 「황금대」와 「황금대기」의 주제의식을 살펴보고 그 의미에 대해 생각해 본 것이다. 먼저는 황금대의 관습성과 장소 신화에 대해 살폈다. 황금대는 유교적 치도(治道)와 복수설치(復讐雪恥)를 실현한 상징적 공간이었다. 황금대 앞에서 후례초현(厚禮招賢)의 임금을 기리거나, 인재가 사라진 현재를 쓸쓸해하거나, 자신을 알아주지 못하는 현실을 슬퍼하는 행위는 조선조 전후기 내내 상투적으로 지속되었다. 황금대는 일종의 성지 순례지의 성격을 갖고 있었으며, 통치 세력의 입장에서는 통치 질서를 유지시키는 기능을 했다. 그런데 연암은 황금대는 없으며 허울좋은 명칭에 불과하다고 한다. 황금대의 역사적 전개를 이해하고 황금대에 대한 인식을 들여다보면, 연암은 장소 신화가 되어버린 황금대의 무장소성을 조롱하고 있었다. 두 번째는 ``노이점``이란 인물의 상징과 소중화주의에 대해 살폈다. 「황금대」를 이끌어가는 중심인물인 노이점은 북벌(北伐)에 집착해 중국[淸]이라면 무조건 배척하고 중화(中華)의 것이라면 무조건 숭배하는 완고한 소중화주의자들을 대표했다. 황금대는 무너지고 그 실체마저 사라져 버렸건만, 노이점은 현재의 실상을 짐짓 외면하고 기를 쓰며 과거의 황금대를 찾아 헤맸다. 연암은 노이점을 내세워 과거의 도그마에 사로잡혀 현재의 실체를 인정하지 못하는 완고한 북벌론자들을 은근히 조롱하였다. 셋째, 황금대의 상징과 복수설치의 허상에 대해 살펴보았다. 연암은 황금대를 둔 목적이 복수설치(復讐雪恥)라고 보았다. 연암은 황금은 인간의 욕망을 채우기 위한 복수의 도구일 뿐임을 증명함으로써 황금대의 신성성을 파괴하였다. 「황금대기」는 겉으로는 황금에 대한 욕망이 불행한 결과들을 낳았으니 재물을 조심해야 한다는, 지극히 교훈적인 주제를 이야기하였다. 그렇지만 이면에서는 조선 사회가 그토록 숭앙해마지 않는 황금대의 실체를 폭로하려는 의도를 담고 있었다. 연암에 의해 황금은 복수의 도구가 되었고, 이는 역사적 맥락 속에서 당시 북벌론자들의 복수설치(復讐雪恥)와 연결되었다. 그리하여 황금의 허망함은 곧 황금대의 숭고성을 퇴색시켰고, 이는 기를 쓰고 황금대를 찾아가 연 소왕을 기리며 지금의 강대국 청나라에 복수할 것을 다짐하는 북벌론자들의 허구성을 꼬집는 데로 나아갔다. 「황금대」, 「황금대기」는 당시 가장 강력한 지배 이념이었던 북벌과 소중화주의의 허상을 은근히 비꼬고 있다는 점에서 문제적 작품이라 하겠다. This study is to find out the subject consciousness of ``Hwang-Keum-Dae-Kee`` in terms of external context containing the articles about it and to consider its meaning. Firstly, the customs and place mythology are researched in it. Hwang Keam Dae is the symbolic space of realizing the politics of Confucianism and Bok Soo Seol Ch`ee. There are typical activities, through the whole beginning and later of Chosun dynasty, of reminding the kings of who were incomparably greater than before of regretting for the lack of the intellectual, of sorrowful mind for the reality not to recognize oneself. Hwang Keum Dae is a kind of holy place, functioning as a tool of keeping the ruling political power for ruling authorities. However, Yeon Am claimed that there was no Hwang Keum Dae and it was just a nominal name. According to him, in deeply reviewing the historical process of Hwang Keum Dae and the appreciation of it, he ridiculed the lack of place in real of Hwang Keum Dae just as a place mythology. Secondly, the symbolic person of ``No Lee Jeom`` and ``Little Sinocentrism`` are reviewed. The key man leading ``Hwang-Keum-Dae``, No Lee Jeom, seems to be very cling to conquer the north, so at any reasons he neglects China(Ch`ong dynasty) and respects Middle Kingdom (Myoung dynasty) as a symbolic person of ``Little Sinocentrism``. Hwang Keum Dae was destroyed and disappeared, but No Lee Jeom did not look at the reality, only searching for the past golden ages. Yeon Am, through No Lee Jeom, looked down on the people who claimed conquering the north, having no appreciation of the reality because of their strong past dogmatism. Thirdly, the symbol of Hwang Keum Dae and the illusion of Bok Soo Seol Ch`ee are revealed. Yeon Am claimed that the purpose of Hwang Keum Dae is Bok Soo Seol Ch`ee. According to him, the gold (Hwang Keum) is just a tool to fulfill human desire, so he destroyed the holiness of Hwang Keum Dae. ``Hwang-Keum-Dae-Kee`` appealed the cautionary tale that human desire for the gold (Hwang Keum) causes the tragedy, so people have to be careful of it. However, inside there is revealed the hidden intention to expose the reality of Hwang Keum Dae to be highly respected by the society of Chosun dynasty. By Yoen Am, Hwang Keum became a tool for vengeance, so in the historical context, it was connected with Bok Soo Seol Ch`ee of the people claiming to conquer the north. Therefore, the emptiness of Hwang Keum made the holiness of Hwang Keum Dae faded, and it led the point of criticizing the emptiness of people claiming to conquer the north who eagerly sought for Hwang Keum Dae, missing king So of Yoen dynasty, intending to revenge the current strong Ch`ong dynasty. ``Hwang Keum Dae Kee`` is a problematic work of criticizing the emptiness of conquering the north and little sinocentrism ruling over those times.

陶山圖 연구

유재빈(Yoo Jaebin) 한국미술사학회 2006 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.250·251

陶山圖는 李滉(號: 退溪, 1501-1570)을 배향한 陶山書院과 그 일대를 그린 그림이다. 陶山은 이황이 60세 이후에 머문 은거지로 그의 학문과 생활을 집약하고 있는 곳으로 여겨졌다. 이황 사후에 그 門人들은 이황이 은거하던 서당 뒤로 도산서원을 지어 그의 학통을 이어갔다. 이리하여 도산은 이황 개인의 은거지일 뿐 아니라 退溪學派의 본산으로 자리잡게 된 것이다. 도산도는 도산의 이와 같은 의미로 미루어 볼 때 기본적으로 이황에 대한 존숭의식을 바탕에 두고 있다. 그러나 도산도에 대한 기록을 살펴보면, 도산도는 제작자의 신분과 정치적 성향에 따라 다소 다른 의도를 가지고 제작되었음을 알 수 있다. 도산도는 1566년 明宗(1534-1567)의 명에 의해 처음 제작되었다. 이것이 하나의 선례가 되어 17세기부터는 이황의 門人을 중심으로 일반 사대부들도 도산도를 그렸다. 18세기 이후에는 이황의 학통을 계승한 문인뿐 아니라 그렇지 않은 他門下의 사람들도 도산도를 그렸는데, 이들의 제작 의도는 서로 차이가 있다. 이황의 문인들은 이황을 추념하고 그 학통을 계승하는 목적으로 도산도를 그린 데 반해, 타문하의 문인들은 도산서원을 명소로 인식하고 유람하였으며, 그 유람의 결과로 도산서원을 그렸다. 도산도는 기록상으로 17세기부터 유행하였다고 전하지만, 현존하는 작품은 10점에 불과하다. 그중 最古의 도산도는 1700년경에 제작된 연세대학교 소장 〈李文純公陶山圖〉이다. 〈이문순공도산도〉는 도산서원과 그 주변을 파노라마로 조망하고 이황의 시제를 참조하여 주변 景物에 명칭을 기입하였다. 이와 같은 구도와 記名 양상은 하나의 典形 양식으로 조선 후기의 도산도에도 그대로 계승되었다. 한편 조선 중기의 도산도 중에는 횡권 형식의 〈이문순공도산도〉와 달리 축 형식의 〈도산도〉가 전해져, 전범과 다른 형식의 도산도도 존재하였음을 보여준다. 조선 중기 이 두 점의도산도는 형식은 다르지만 모두 무이도와 함께 그려져 도산도의 성리학적 의미를 보다 공고히 하였다는 점에서 공통된다. 조선 중기의 전통을 이어 후기에도 많은 양의 도산도가 그려졌다. 그러나 후기에 도산서원을 그리는 목적은 순전히 도학전통의 계승에 국한된 것이 아니었다. 도산서원은 이미 영남학파의 중심지이자, 유람시 빼놓을 수 없는 명소가 되었다. 따라서 영남 지방을 유람하고 그린 명승첩에도 도산서원의 그림이 포함되게 된 것이다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 두 경향을 “聖賢遺蹟圖 유형의 陶山圖”와 “名勝名所圖 유형의 陶山圖”로 구분하였다. 성현유적도 유형의 도산도는 크게 세 가지 특징을 가진다. 우선 제작자가 대부분 남인 계열의 인물들로 이들의 발문에는 이황에 대한 존숭과 계승의식이 분명히 드러난다. 둘째로, 성현유적도 유형의 도산도는 도산을 조망한 파노라마의 구도 속에 이황의 시제들을 배치하였던 조선 중기의 전범을 보수적으로 계승하는 경향을 보인다. 셋째로, 성현유적도 유형의 도산도는 대부분 무이도와 함께 그려져 이황이 朱子(1130-1200)를 계승하였음을 강조한다. 조선 후기에 새로 등장한 명승명소도 유형의 도산도는 성현유적도 유형의 도산도와 대비하여 3가지 특징을 가진다. 우선, 이 유형의 도산도는 도산을 퇴계학의 본산으로 여기기보다 하나의 명승지로 인식하는 경향이 강하다. 둘째로, 명승도 유형의 도산도는 전범의 도산도와 거리가 멀 뿐 아니라, 실경의 지형과도 차이가 있다. 이는 제작시에 오직 명소로서 도산서원을 부각시키는 데 관심이 있을 뿐, 도산 주변의 실제 지형이나 이황의 「도산잡영」 등 도산에 대한 정확한 지식이 중요치 않았음을 의미한다. 셋째로 명승명소도 유형의 도산도는 다른 명소들과 함께 명승첩의 한 엽으로 전해진다. 도산도는 이처럼 성리학적 상징성의 추구와 실경의 사실적 재현이라는 두 가지 목표를 구현하였다는 점에서 조선시대 산수화에서 대단히 독특한 畵題라고 할 수 있다. 뿐만 아니라 도산도는 한 인물을 상징하는 유적이 제작자나 시대, 목적에 따라 다양하게 변용되었음을 볼 수 있는 사례로서 의미가 깊다. Dosando (陶山圖) is a genre of landscape painting which depicts Dosan-Seowon (陶山書院) and its surroundings. Dosan was initially the retreat of Yi Hwang (李滉)[Toegyeh (退溪), 1501-1570], one of the most influential scholars of Confucianism during the 16th century Joseon Dynasty. Disciples of Yi Hwang revered Dosan the place itself as representative of both the life and scholastic pursuits of their teacher: Dosan-Seowon, a memorial hall commemorating Yi Hwang was built behind his hermitage. Hence, Dosan not only was a retreat of Yi Hwang but also became the center of the Toegyeh School (退溪學派). Dosando, then, is fundamentally based on a reverence of Yi Hwang. However, other significances were attributed to the Dosando as it was produced by patrons of different status and political back grounds. According to the Annals of the Dynasty of Joseon(『朝鮮王朝實錄』), the Dosando was initially produced by King Myeongjong (明宗)[1534-1567] in 1566. When Yi Hwang declined Myeongjong's offer of an official post in the government and went into seclusion, the King ordered his court painters to paint Yi Hwang's retreat. Dosando does not exist but it can be inferred from the later records that this commission was well known until the 18th century. Taking it as a precedent, followers of Yi Hwang also painted Dosandos from the 17th century. The oldest Dosando existing today is Yimunsungong Dosando (李文純公陶山圖) which was painted around 1700. Its composition and motifs display a remarkable similarity with later Dosandos. One can conclude that an influential canon of Dosando was established before 1700. As Dosan-Seowon became the center of the Toegyeh School and also a celebrated site (名勝) in the 18th century, Dosando was also taken up by those who were not disciples of Yi Hwang. The newcomers' intentions, however, were quite different. If the former painted Dosandos in order to succeed the scholastic mantle of Yi Hwang, the latter viewed Dosan-Seowon(陶山書院) merely as a celebrated site and depicted the Dosando as a record of a sightseeing excursion. This thesis has divided the two positions relating to the Dosando as the following: Dosando in the type of "paintings of vestige of sages (聖賢遺蹟圖)" and of "paintings of celebrated sites (名勝名所圖)." Dosando of the type of 'paintings of vestige of sages" have three distinctive features. First, the patrons are members of the school or the political party which succeeded Yi Hwang. Their inscriptions for Dosandos specifically show a high respect for Yi Hwang. Second, this type of Dosando insisted on the canon founded from the 17th century. Third, they were painted as a set with the Muido (武夷圖), the painting Zhu Xi's (朱熹)[1130-1200] hermitage: a precise allusion to Yi Hwang's succession of Zhu Xi's Neo-Confucianism. Dosando of the type of "paintings of celebrated sites" also have three characteristics comparable to the former. First, Dosan was considered more as a Viewing spot rather than the center of the Toegyeh School. Second, it neither followed the established canon nor even depicted the scenery of Dosan correctly. This indicates that only the site of Dosan Seowon was given attention as a site, while specific knowledge of Dosan, such as the topography of Dosan or Yi Hwang's literature about Dosan were entirely ignored. Third, this type of Dosando are in the book of celebrated sites which is constituted with paintings of fine scenery and buddhist temples. It shows that Dosan was not exclusively considered as a Confucian site. Dosando is a notable subject in the history of landscape painting of Joseon Dynasty for it pursued two goals both a symbolical presentation of Confucianism and a realistic representation of an actual place. It is also significant as an example which demonstrates that a symbolical landscape can be diversly represented according to historical and social situations and patronage.