Aspergillus niger 에 있어서 섬유질 분해효소계의 동질효소 양상에 미치는 기질의 영향

정재훈,이영하,노재랑 한국균학회 1990 韓國菌學會誌 Vol.18 No.4

The influence of cellulosic and hemicellulosic substrates on the production of cellulase and xylanase complexes in Aspergillus niger was investigated. The culture conditions with different substrates exhibited profound effects on the level of endoglucanase (CMCase), β-glucosidase, endoxylanase and β-xylosidase, and on their isozyme patterns. However, intracellular and extracellular isozyme patterns of cellulase and xylanase complexes were qualitatively identical and appeared to be simultaneous in the early growth phase. Prolonged incubation led to the increase in the concentrations of isozymes with a little changes in the relative proportions of those isozymes. These results suggest that the biosynthesis of cellulase and xylanase complexes in A. niger is coordinately regulated at the level of induction. Moreover, multiple forms of extracellular cellulase and xylanase complexes seem to be the outcome of specific gene expression and should not be considered solely as the consequence of post-secretional modification of synthesized enzymes.

A Tulip-Shaped Gastric Carcinoid Tumor

정재훈,김광하 대한내과학회 2012 The Korean Journal of Internal Medicine Vol.27 No.1

Cost-of-Illness Trend of Thyroid Gland Disease in Korea

정재훈 대한내분비학회 2014 Endocrinology and metabolism Vol.29 No.3

과제 지향적 상지 운동이 뇌졸중 환자의 상지 기능과 일상생활활동에 미치는 영향

정재훈,조영남,채수영 한국장애인재활협회 2011 재활복지 Vol.15 No.3

본 연구는 뇌졸중 환자를 대상으로 과제 지향적 상지 운동이 상지 기능과 일상생활활동에 미 치는 영향을 알아보고자 실시하였다. 30명의 연구 대상자를 선정하여 과제 지향적 상지 운동을 받는 실험군 15명과 비과제중심 상 지 운동을 받는 대조군 15명으로 나누었다. 과제 지향적 상지 운동과 비과제중심 상지 운동은 6주 동안 주 4회 30분 동안 실시하였고, 치료 중재 전ㆍ후 환측 상지 기능을 비교하기 위하여 K-WMFT와 Purdue pegboard test를 시행하였고 일상생활활동 수행능력을 비교하기 위하여 FIM 을 시행하였다. 이에 대한 결과는 다음과 같았다. 첫째, 과제 지향적 상지 운동 집단과 비과제중심 상지 운동 집단의 각 치료 중재 전ㆍ후 환측 상지 기능은 통계학적으로 유의한 차이를 보였고, 환측 상지 기능에 대한 치료 전ㆍ후와 집단의 상호작용에는 유의한 차이를 보였다. 둘째, 과제 지향적 상지 운동 집단과 비과제중심 상지 운동 집단의 각 치료 중재 전ㆍ후 일상생 활활동 수행능력은 통계학적으로 유의한 차이를 보였고, 일상생활활동 수행능력에 대한 치료 전 ㆍ후와 집단의 상호작용에는 유의한 차이를 보였다. 셋째, 환측 상지 기능은 운동 기능과 관련된 일상생활활동 수행능력과 통계학적으로 유의한 상관관계를 보였다. 따라서 과제 지향적 상지 운 동이 뇌졸중 환자의 환측 상지 기능 회복과 일상생활활동 수행능력 향상을 위한 치료에 효과적임 을 알 수 있었다 The purpose of study was to investigate the effect of task-oriented movement therapy on upper extremity, upper extremity function and activities of daily living for stroke patients. Thirty subjects were randomized into two groups: a task-oriented movement therapy an experimental group(n=15) and non-task oriented movement therapy a control group(n=15). Both groups received the usual occupational therapy. In addition, an experimental group received a task-oriented movement therapy on upper extremity, a control group received non-task oriented movement therapy, for 30-min sessions 4 times every week during 6 weeks. The upper extremity function of both groups was assessed using a Korean Wolf Motor Function Test(K-WMFT) and Purdue pegboard test. Assessment of both group Functional Independence Measure(FIM) was applied for evaluation of Activities of Daily Living(ADL) performance ability. The result of this study were as follows : First, affected upper extremity function of the task-oriented movement therapy group and the non-task oriented movement therapy presented statistically significant differences before and after each intervention(p <.05), while interaction effect showed significant differences before and after intervention and groups for affected upper extremity function(p <.05). Second, ADL performance ability of the task-oriented movement therapy group and the non-task oriented movement therapy presented statistically significant differences before and after each intervention(p <.05), while interaction effect showed significant differences before and after intervention and groups for ADL performance ability(p <.05). Third, the affected upper extremity function showed statistically significant correlations with ADL performance ability related with motor function(p <.05). It is deemed that task-oriented movement therapy on upper extremity can be usefully applied to occupational therapy as a therapeutic method to improve affected upper extremity function and ADL performance ability of patients with stroke, and it will be necessary to develop various tasks according to functional levels of patients.

Unfounded Reports on Thyroid Cancer

정재훈 대한의학회 2014 Journal of Korean medical science Vol.29 No.8

18세기의 연행과 정조(正祖)

정재훈 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2012 동국사학 Vol.53 No.-

Examined in this article, is a very special phenomenon that we now call as “Yeon’haeng(燕行),” which referred to all the travels and journeys made by the Joseon people to “Yeon’gyeong(燕京),” the capital city of the Manchurian Qing dynasty. Traveling to this foreign capital was a rather hot trend of the time for the Korean people, and such journeys constituted a vital part of the Korean-Chinese relationship of the time. So, analyzed here is the current level of understanding (or misunderstanding for that matter) of this particular aspect of the Joseon society. There have been a lot of misconceptions of this phenomenon, and among such misconceptions there have been some misunderstanding of the nature of those journeys as well, which were caused by the people’s literal interpretation of the texts(travel journals), or the people’s inability to perceive the nature of the Qing dynasty and the past peoples’ perception of the world, in more adequate terms. Many scholars have been studying all the travel journals which documented the journeys to the Yeon’gyeong capital. Those travel journals were (and are now) usually called as “Yeon’haeng-rok(燕行錄).” But scholars did not clarify the “weak spots” of these travel journals as a source of information, and failed to determine whether or not they were suitable material for historical examination. They only tended to make comments upon some of the aspects that continued to change all the time, and they also had a tendency to try bringing too much meaning out of it. Also, the changes that were made to the policy of King Jeongjo were never sufficiently examined, even with the fact that King Jeongjo himself had opportunities to travel to Yeon’gyeong as well. People were only ‘thrilled’ by some factual details that suggested themselves in various records. Considering all this, we can say for sure that studies of these “Yeon’haeng” travels should expand in the future. They should tackle with more diverse themes, from a more comprehensive viewpoint. One of the themes which previous studies did not care to examine enough, was how the Joseon Kings perceived the people’s such travels to the capital of the Qing dynasty. 18th century was a time which witnessed the most noticeable changes in the people’s Yeon’gyeong trips, and in the latter half of that century King Jeongjo too displayed a very sensitive attitude toward his subjects’ such journeys. He happened to feel a great interest in this phenomenon, and sometimes he made good use of all the information secured from such coming and going of the people, in his governing of the Joseon society. We can see that all the knowledge gained from people’s travels to the Chinese capital did not merely add some trivial things to the individuals’ understanding of the situation, but also contributed to the overall governing of the country as such information was all channeled into dynastic sources. King Jeongjo once had Kim Hong-do(金弘道) and Yi Myeong-gi(李命祺), who were the most acclaimed artists of the time, accompany the envoy he dispatched to Qing, in an effort to secure information as well as inspiration for several of his critical policies, which included the construction of the Hwa’seong(華城) city, the establishment of the rank-indicating stone plates(“Pum’gye-seok, 品階石”) at the Changdeok-gung palace, and the reinforcement of his own image as a “Master King”(“Gun’sa, 君師”). In other words, the Yeon’haeng journeys in the 18th century turned out to be a very special asset for King Jeongjo, as he wanted to renovate the Joseon society. 본 논문은 조선시대에 한-중 관계에서 빼놓은 수 없는 현상 가운데 하나인 연행(燕行)에 따른 이해와 오해를 다룬 논문이다. 종래 연행에 대한 연구를 검토해보면 연행에 대해서는 적지 않은 오해가 있었던 것도 사실이다. 그 가운데는 이전의 연행록에 기록된 정보를 단순하게 따르면서 오해한 부분도 있으며, 나아가서는 이전 사람들의 세계관을 반복함으로써 달라진 청의 현실을 제대로 파악하지 못한 오해도 있었다. 연행록을 연구하였던 연구자들도 연행록이 가지는 자료의 한계를 분명하게 직시하지 못하고 변화된 부분만을 확대해석한 경우도 없지 않았다. 나아가 연행의 당사자였던 청조의 정책 변화, 현실에서 유화된 부분 등에 대한 파악을 충분하게 하지 못한 채 조선의 입장에서 연행을 통해 파악하여 깨달은 ‘진실’에 지나치게 흥분하기도 하였다. 이러한 점들을 고려해 본다면 연행에 대한 연구는 앞으로 좀 더 확대되고, 전체적인 관점에서 진행될 필요가 있다. 이 점과 관련하여 연행의 당사자 가운데 하나였던 조선의 국왕이 연행을 어떻게 대하였는가의 문제는 이제까지의 연구에서 소홀하였던 부분이었다. 연행에서 가장 변화가 극심하였던 18세기, 특히 후반의 경우 정조는 연행에 매우 민감하게 관심을 표하고 이를 통해 얻은 정보를 국정에 직접 활용하기도 하였다. 연행에서 획득한 정보가 ‘개인의 깨달음’에서 그친 것이 아니라 국가적인 정보의 획득과정을 거쳐 국정에서 활용되는 정보로서 기능한 것이었다. 정조는 그의 정치운영 과정에서 매우 중요한 사건이었던 화성(華城)의 건설에서, 또 창덕궁의 품계석(品階石)의 설치에서, 또 군사(君師)의 모범을 삼으려는 관심에서 청으로의 연행에 당대 최고의 화원인 김홍도(金弘道)와 이명기(李命祺)를 파견하였다. 18세기의 연행은 조선의 갱신 기회를 만들려던 정조에게도 매우 소중한 창구였던 것이라 할 수 있다.

조선전기 태사묘太師廟의 변화

정재훈 한국국학진흥원 2019 국학연구 Vol.0 No.39

The Taesa-myo shrine, now in the Andong area, is a sacred facility which enshrines the tablets of Kim Seon-pyeong, Gweon Haeng and Jang Gil, all representative historical figures of the Andong area. Commemoration of these ‘Three Meritorious Vassals’ had been overseen by the Andong area’s local Hyang’ri clerks since the Goryeo period, when these historical figures would have been enshrined at a place arranged where those Hyang’ri clerks would have worked (namely the “Eubsa” offices). It is also believed that those enshrining places would have been dominantly managed by the local figures from the Gweon house. In the Goryeo period, mythic figures who were regarded as local guardians used to be enshrined in the Seong’ hwang-sa local shrines, so the local Bu-sa(府司) offices could have overseen the enshrinement of these three vassals from a similar sentiment and spirit. There is virtually no record of how things were done regarding the three figures and their enshrinement in the early years of Choson, but in the mid-16th century, as the society’s consciousness of paternal kindred continued to intensify, the shrine for these figures came to be newly recognized by the local officials in the area. During the reign of king Jungjong, Kim Gwang-cheol, who was the maternal descendant of the house and also assigned to the post of Andong’s area prefect, newly constructed the “Three Meritorious Vassals Shrine” as a separate building, while paternal descendants of the house chose to modify the ritual protocols observed for memorial services at the shrine, to have them become more similar to the protocols described in Juja Ga’rye. Later these ‘Three Meritorious Vassals’ were newly established as the founders of the Andong Gweon house, as the force behind these memorial services shifted form local Hyang’ri clerks to influential Sajok figures, and as the name of the Shrine (originally “Samgongshin-myo,” The Three Meritorious Vassels’ Shrine) changed to “Taesa-myo.” However, such changes also led to potential controversies regarding issues of order and hierarchy in ritual ceremonies. 현재 안동에 있는 태사묘는 안동의 대표적 인물인 김선평 권행 장길을 모신 사묘이다. 삼공신의 사당은 대체로 고려시대부터 대체로 안동의 향리들이 자신이 근무하는 읍사에서 이들을 모신 것으로서 주로 권씨 출신의 향리들이 주관하였던 것으로 보인다. 다만 고려시대에는 지방민들에게 지역의 수호신으로 여겨지는 인물들이 성황사에 모셔져서 제사의 대상이 되었던 점을 고려한다면 부사府司에 모셔졌던 것도 같은 맥락으로 파악된다. 조선 초기에는 관련 기록이 거의 없지만 16세기 중반 부계친족의식이 강화되면 서 지방관으로 부임한 관인들에 의해 ‘태사묘’는 새롭게 주목되었다. 중종 때에 안동부사로 부임한 외손인 김광철이 삼공신묘를 새롭게 별도의 건물로 만들거나 친손들이 제사의례를 주자가례의 형식과 유사하게 정비한 것이 그러한 예이다. 제사의 주체도 향리에서 사족으로 바뀌며, 명칭도 삼공신묘에서 태사묘로 바뀐 것은 가문의 시조로서 삼공신이 새롭게 자리매김되는 계기가 되었다. 그 결과 제향시의 위차논쟁이 발생할 가능성이 있게 되었다.

16세기 士林 公論의 내용과 의미

정재훈 조선시대사학회 2014 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.71 No.-

Believed in the Joseon dynasty was a concept of publicness(公) suggested by Neo-Confucianism, and therefore the subject of ‘public consensus’ was considered to be very important during the Joseon dynasty period. This public consensus that surfaced in the 16th century was also a historic phenomenon, as suggestions by society leaders pouring out in almost an explosive fashion continued to take shape and became an ‘opinion’ that was cited and utilized in real life politics. The fact that public consensus had such a huge power means that Joseon was a society which needed public consensus to go forward and operate as well. Originally, public consensus referred to a public discussion, and was considered as a collective opinion that many people agreed with and therefore was felt as also the ‘right one.’ But in real life, it was the Dae’gan officers at the Saheon-bu and Sagan-weon offices who were in charge of raising or managing this public consensus(“Gong’ron”). In other words, in the 15th century raising or suggesting public opinions was a process that continued very much inside the government, which meant that the process was under the influence of essential figures in power, such as the king, high ranking governmental officials, and the Euijeongbu office, which was the highest one inside the government. In the 15th century, as mentioned above the Daegan officers were at least in appearance in charge of the ‘public consensus,’ then in the 16th century the Hongmun-gwan office of the Seongjong era was added to them, making the ‘Three Remonstration offices’ in charge of the public consensus. What was different from the 16th century was that these three offices were at the time inhabited by the so-called “Sarim” figures who were representing the Sajok figures living in local areas. These Sarim figures briefly entered the government during the reign of king Seongjong, and did so more during king Jungjong’s reign under the nickname of ‘Gimyo Sarim.’ Their opinions, considered (by themselves) as ‘public consensus,’ began to generate real political power, although for a short time until the Gimyo purge and their expulsion from power. The experience, however, of having a public consensus raised and established in official politics and governing, was indeed a powerful one. Even after the Gimyo party’s removal from power could not take that away. Confucian scholars in the society continued that trend in a much more wider fashion. At the end of king Myeongjong’s reign and also during the reign of king Seonjo, public consensus was again reinstated as a powerful device to channel public opinion into the government. And at the same time, the political parties that began to emerge during Seonjo’s reign meant a divergence was continuing inside the so-called public consensus. The Sarim faction’s political superiority was based upon the Sarim or Sajok power base, and their nature as Yangban. In return, this public consensus of theirs enabled the Yangban figures to form up as a social class. By raising this public consensus the Sarim figures of this period pursued a goal different from that of the 15th century, a society or structure that was different from their 15th century counterparts. Their agenda was to overcome the 15th century social order, and establish a system of co-governance[“共治”] involving both the king and vassals, with a public consensus institutionalized by an official authority. Such efforts were based upon a notion that the king should be a sage to govern the country(聖學政治論, politics based upon holy studies), and aimed to establish “Hyang’yak” local regulations as well as “Sachang” private relief efforts in order to stabilize the local regions. All these facets make the 16th public consensus concept all the more historically important. 조선시대에서 공론이 통시대적으로 사용되게 된 데에는 성리학에 입각한 公이 전제되어 있기 때문에 가능하였다. 특히 조선의 역사에서 16세기에 제기된 공론은 역사적인 현상이라고 해도 좋을 만큼 두드러지게 드러났다. 공론이 폭발적으로 증가하여 다른 시기에 비해 현실에서 인용되고 활용되는 경우가 많았다. 공론이 이렇게 주목되고 제기되어 현실에서 문제가 된 것은 그만큼 공론이 필요하였던 사회였음을 역으로 증거한다고 할 수 있다. 원래 공론 자체는 공적인 논의로서 많은 사람들이 좇는 올바른 의견이라는 의미가 있었다. 그러나 현실에서 제기되는 공론의 담당자는 사헌부와 사간원의 대간이었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 15세기에는 공론을 제기하는 주체가 국왕이나 대신, 의정부와 같이 권력의 담당층으로 인식된 이면에는 공론 역시 현실의 권력에서 자유롭지 못하였던 점을 보여준다. 16세기에 제기된 공론의 담당층, 주체는 15세기에 형식적인 주체였던 대간에 더해 성종대에 추가된 홍문관까지 삼사가 주된 담당층이 되었다. 이러한 삼사의 공론을 장악한 이들은 재지사족의 의견을 반영하는 사림세력이었다. 이들은 성종 때 일시적으로 진출하였다가 중종대 기묘사림으로 전면에 등장하였다. 공론이 현실에서 힘을 가지고 작동하였으며, 일시적으로 기묘사화로 사림의 공론은 좌절되기도 하였다. 그러나 한번 공론이 제기되어 일반화된 경험은 쉽게 사라지지 않고, 기묘사화를 계기로 오히려 유생공론의 형태로 그 저변이 확대되었다. 특히 사림세력은 공론의 유지를 위해 노력하였고, 마침내 명종말 선조연간에 공론이 실현될 수 있는 구조를 회복하면서 사림의 공론은 현실에서 실현될 수 있게 되었다. 그러나 선조 연간에 이루어진 동서분당을 비롯한 붕당의 분열은 공론의 분열을 의미하는 것이기도 하였다. 사림의 정치적 우위는 사림 내지 사족의 공통적 기반 위에서 가능하였고, 그 공통적 기반은 계급으로서 양반이 확립되는 것과도 관련이 있다. 사림, 사족 혹은 계급으로서 양반이 확립되는 데에 공론은 그 윤활유의 역할을 하였다. 이 공론을 통해 사림들은 15세기의 질서와는 다른 형태의 사회 내지 구조를 추구하였다. 사림의 공론으로 제기된 그러한 구조는 15세기의 질서를 부정하면서 군신이 함께 참여하는 共治의 지향, 공론이 제도적인 지위를 넘어서 힘을 갖는 관료적 구조, 국왕을 성인으로 이끄는 聖學政治論, 향촌 사회의 안정을 위한 향약, 사창 등의 향촌 안정책 등을 내용으로 하는 것이었다. 이러한 문제에 관련된 공론에서의 토론이 16세기 공론이 가지는 의미라고 할 수 있겠다.

야은 길재와 조선 주자학의 도통

정재훈 조선사연구회 2022 조선사연구 Vol.31 No.-

거대 분자운의 원적외선 특성

정재훈,김현구,김봉규,Jung, Jae-Hoon,Kim, Hyun-Goo,Kim, Bong-Gyu 한국천문학회 2006 天文學論叢 Vol.21 No.2

Infrared color-color diagram of 10 giant molecular clouds are examined to explore the dust property from the COBE Diffuse Infrared Background Experiment of the 100, 140, and $240{\mu}m$ emission. Four of them, Taurus, Mon OB1, Gem OB1, and Chameleon, show the anti-correlation in $R_{100/140}-R_{140/240}$ plot and the horizontal distribution in $R_{100/240}-R_{140/240}$ plot, which disagree with those of theoretical calculation. These could be explained by the depletion of $100{\mu}m$ and the excess of $140{\mu}m$ emission, though no existing dust model could support them. Mean color temperature of the anti-correlation region appears to be lower than that of the linear region, whose temperatures are 15.3, 17.0 K, respectively. And the linear region shows large dispersion in the plot of intensity relation. Both imply that a star formation would be more active, but not homogeneous, in the linear region compared to the anti-correlation region.