漢代 墓地 祠堂과 墓室 圖像의 關係 硏究

신리샹(信立祥),소현숙(번역자) 한국미술연구소 2007 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.24

한대의 지하 묘실과 여기에 소속된 묘지 사당은 서로 표리를 이루는 한 쌍의 상장건축이다. 두 건축물은 모두 '前堂後寢'의 원칙에 의해 건립된 현실의 주택을 모방하여 축조됐다. 그러므로 대형의 다실묘기 그 안에 비록 '堂'이라는 공간을 가지고 있었지만, 묘지 사당이야말로 전체적인 묘역의 '堂'에 해당한다. 이처럼 '堂寢'관계를 가진 두 건축물의 관계는 두 건축물에 표현된 도상에도 영향을 미쳤다. 즉 묘지 사당과 지하 묘실은 각각 자신만의 특징을 기진 도상을 가지고 있었지만. 나아가 도상을 통해 그들의 '堂寢'관계를 드러내기도 한 것이다. 묘지 사당에 출현하는 도상은 종묘 벽화에서 그 연원을 찾을 수 있다. 묘지 사당의 도상 가운데 가장 중요한 것은 바로 祠堂의 주인[祠主]이 제사를 받는 장면으로서, 후벽의 중장에 배치된다. 그리고 신들의 세계를 표현한 천상세계, 선인세계, 현실의 인간세계의 도상은 각각 사당의 천장, 양 측벽 상부와 중부에 표현된다. 귀신들이 거주하는 지하세계에서 사주가 출행하는 모습을 표현한 거마출행도는 세 벽의 가장 하단에 묘사되어, 후벽 중앙의 사주가 제사를 받는 그림과 함께 사당의 중심화면을 형성한다. 지하 묘실의 도상은 목곽묘의 帛畵와 漆棺畵에서 유래하며, 또한 종묘와 사당에 출현하는 도상의 영향을 받기도 했다. 후실 도상은 묘주가 지하에서 생활하는 내용을 주로 표현했으며, 중실과 전실의 도상은 묘지 사당의 도상과 아주 유사하다. 즉 천장에는 천상세계를 표현한 도상을, 문기둥과 중실 등에 세워진 단독 기둥의 상부에는 선인세계를 묘사한 도상을, 그리고 벽면에는 현실의 인간세계를 표현한 도상이 배치됐다. 묘주가 묘지 사당에 이르러 자손들의 제사를 받는 장면을 그린 묘주의 거마출행도는 수평들보와 묘문의 문액처럼 높은 위치에 그려졌다. 지하 묘실 도상과 묘지 사당 도상의 관계를 가장 잘 보여주는 것은 사주의 거마출행도와 묘주의 출행도이다. 두 도상 모두 사자가 자손들의 제사를 받기 위해 제사를 지내는 공간으로 나아가는 것을 표현한 점에서 공통적이다. 그러나 그 도상이 표현되는 위치는 두 건축물이 가지는 상징성에 따라 달라졌다. 즉 전자는 사주가 낮은 곳에 위치한 지하세계로부터 나오는 것을 표현하기 위해 사당 세 벽의 가장 하단에 묘사했으며, 후자는 묘주가 지하 묘실보다 한층 높은 곳에 위치한 묘지 사당에 가는 것을 묘사하기 위해 지하 묘실의 중실과 전실의 상부 공간, 즉 수평들보와 묘문의 문액에 표현했다. 그러나 우리가 두 상장건축 도상의 관계를 분석하고자 할 때 주의할 점이 있다. 즉 제사와 관련된 거마출행도 이외에도 두 공간에는 死者가 생전에 역임한 관직경력을 나열한 거마출행도가 출현하는데, 이는 전자와 다른 의미를 가지고 있으므로 양자를 구분해서 볼 필요가 있는 것이다. Han-dynasty underground burial chambers and shrines attached to them are paired structures that are coordinated with each other in terms of style. Both structures follow the classical layout of residential buildings, whereby social spaces are on the front, and private spaces in retreat, at the rear. Meanwhile, the shrine generally corresponds to the social space of the overall structure, even if the multi-room tomb comes with its own hall. This public versus private relationship between the two structures also had an influence on the images decorating their walls. Images painted on the walls of the shrine and the underground burial chamber are distinct from each other in a manner which expresses the public-private dichotomy constituted by the two structures. Images found on tomb shrines are primarily influenced by murals in ancestral shrines of royal families. One of the most important motifs in tomb shrine murals is the image of the owner of the shrine depicted as presiding over the memorial service in his or her honor. This scene is generally placed at the center of the rear wall. Then. there are scenes representing divine realms like the heavens and the sages' world, and the mundane world, which occupy the ceiling and the upper and middle section of the side walls, respectively. The image depicting the scene of the shrine's owner leaving for the underworld in a horse carriage, to join the spirits, is usually placed across the three walls, running through their bottom sections. This scene, along with that of the dead presiding over his or her own memorial service, makes up the focal point of me mural presentation at a tomb shrine. Images found on the walls of Han-dynasty underground burial chambers, while mostly originating from silk-cloth paintings and coffin paintings of wood chamber tombs, are also influenced by mural paintings of royal ancestral shrines as well as general shrines. Paintings on the walls of the rear room most often depict the scenes from the life of the dead in the underworld, whereas images on the walls of the middle and front rooms are very similar to those found at the tomb shrine. In other words, heavenly scenes cover the ceiling, and the images of sages adorn the door frames and the upper section of the single column at the middle room. Finally, the walls of the middle room show scenes from the human world. The scene of the arrival of the tomb's owner riding on a horse carriage to attend the memorial service by his descendants is placed high on the wail, either on a horizontal beam below the ceiling or above the door frame of the entrance to the tomb. The details that are most indicative of the relationship between images of the underground burial chamber and those at the tomb shrine are the positions of the scenes of the arrival of the deceased. while these two paintings are similar in that both depict the dead arriving at the memorial service site, their locations assign different symbolic values to them. While one is placed at the bottom sections of the three walls of the shrine, thus suggesting that the departed one is emerging from the underworld, the other is at the upper portions of the walls of the front and middle rooms of the burial chamber, namely, on the horizontal beam and above the door frame, to indicate that the deceased is now heading toward the shrine, which is located at a level above the burial chamber. One important distinction needs to be made, however, when examining me relationship between paintings in these two paired structures. Not all scenes featuring the deceased on a horse carriage relate to his arrival at the memorial service. Both burial chambers and attached shrines contain mural paintings related to public offices held by me deceased during his lifetime, frequently depicting him riding on a horse carriage. These paintings do not have the same symbolical meanings as those related to the arrival of the deceased at me memorial service, on which this

사도세자 추모 공간의 위상 변화와 永祐園 천장

최성환 조선시대사학회 2012 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.60 No.-

This paper set out to examine the ways in which Chŏngjo commemorated the memory of his dead father [Prince Sado] through analysing his scheme for the reconstruction of Prince Sado's tomb and shrine. It was critical for Yŏngjo and Chŏngjo to decide how to honor the memory of their birth mother and birth father respectively since it was associated with their legitimacy as a ruler. Yŏngjo established a new system called Koongwonje [宮園制] in which his birth mother was honored. To do that, a new ritual of royal family was put forward by Yŏngjo. It was on the basis of Yŏngjo's Koongwonje [宮園制] that Chŏngjo pursued the idea of the posthumous recognition of Prince Sado, moving his late father's tomb. Chŏngjo drew a big picture of his plan to restore Prince Sado's honor with painstaking care, initially basing his decision on precedents set by Yŏngjo. Noticeably, Yŏngjo acknowledged the fact that Youngbin [暎嬪], Prince Sado's mother, had prioritized Jongkook [宗國] over her private affection toward her son. This enabled Yŏngjo to build up Sooeun tomb[垂恩墓] and Sooeun shrine[垂恩廟], showing his approval for recovering the late Prince's damaged reputation. The architectural arrangement of Prince Sado's tomb and shrine was neither too extravagant nor too parsimonious, abiding by the ideas about Euli [義理] and Yeje [禮制]. Chŏngjo regarded Yŏngjo's arrangement for the construction of Prince Sado's tomb and shrine as his lack of affection toward his son. As soon as Chŏngjo ascended to the throne, he attempted to redeem his father [Prince Sado] by reconstructing the space for the commemoration of the late prince as well as by giving his late father the title of Prince Changheon[莊獻]. For instance, Sooeun tom[垂恩墓] and Sooeun shrine[垂恩廟] were renamed Youngwoo tomb[永祐園] and Kyeongmo shrine[景慕宮] respectively, which was followed both by elevating the status of the officials who were in charge of maintaining the tomb and shrine and by adding more buildings to existing facilities. However, it is worth noting that Chŏngjo's attempt to pay respect to his late father went further, aiming at the posthumous recognition of Prince Sado. This can be exemplified by moving Youngwoo tomb[永祐園] and building up Hyeonryeung tomb[顯隆園]. Importantly, the changing phases of the rearrangement of Prince Sado's tomb and shrine can be seen as part of Chŏngjo's plan to enable his successor to implement the posthumous recognition of Prince Sado as a king. 영조와 정조에게 生母 및 生父를 어떤 예법으로 추모할 것인지는 대단히 중대한 문제였다. 자신들의 정통성과 직결되기 때문이다. 이들은 모두 치세의 전시기에 걸쳐 꾸준히 생모 및 생부의 평범했던 위상을 한 차원 높이려고 하였다. 영조는 宮園制라는 새로운 예제를 확립하여 생모의 추숭 문제를 왕실 차원의 예법으로 정리하였다. 정조는 영조가 확립한 궁원제에 의거하여 생부를 추숭하였고 遷葬까지 단행하였다. 정조의 구상은 원대하였지만, 이를 실현해 가는 과정은 매우 조심스러웠고 그런만큼 주도면밀한 모습을 보였다. 영조는 사도세자의 생모인 영빈의 義烈을 드러내고 그에 조응하여 세자의 위호가 회복된 것임을 보여주기 위하여, 垂恩墓를 조성하고 垂恩廟를 건립하였다. 사도세자의 묘소와 사당은 지나치게 융숭하지도 않았고, 그렇다고 흉지에 볼품없이 조성된 것도 아니었다. 말 그대로 의리와 예제에 입각해 엄정하게 조성된 것이다. 그러나 사도세자에 대한 영조의 엄정한 예법 적용이 세손에게는 박절함으로 느껴졌을 것이다. 세손이 즉위하게 되자 환경은 변화하였다. 정조는 즉위 직후 사도세자를 장헌세자로 추숭하고 수은묘를 영우원으로 수은묘를 경모궁으로 격상하였으며, 그에 걸맞게 사당을 확장한다든가 관리 기구의 위격을 높인다든가 주변 시설을 보강하였다. 정조는 영조에 의해 확립된 宮園制를 준수하는 범위 내에서 약간의 수정을 가하여 영우원-경모궁의 위상을 강화하였다. 그러나 정조는 경모궁-영우원의 위상 강화에 만족하지 않았다. 정조가 궁극적으로 목표로 하는 것은 훗날 있게 될 先世子의 追王, 그리고 이에 대비하여 영우원을 왕릉급으로 조성해 두는 것이었다. 정조 13년에 단행된 영우원 천장과 현륭원 조성은 이러한 구상과 준비가 드러난 것이며, 궁극의 방향은 자신이 상왕이 된 후 선세자의 추왕까지 대비한 것이었다. 이렇듯 정조는 원대한 구상에 따라 각 단계의 상황을 고려하면서 부친을 위한 추모공간에 변화를 주며 관리하고 있었다.

신라의 알영 전승 의미와 시조묘

김선주(Kim Sun-joo) 한국역사연구회 2010 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.76

This paper presents the possibility that the first performance of Silla’s ancestor ritual at the royal shrine of the founder of Silla (始祖廟) may not have been for Hyeokkeose (赫居世, founding king of Silla). The founding myth of Silla claims Hyeokkeose as the founder, but his wife Aryeong, who is referred to as the founding queen of Silla, is just as important as Hyeokkeose. Aryeong is a symbol representing Silla in that the name “Silla” originated from Aryeong. In particular, the fact that a female named Aro (阿老, sister of King Namhae) led the ritual at the royal shrine of the Silla founder indicates the possibility that ancestor rituals at the royal shrine of the founder of Silla were performed for Aryeong. Furthermore, the royal tomb of the Silla founder, which is also known as the “Five Royal Tombs” (五陵) and the “Tomb of the Snake” (蛇陵), is related to Aryeong: Aryeong’s Well mentioned in the myth of Aryeong's birth is located within the compound of the Five Royal Tombs; also related to Aryeong are the name “Tomb of the Snake” and its origin. In Silla, the Five Royal Tombs are perceived as the royal tomb of the Silla founder. And if the royal shrine of the Silla founder is understood to be the grave where the founder of the Silla dynasty is buried, then the only conclusion that can be drawn is would be that the body buried inside the royal shrine of the Silla founder is that of Aryeong who is related to the Five Royal Tombs in various ways. An important state ritual during the isageum era was the ancestor ritual at the royal shrine of the founder of Silla, with Aryeong as the founder of Silla. But a transformation occurred in the ancestor ritual at the royal shrine of the Silla founder after the Kim clan succeeded to the throne and made the succession hereditary. Silla kings from the Kim clan, including Michu isageum who is the first Silla king from the Kim clan, continued to perform the ancestor ritual at the royal shrine of the Silla founder, but these kings were conscious of the fact that they did not come from the lineage of the “founder of the kingdom of Silla.” Moreover, there were limitations in controlling the entire kingdom through an ancestor ritual system that was in the form of ancestor ritual at the royal shrine of the Silla founder prior to Silla’s development into an ancient state. In this transformation process, the “shrine of god” (神宮) became the object of faith throughout the kingdom.

高句麗 東明王陵에대한 認識變化와 東明王陵重修記

金榮官(KIM Young-kwan) 고구려발해학회 2005 고구려발해연구 Vol.20 No.-

The records of King Dongmyeong(東明王, the founder of the Koguryo dynasty)' s tomb have transmitted his worship and the associated offerings. King Dongmyeong passed away after a reign of 19 years and was buried at Yongsan(龍山) in Jolbon(卒本), the first capital of the Koguryo dynasty. Dongmyeongmyo(東明廟), which were King Dongmyeong' s shrines, were set up in capitals like Guknaeseong castle(國內城) and Pyeongyangseong castle(平壤城) as well as Jolbon(卒本) and other major locations nationwide like Yodongseong castle(遼東城). His shrines were also established in the Baekje kingdom, whose dynasty shared the same founder. However, opinion shifted to be that King Dongmyeong' s tomb, likely located in Jolbon, was instead located in Pyeongyang, which has been believed since. This change was due to the forfeit of dominium in Jolbon where the founding national capital was located, succeeded by Balhae(渤海) as the Koguryo dynasty fell. Moreover it was suggested that the founding national capital of the Koguryo dynasty was Pyeongyang in the Goryeo dynasty. Consequently there had been the tendency to locate King Dongmyeong' s tomb in Pyeongyang. It was believed that King Dongmyeong' s tomb was at Yongsan in Pyeongyang based on the record that he was buried at Yongsan. Thus the belief grew that King Dongmyeong' s tomb was not in Jolbon near the Yalu river(鴨綠江) but rather in Pyeongyang, This belief had settled firmly by the age of King Sejong of the Joseon dynasty. After that, the belief that King Dongmyeong' s tomb was in Pyeongyang was generalized. Kings of many generations of the Joseon dynasty had continuous concern about restoring and preserving King Dongmyeong' s tomb and there was no lapse in maintaining his shrine and the performance of ritual ceremonies. Sometimes, the kings granted special funds for performing the rituals and participated in the ceremony personally. This interest of kings maintained me care of King Dongrnyeong' s tomb and shrines throughout the length of the Joseon Dynasty, with ceremonies performed with care by local government officials in the spring and fall. Thus, King Dongmyeong' s tomb had a formal name in the age of King Gojong, and his shrine was outfitted on a large scale. Under Japanese colonization, this practice continued and joseon' s govemor-general directly ordered the restoration of King Dongrnyeong' s tomb. This, done in 1917, was included participation by the magistrate of Jungwha county(中和郡守), the minister of Pyeongannamdo province(平安南道長官), and even the governor-general himself. The lasting concern for and preservation of King Dongmyeong' s tomb continued into the Joseon dynasty from the Koguryo dynasty, regardless of the accuracy of its location. North Korean authorities excavated King Dongmyeong' s tomb in 1974 and re-consecrated it as the Koguryo founder's tomb by restoring it extensively in 1994. All actions showed honorable treatment of the national viewpoint about King Dongmyeong, founder of the Koguryo dynasty.

조선왕실 무덤, 園의 창안과 전개

김이순(Kim, Yisoon) 한국미술연구소 2015 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.41

This article is a study on the formation of Won (園) tombs, a unique burial type of the Joseon royal family, and its characteristic features. Won is a particular type of tomb which do not previously appear in Korea or China, occupying the status level in between the royal tomb ‘neung (陵)’ and the common tomb ‘myo (墓)’. It is less extensive than a royal tomb, but much more formal than a common tomb. Won did not exist from the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty but was invented by King Injo who wished to honor his deceased parents after he ascended the throne through a coup d’état. The first Won created by Injo soon disappeared because it became upgraded to a neung, but King Yeongjo took up the practice to honor his mother, who was the royal concubine of King Sukjong. King Yeongjo established his mother’s tomb as a Won and upgraded her shrine from being a Myo (廟) to a Gung (宮), and established the unique system of ‘Gungwonje (宮園制)’ for the shrine and tomb. King Gojong reformed this gungwonje system at the end of the Joseon Dynasty and expanded the scope of royals whose status was eligible for a won rather than a myo. Not only the biological parents of the king belonged to this category, but tombs and shrines for the crown prince, princess, and crown grandson were also recognized to be higher in status than those for normal royalty. As a result 21 won were created within the Joseon royal family, and 15 of them still remain intact till this day. The spatial arrangement between a neung and a won are basically very similar but the tomb mounds in won do not have retaining stones or stone guardrails. The differences can also be seen in the number of stone figures. Won do not have stone statues of military officials, and only have one pair of stone horse, sheep and tigers placed by the tombs mound, just half the number of stone statues which can be found in royal tombs of neung. Although the size of Won are much smaller than neung, they were established only in cases where the king came from a collateral line of family, or if the king’s birth mother was a concubine, or if the crown prince died early before ascending the throne, and therefore are valuable historic material in reading the history of royal lineage of Joseon.

고구려 무덤제사에 대한 고고학적 검토

강현숙(Kang Hyun-Sook) 한국상고사학회 2018 한국상고사학보 Vol.101 No.101

고구려 고분 연구가 고분을 둘러쌓고 행해진 다양한 행위의 복원으로 확장되어야 한다는 생각에서 이 글에서는 무덤제사의 복원을 염두에 두고 기존에 제의의 증거로 보았던 무덤 구조를 검토하였다. 무덤 구조를 검토한 결과, 무덤제사와 관련된 구조나 시설로 언급되었던 적석총에 잇대어 있는 부석시설이나 제대, 분구 위의 건물 등은 무덤에서 행해진 정기적인 제사와 직접 관련된 시설로 보기 어려웠다. 오히려 부석시설과 분구에서 출토된 기와의 1차 기능은 분구나 매장부의 보호에 있었을 것이며, 초대형 계단석실적석총의 분구 위 건물은 왕릉의 상징이자 무덤을 보호하는 역할을 하였을 것이다. 제대로 보고된 시설은 주검의 매납 시 행해졌던 일회적 의식과 관련이 있을 것이나 구체적인 역할 은 현재 자료로 추단하기 어렵다. 주목을 끌지 않았던 계단적석총 층단의 ㄴ자상 판상석이나 석실의 입구의 유물 출토 상황은 주검 안치와 관련된 일회적인 묘전의례나 분구의례의 결과로 추정된다. 고구려의 무덤제사를 고분 구조에 기초하여 추론하자면, 주검 매납 시 행해진 일회적인 의례와 매납 후 행해진 정기적인 의례로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 정기적인 제사는 4세기 중엽 이전에는 제사 때마다 마련된 제장에서 행해졌을 것이며, 4세기 중엽을 경과하면서 능묘가 마련됨으로써 일회적 가설식 제장과 함께 병용되었을 것이다. 6세기가 되면서 불교와 결합된 능사가 조성됨으로써 능사가 무덤을 보호, 상징하는 역할과 함께 능묘 역할을 겸했을 것이다. 주검 매납과 함께 행해지는 일회적인 묘전의례, 분구의례는 석실 내부의 석상, 제대나 계단 층단의 ㄴ자상 판상석등을 통해 유추할 수 있다 On the thought that the study of Koguryo tombs should be extended to renaturation of various activities surrounding the tomb, I have put concern on the tomb rituals of Koguryo. In this paper, I archeologically examine the structure of tomb which had seen as proof of the tomb rituals, and based on this I deduce the tomb rituals of Koguryo. After reviewing the existing excavation reports on the tombs, it did not seem that the structure or facilities of stone mounded tombs directly associated with the tomb rituals. The flatly laid stone which was attached stone mounded tomb and the wooden building on the top of the stone mound were the evidence of the protection of tombs not tomb rituals. Especially the role of the wooden building on the top of the extra large scaled stone step mounded tomb with stone chamber is the symbol of royal tomb and play a role of the protection from humidity and water. And it is deduced that the ㄴ shaped plate stone laid on the stepped stone mound and the association of remains excavated on the entrance of stone chamber have played a role in some of the activities of the tomb rituals. The tomb ritual performing at the front of the tomb would have been done in the place where the ritual place was set each time, not the tomb shrine. Through the middle of the 4th century, it would have been used that the tomb shrine or the stone table in the mural chamber at tomb rituals. And by the 6th century built the buddhist tomb temple, the buddhist tomb temple would have played the roles of the place of tomb ritual combined with Buddhism, show off the royal tomb and protected the royal tomb. The results of the inference are as follows that the tomb rituals of Koguryo are divided into three. The first ritual is performed immediately after burying and the second is after completing the mound. The regular tomb rituals would have performed at the front of the tomb. This study suggests that it is a research topic that should be constantly interested on the restoring the various aspects of the tomb rituals.

조선 초기 王室祖上儀禮의 유교적 정비

강제훈(Kang, Jae-Hoon) 고려사학회 2017 한국사학보 Vol.- No.66

조선은 즉위교서에서 유교 의례의 실천을 선언하였다. 오랫동안 전통이었던 불교식 조상의례는 국왕과 왕비가 사망하고, 관련된 의례를 진행하게 되면서 유교적 의례로 대체되었다. 종묘 의례는 태조의 사망 후, 태조 神主를 종묘에 모시는 과정에서 조선식의 定形이 마련되었다. 이를 기준으로 山陵과 原廟, 眞殿등의 의례가 정리되었다. 태종 때 부터 종묘는 보편적 유교 의례로 설정되었다. 반면에 俗祭에는 揖, 俯伏등 종묘 의례에 없는 동작을 사용하고 奠幣, 飮福등의 절차를 종묘와 다른 패턴으로 시행하였다. 세종대를 거치면서 점차 조상의례는 유교 의례 기준에 없는 동작은 해소하고, 각각의 절차를 일관된 방식으로 통일하되, 의례 구성에서 어떤 절차를 넣거나 빼거나 하여 서로를 구분하였다. 처음에는 종묘 의례를 기준으로 속제를 정비하였으나, 나중에는 속제의례에서 정리된 패턴으로 종묘 의례를 수정하기도 하였다. 『국조오례의』 왕실 조상의례는 태종대 이래의 일관된 원칙에 따라 정비된 결과물이었다. 正祀인 종묘의례는 동아시아의 보편적 유교의례에 맞게 설정되었다. 俗祭인 문소전과 산릉, 진전 등은 조선 습속을 포함하고 있었다. 그러나 종묘의 어떤 절차가 생략되기는 하였지만, 유교 의례의 기준에 맞았다. 이렇게 정비된 조상의례는 종묘와 속제의 구분 없이 제사가 진행되는 패턴에서는 철저하게 유교적이었다. 의례는 사회 전체에서 실행될 수 있을 때, 의미를 갖게된다. 조선이 건국되었을 때는 이미 불교적 조상의례의 전통이 오랜 습속으로 자리 잡고 있었다. 이를 대체하는 것은 정치적 선언만으론 불가능하였다. 더구나 부모를 위하는 의례는 이를 시행하는 자손의 심적인 위안으로 기능할 수 있어야 했다. 낯설고 준비하기 어려운 유교 원칙이 적용된 종묘의례는 사회 일반이 실행할 수 없었고, 설령 가능하다고 해도, 이를 통해 위안을 받는다는 의례 목적이 달성될 수 없었다. 종묘 의례의 정비는 유교 의례의 기본적 전제였다. 그러나 이것만으로 가능하지 않았던 조상 의례의 사회적 확산은 속제 범주의 의례가 마련됨으로써 가능할 수 있었다. Joseon proclaimed the implementation of Confucian rituals at the enthronement message. Buddhist style ancestral rituals, which had been traditionally applied for a long period, were replaced with Confucian rituals when related rituals were implemented after the death of kings and queens. Joseon-style rituals were established at the Jongmyo Shrine during the process to enshrine the tablet of King Taejo after his death. Various rituals such as those at the royal tombs, private shrines, and portrait shrines were formalized based on the rituals used at the Jongmyo Shrine. Meanwhile, movements such as prostrations and bowing with hands clasped, which were not included in the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine, were applied during local Confucian rituals for ancestors. Procedures such as sacrificial libations (offering of silk cloth) and the partaking of sacrificial food and drink were implemented in a different manner from the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine. The procedures for ancestral rituals were gradually unified during the reign of King Sejong by mitigating movements that were not included in the standard Confucian rituals and adding or omitting other procedures when a ritual ceremony was composed. Local Confucian rituals for ancestors were originally organized based on the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine. However, the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine were subsequently modified to reflect the patterns established at the local Confucian rituals for ancestors. The ancestral rituals for the royal family found in the Gukjo Oryeui (Five Rites of State) were the result of the presence of consistent principles since the reign of King Taejong. The rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine, which represented the Joseon dynasty’s official ritual system, were setup in accordance with the universal Confucian rituals of East Asia. The Munso Shrine, royal tombs, and portrait shrines, all of which fell under the category of local Confucian rituals for ancestors, reflected the traditional folkways of Joseon. Although some of the procedures were omitted, these were well suited for the Confucian rituals. The established ancestral rituals thoroughly exhibited the Confucian style in that these rituals proceeded in a manner that did not differentiate between the Jomyo Shrine and local Confucian rituals for ancestors. Rituals implications and significance lay in the fact that they are implemented in the entire society. Buddhist-style ancestral rituals had already become entrenched by the time the Joseon dynasty was founded. These Buddhist-style ancestral rituals could not be removed solely based on political proclamations. Furthermore, the ancestral rituals for parents only became possible when they functioned as a psychological consolation for the descendants who implemented the rituals. The general people of the Joseon dynasty could not implement the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine involving strange and difficult Confucian principles. Although the rites spread to the masses, the goals of the rituals to receive consolation could not be achieved. The organization of rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine became the basic prerequisite for Confucian rituals. The social diffusion of ancestral rituals became possible once the local confucian rituals for ancestors were established.

조선후기 造泡屬寺의 운영 실태 - 坡州三陵의 美黃寺 사례를 중심으로 -

탁효정 순천대학교 남도문화연구소 2020 南道文化硏究 Vol.0 No.40

The purpose of this paper is to understand the management of the Joposoksa Temple in the late Joseon Dynasty through the case of the Yeongam Mihwangsa Temple in the Joseon dynasty in Paju Three Tombs. In the Joseon Dynasty, there were temples in most Royal Tombs. Various temples called Temples belong to Royal Tombs(陵寢寺), Royal Tombs’ Temple(능사), Palace for Memorial Ceremony(齋宮), Joposa Temple (造泡寺), Joposoksa Temple(造泡屬寺) were installed. Among them, the Joposoksa Temple played the role of financially supporting the Joposa Temple. The Joposoksa Temple in the late Joseon Dynasty can be classified into three types. First, one temple is in charge of fatigue in several royal tombs at the same time. Second, this is the case where a small temple near the royal tomb was chosen as the Joposa Temple. Third, a temple designated as the Joposa Temple played various roles in addition to the Jopo charge. In this way, when it was difficult for one or two Joposa Temples to play the role of fatigue at Royal Tomb, the Royal Court installed Joposoksa Temple to relieve the economic burden of Joposa Temple. In the early 19th century, when all the Joposa Temples in Paju Three Tombs were ruined, the Royal Court designated Bogwangsa Temple in Paju as the Joposa Temple in Paju Three Tombs, and soon made Yeongam Mihwangsa Temple as the Joposoksa Temple. The Mihwangsa Temple was to pay 200 Nyangs of tax annually, and instead was exempted from all 20 or more fatigue duties. Of the 200 Nyang paid to the Mihwangsa Temple, 100 Nyang were paid for the fatigue cost of Bogwangsa Temple, but the remaining 100 Nyang were spent for the management of Paju Three Tombs. The Joposoksa Temple in the late Joseon Dynasty was installed for the financial aid of the temple in charge of the heavy charge among the royal tombs. These temples were often located remotely from the royal tombs like the Mihwangsa Temple, and most of them were in charge of financial and material assistance without a direct charge. In exchange for the financial assistance of the Joposa Temple, the Joposoksa Temple was able to be exempted from the enormous fatigue duty that it had previously been in charge of. 본고는 조선후기 파주삼릉의 조포속사인 영암 미황사의 사례를 통해 조선후기 조포속 사의 운영 실태를 파악하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 조선시대 대부분의 陵園에는 사찰이 배치되었다. 능침사, 능사, 재궁, 조포사, 조포속 사로 불리던 다양한 사찰들이 설치되었는데, 그 중에서도 조포속사는 조포사를 경제적으 로 보조하는 역할을 담당하였다. 조선후기 조포속사는 세 가지 유형으로 구분할 수 있다. 첫째 한 곳의 사찰이 여러 왕릉의 조포 역을 동시에 담당할 경우이다. 둘째 왕릉 인근의 영세한 사찰을 조포사로 삼은 경우이다. 셋째 조포사로 지정된 사찰이 조포 역 이외에도 다양한 역할을 담당한 경우이다. 이처럼 1~2곳의 조포사가 능원묘의 조포 역을 담당하기 어려울 때 조정에서는 조포속사를 설치해 조포사의 경제적 부담을 덜어주었다. 19세기 초 파주삼릉의 조포사가 모두 폐사하자, 조정에서는 파주 보광사를 파주삼릉 의 조포사로 지정하고 곧이어 영암 미황사를 조포속사로 삼았다. 미황사는 매년 200냥 의 세액을 납부하게 되었고, 대신 기존에 수행하던 20가지 이상의 잡역을 모두 면제를 받았다. 미황사에서 납부한 200냥 가운데 100냥은 보광사의 조포 비용으로 지급되었지 만, 나머지 100냥은 파주삼릉의 운영 비용으로 소요되었다. 조선후기의 조포속사는 왕릉 조포사 중에서도 과중한 역을 담당하는 사찰의 경제적 보조를 위해 설치되었다. 이들 사찰은 미황사와 같이 왕릉에서 원거리에 위치한 경우가 많았으며, 직접적인 역 없이 금전적인 보조와 香炭 역을 담당하는 경우가 대부분이었다. 조포사의 경제적 보조를 담당하는 대가로 조포속사는 기존에 담당하던 막대한 잡역을 면제받을 수 있었다.

〈集安 高句麗碑〉로 본 守墓制

李成制(Lee Seong Je) 한국고대사학회 2013 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.70

새로 발견된 〈집안고구려비〉는 廣開土王이 王陵 修復과 立碑 등의 정비를 통해 본격적인 왕릉 守墓制가 시행된다는 사실을 선포한 비라고 판단된다. 비문을 구성하고 있는 주요 내용은 宗廟 등 국가적 제례의 정비에 후속하여 수묘제를 시행한다는 것을 알리는 것으로 특정 왕의 무덤을 지키기 위해 세운 비에 기재될 내용이 아니다. 비문에는 여러 왕의 왕호가 보이는데, 그 중 美川王?故國原王?廣開土王의 세 사람 왕호가 연칭되고 있는 부분은 이 비의 독자적 측면을 가장 잘 보여준다. 이는 수묘제와 관련된 일련의 사업이 이들 3명의 왕 시대를 통해 추진되었음을 강조하는 筆法으로 여겨진다. 세 명의 왕이 시행한 일련의 조치는 그동안 방만하게 운영되고 있었던 종묘 등 국가적 제례를 정비한 것으로 여겨진다. 시조 鄒牟王을 비문 서두에 내세우고 수묘인의 역할로 祭祀를 언급했던 연유가 여기에 있었던 것이다. 광개토왕이 정비한 수묘제의 내용은 왕릉을 修復하고 立碑한 것으로 喪葬祭禮에서 가장 마지막 단계인 수묘 의례에 걸맞는 것이었다. ‘烟戶頭’ 20명의 이름을 일괄하여 밝히고 있는 기술 방식은 이들에게 책임을 묻고자 하는 의도를 보여준다. 각 왕릉에 배정되어 책임을 지는 연호두가 누구인가를 밝혀 수묘제 운영에 대한 책임을 지우려 한 것으로, 역대 왕릉의 확정에 뒤따른 관리체계의 일환으로 여겨진다. 이 비가 본격적인 수묘제가 시행된다는 것을 선포하기 위해 광개토왕이 세운 비라는 이해를 이를 통해서도 확인할 수 있다. The newly discovered “Koguryo Stele in Ji’an” is assessed to be a stele that represents King Gwanggaeto’s proclamation of the fact that the system for tending royal tombs would be taken place on a full-scale after a series of maintenance, such as restoration of royal tombs and erecting tombstones. As the epitaph was mainly focused on that the system for tending tomb would be carried out as a follow-up of the reorganization of national ritual process such as Jongmyo, royal shrine, such subject is not what it is to be put on a stele to guard the tomb of King. There are several titles of Kings in the epitaph. The part that calls the titles of three Kings in a row, King Micheon(美川王), King Gogukwon(故國原王), and King Gwanggaeto(廣開土王), particularly demonstrates the independent aspect of the stele the best. That is regarded as the writing style that emphasized that a series of projects in association with the system for tending tomb were promoted by the dynasties of the three Kings. It is also considered that such actions by the three Kings were reorganization of national ritual process including Jongmyo which had been managed too loose. This was why King Chumo(鄒牟王) was referred at the beginning of the epitaph and ancestral rites were mentioned as a role of the tomb’s caretakers. The reformed system for tending tomb by King Ganggaeto was to restore royal tombs and erect tombstones, befitting the ceremony of tending tomb that is at the final stage of the Funeral Rites and Ancestral Rites process (Sanjang-Jere, 喪葬祭禮) The way to describe that mentioned the names of 20 leaders of the house of the tomb’s caretaker (Yonhodu, 烟戶頭) at once indicates an intention to hold them responsible. It is regarded to be aimed at identifying those who were assigned as leaders of the house of the tomb’s caretaker for each royal tomb and making them take responsibility for operating the system for tending tomb, as a part of management system following the confirmation of Kings’ tombs in generations. This gives us the understanding of that the stele was built to declare the implementation of the reformed system for tending tomb by King Gwanggaeto on a full-scale.

고구려 벽화고분의 帷帳의 설치와 기능

박아림(PARK Ah-rim) 고구려발해학회 2012 고구려발해연구 Vol.44 No.-

본 연구는 최근의 중국 고분미술의 연구방법론을 적용하여 2차원적 평면 형식으로 표현된 고구려 벽화의 배치와 구성을 건축적 요소(구조와 설치물)와 장식적 요소(회화)가 결합된 3차원적인 공간으로 인식하여 이해하고자 하였다. 고구려 초기와 중기 벽화고분에서 발견되는 (제)단, 휘장 걸이용 小孔, 관대, 감실의 설치 등 다양한 건축적 요소들은 고구려 벽화고분의 전체적 장식 계획과 일정한 관계를 가지고 고려 설치되었을 것으로 생각된다. 본문에서는 고구려 고분이라는 장의 공간에서 장식문양의 기능과 역할을 ‘왕’자유운문과 小孔의 출현사례를 통하여 고찰하고, 중국 고분의 병풍, ?帳架, 石床, 제대, 圍屛石榻, 가옥형 石槨 출토 사례를 비교하여 그 기능과 역할을 알아보았다. 고구려 벽화고분의 ?帳의 기능을 세 가지 비교사례를 통하여 고찰하였는데 첫 번째 사례는 戰國~漢代의 帛畵(帛書畵, 棺壁帛畵, 覆棺帛畵)와 같이 魂帛, 引魂幡, 仙幡, 帛質의 “墓志”으로 역할 하였을 가능성이다. 두 번째는 일본의 천수국만다라수장으로 성덕태자의 극락왕생을 위해 제작된 수장이 실제로 성덕태자의 葬具로 기능하였다는 견해가 있어 주목된다. 마지막 사례는 백제의 무령왕릉으로 제대의 설치와 휘장 장식 부속구로 추정되는 은제금구가 최근 확인되었다. 무령왕릉의 연화문 장식문양과 철정의 설치는 고구려 장식문양 고분의 小孔과 연관하여 고대 한국의 장식문양고분과 유장의 설치의 관계에 대하여 흥미로운 비교사례를 제시한다. 고분미술에서 건축과 장식이 결합되어 나타내는 것은 묘주의 영좌 또는 묘주를 제사지내는 공간의 표현이다. 중국 위진남북조 고분의 병풍, 유장, 석상, 석곽 등 고분 내 구조물에 대한 비교 연구는 2차원적인 벽화로 표현되든 3차원적인 조각이나 건축으로 표현되든 고구려와 중국 고분 안의 관, 곽, 유장(휘장), 석탑은 모두 묘주를 위한 葬具로서 묘실 안에 일정한 상장 의식과 장의 풍속에 따라 설치된 것임을 보여준다. 고구려 벽화고분 중에서 이러한 건축과 장식의 기능과 관계를 종합적으로 표현하는 것은 순천의 천왕지신총으로 묘실 전체가 장식 휘장이 둘러쳐진 목조가옥 안에서 묘주에 대한 제사를 드리는 葬儀 공간을 형상화하고 있다. 천왕지신총의 벽화장식과 건축적 특징은 고구려 벽화고분의 묘주도, 장식문양도, ?帳, 목조구조물이 어떻게 결합되어 축조되었는가를 잘 보여준다. 이러한 구조적·장식적 특징은 북위 송소조묘의 가형 석곽을 연상케 하며 중국 고분에서 발견된 가형 석곽과 석탑이 가진 제의적 상징성, 고분 내에 석조로 재현된 목조 사당의 상징성을 공유하는 것이다. Based on the current research methodology of Chinese funerary arts, the present paper aims to understand the composition and placement of Koguryo tomb murals as the three dimensional incorporation of the architectural and decorative elements. Various architectural elements such as a platform, nail holes on walls, a coffin bed, and a niche in a Koguryo mural tomb must have been installed in a tomb with the consideration of the decorative scheme of the tomb. Thus, the function of decorative motifs of Koguryo tombs within a funerary space was studied with the case study of a cloud motif with a character ‘wang’ and nail holes in some Kogoryo tombs. And then, I explored the excavated examples of a screen, a curtain, a stone bed, a ritual platform, a stone bed with a screen, and house-shaped sarcophagi of Chinese tombs to understand how a curtain and a nail hole might have been installed and functioned in Koguryo Regarding the function of the decorated curtains in Koguryo tombs, it can be compared with the silk paintings covering a coffin or a chamber wall from the Warring States to the Han, which functioned as a painting helping the deceased to ascend to heaven. Second comparable example is the Tenjukoku Sh?ch? Mandala which might have functioned as a funerary instrument for the Prince Shotoku. The last case is the Tomb of King Muryong from Paekche which were constructed with lotus flower motif bricks. Archaeologies recently re-examined the King Muryong tomb and discovered several nail holes on the chamber walls, a sacrificial platform, and silver implements for installing a curtain. In a funerary art, an architecture and a decoration are usually incorporated to represent a ritual space for the spirit seat of the deceased. Among Koguryo mural tombs, the Tomb of the Heavenly Kings and the Earthly Spirits would be the best example showing such function and relationship between an architecture and a decoration. The entire tomb chambers present a ritual space for the deceased inside a wooden house surrounded by a hanging curtain decorated with a lotus and turtle shell motif. Its structural and decorative features remind us of the houseshaped sarcophagus in the Tomb of Song Shaozu. It helps us assume that Koguryo mural tombs might have shared the ritual symbolism of a wooden or stone shrine embodied in a house-shaped sarcophagus or a stone screen bed discovered in Chinese tombs.