문화재 주변지역 건축규제 개선방안

장윤배(Yoon-Bae Chang),이훈,좌승희 경기연구원 2007 경기개발연구원 기본연구 Vol.2007 No.11

In the surrounding area near the cultural assets, the construction, building and something affecting to the preservation of the historic monuments are possible only when they get the legal permission of the Cultural Properties Protection Committee that is set up by the Cultural Properties Protection Law. As the result of the legal process, the historical monuments have been recognized as the obstruction against the development of the concerned regions. At the times of the renovation in Gyeonggi province, we need to take a proper step that enable us to take the historical monuments not as the hinderance against development but as the golden advantage by using them appropriately. In this study, through synthesizing the cultural assets protection policy and urban planning process, we intend to foster proper measures that can enable us to harmonize building control with historical monuments. The building control near the historical monuments had been specified on the building law before. However, since the deliberation system controlling the surrounding area near the cultural assets has been introduced, the building control near cultural monuments is being prescribed on the Cultural Properties Protection Law. In Gyeonggi province, there are 734 national historical monuments and 524 regional historical monuments. Through examining the results about the applications for the building permission near the historical monuments, the permission rate by the Cultural Properties Protection Committee was only 35 %. In the aspects of the causes for nonpermissions, the committee are indicating the reservation of landscape as the justification for the nonpermissions. Therefore, we can easily know that the purpose of building control near the historical monuments is extended to the protection of landscape in the surrounding area of the cultural assets. The problems that we want to point out for the deliberation system controlling the surrounding area near the cultural assets are as follows. Firstly, the deliberation system is too leaning toward to legal regulations. Secondly, the permission yardsticks used in the deliberation are some uniformally standardizations without consideration for the characteristic locations of the respective monuments. Thirdly, the building control system is only for the monuments themselves, not considering how the concerned area near the historical monuments should be developed. Fourthly, there is not any financial support or any tax favor that should be properly given to the owners of lands and buildings near the monuments. About the deliberation system controlling the surrounding area near the cultural assets, the improvements we want to suggest are as follows. ○ Understanding correctly the historical monuments We need to give the person to understand that the cultural assets are not obstructions against the development but the opportunities for the development and economical growth by informing the examples of the advanced nations such as France and Italy. ○ Establishing supporting system for the surrounding area We need to compensate appropriately the building owners in the concerned area for the building regulations. ○ Establishing the special law for supporting Historical landscape We need to integrate the urban planning process and cultural assets protections policy. In addition, We suggest the special law in which the financial support and substantial land use can be realized. ○ Formulating the masterplan for conservation of Cultural assets In Gyeonggi province and self-government bodies, we should formulate the masterplan for the development of the concerned area and the historical monument. In addition, we need to make a specific urban-planning measures for the development of the surrounding area ○ Harmonizing the control to the urban planning measures If it is impossible for us to formulate the masterplan, the delibera

역사 유적과 현대 예술의 접목 -프랑스 ACCR의 활동을 중심으로

손정훈 ( Jeong Houn Son ) 韓國佛語佛文學會 2009 불어불문학연구 Vol.0 No.80

L`objectif de cette etude consiste a deceler les enjeux de l`introduction des activites artistiques dans les monuments historiques. Pour commencer, nous avons examine le debat ayant eu lieu en 2002 autour de la politique d`action culturelle de Centres des monuments nationaux(Monum) alors dirige par Jacques Renard. Ce dernier a projete l`introduction d`envergure des activites artistiques contemporaines dans les monuments historiques, ce qui a provoque la protestation des administrateurs du Monum et des specialistes du monument historique. A partir de l`analyse de ce debat, nous constatons que ce qui est directement mise en cause, ce n`est pas l`introduction elle-meme des activites artistiques, mais la maniere dont elle est menee. Jacques Renard accorde plus d`importance sur l`art cotemporain tandis que ses opposants donnent la priorite au monument. Cette difference de la position nous amene a nous interroger sur le motif de la rencontre entre les activites artistiques et le monument historique. L`introduction des activites artistiques fait partie de l`animation du monument historique. Des les annees 60, le ministere de la culture entame la politique de l`animation pour donner une nouvelle vie aux monuments qui ont perdu leurs fonctions originelles: c`est ce qu`on appelle la reutilisation. La plupart des monuments de Monum n`entre pas dans cette categorie; d`ou la confrontation des deux camps. De ce point de vue, le cas de l`ACCR(Association des Centres culturels de rencontre) peut se montrer comme un exemple typique de la reutilisation du monument historique. L`ACCR se donne des le depart pour vocation de faire revivre les monuments peu actives. L`Abbaye de Royaumont, un des membre de l`ACCR, se focalise sur la formation des jeunes artistes. Royaumont adopte cette direction a partir du constat sur l`environnement culturel de la region ou il se trouve, Ile-de-France. Ainsi, une abbaye privee, peu visitee, prend sa place desormais au coeur de la vie culturelle francilienne. Les sites et les monuments de plus en plus nombreux cherchent a seduire un public peu ou pas motive, en s`appuyant sur l`introduction des activites artistiques. Mais les resultat ne donnent pas toujours des indices positifs. Pour reussir a cette politique, il faudrait d`abord l`evaluation objective de l`etat actuel du monument et de sa valeur. Les activites artistiques devrait etre considerees comme de quoi donner une nouveau souffle de la vie aux monuments momentanement endormis, non pas comme un evenement mediatique, passe-partout.

제국일본의 식민지배와 공공기념물

김이순 한국근현대미술사학회(구 한국근대미술사학회) 2017 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.34 No.-

It is from the late 19th century when large monuments began to be constructed in public spaces in Korea. As the Emperor Gojong constructed the monument for the 40th anniversary of inauguration of the Emperor Gojong, not only he desired for a succession of tradition, but also enhanced the status of the Empire by utilizing the urban space with modernized conception. However, even before the monument was settled as part of the city landmark, the Japanese Empire constructed various formation of enormous monuments in major areas of the city that were never seen in traditional society before. They constructed monuments in tribute to those Japanese who died in Joseon from 1879, before Japan’s annexation of Korea, and a monument that invokes the spirits of the dead, who died in Joseon about 20 years ago. Also, they constructed a monument in Namsan, Seoul – where Joseon people hold it sacred – that commemorates those who were killed in battle. Furthermore, Japanese earned their legitimacy of the settlement by hosting commemorative rites for the spirits of the dead. Therefore, they cut off the stream of the modern monument construction with tradition in the period of the Korean Empire. As the Japanese Empire constructed all kinds of monuments in earnest all over the nation after Japan’s annexation of Korea, they used it as creating the ideology of colonization. There are various types of monuments that Japanese Empire constructed in modern era of Korea, and this paper focuses on the formative characteristics such as 1) the type of a triumphal arch shape, 2) the type of arms shape, 3) the type of a stele shape, and 4) the type of an obelisk shape. Furthermore, this study seeks to perceive the significance of them. Other than bronze statues or monuments for the war dead, studies on public monuments of the Japanese colonialism were never achieved even the primary research. Although the Japanese Empire constructed lots of various public monuments in order to bring out and enlighten the colonialized people, we overlooked the existence of those monuments constructed by Japanese, because we destroyed most of them right after the liberation. This study, as an essay of the research on modern public monuments in Korea, hopes not only to find how the Japanese Empire utilized the public monuments in Korea in creating the colonization ideology, but also to be promoted to understand the contemporary public monuments.

17세기 전반 高僧碑 건립과 조선 불교계

손성필(Sohn Sung-phil) 한국사연구회 2012 한국사연구 Vol.156 No.-

No memorial monument to an eminent Buddhist monk was established during the first 200 years of the Joseon era. Rather, such structures only began to be erected during the 17<SUP>th</SUP> century. All in all, some 170 memorial monuments for eminent Buddhist monks were erected during the late Joseon era. These memorial monuments were erected in conjunction with Buddhist monks from the group that followed the monk Cheongheo (Seosan). The inscriptions on these memorial monuments were written by high-ranking officials. The ruling ssiok (scholar-gentry) class were the only members within Joseon society who were allowed to dedicate such memorial monuments. While monks from the lineage of Checngheo petitioned high-ranking officials from the ruling class to write inscriptions for the memorial monuments of their master. the memorial monument could only be established when a high-ranking official permitted such an action. The first memorial monument erected for an eminent Buddhist monk during late Joseon was that of the monk Samyeong during the reign of the Gwanghaegun (1609~1623). However, it was only after the establishment of the monk Cheongheo’s memorial monument during the reign of King Injo (1623~1649) that the typical characteristics of memorial monuments of late Joseonemerged. These included a descriptive attitude that maintained a certain distance from Buddhism. and the expression of the rightful tradition of the Imje (or Linii) Sect of Buddhism. The followers of the monks Samyeong, Pyeonyang, and Jewel, all of which hailed from the line of Cheongheo, intended to elevate the status of their masters and heighten the reputation of their schools through the establishment of memorial monuments and the publication of collections of their masters’ essays and writings. Based on the establishment of a memorial monument for the monk Cheongheo and the clarification of the rightful tradition on the Imje Sect of Buddhism. the followers of Pyeonyang were able to secure his status as the rightful successor of Cheongheo and the Imje Sect. It eventually expanded to become the mainstream within the Buddhist sector during late Joseon. Meanwhile, the schools of the monks Samyeong and Jewol gradually declined. Considering these facts. the establishment of memorial monuments for eminent Buddhist monks in effect marked the reestablishment of the relationship between the Buddhist sector and ssjok class. the restructuring of the Buddhist sector around the followers of Cheongheo, and the differentiation of the different schools associated with Cheongheo’s line. The establishment of memorial monuments to eminent Buddhist monks can be construed as having played a keyrole in the formation of the Buddhism of late Joseon.

황토현 ‘갑오동학혁명기념탑’과 동학농민혁명 상징 기념탑에 대한 일고-대안적 동학농민혁명 상징물 재고를 위해서-

김인덕 한국민족운동사학회 2013 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.77

As a educational point of view in museum, modern history displays would be able to herald universal stories in exhibition. Because modern history in Korea has a fact that regulation power in realistic. With this, examining Gabo Donghak revolution monument in Hwangtohyun and symbolized monuments for Donghak revolution & contemporary outdoor displays in museum are quite meaningful. In many of symbolized facilities, Gabo Donghak revolution monument in Hwangtohyun is the earliest in history. In July, 1963. Promotion committee for construction were established and monument buit in rate. This monument had a totally different progression of procedure. This Gabo Donghak revolution monument were built in Hwangtohyun where had a nature of history. So far, memorials for Donghak peasantry movement are monument, cenotaph, the boundaries of grave, birthplace. While, Donghak movement monument in Hwangtohyun were built by preparatory committee and the Gonju diocese in Cheondogyo. The specialty for this is that it emphasized 5ㆍ16 military revolution & the October Revitalizing Reforms. Gabo Donghak revolution centennial monument is specialized by non-political issues. This is differ from two other Donghak revolution monuments. Also, Donghak revolution monuments in Baeksan is symbolized by three different huge stone but the place where it built is dissimilar. Additionally, Moomyung-Donghak peasantry monument were raised by citizen with different symbolism. In addition, Donghak peasantry monument in Changheung were built by Changheung residents but it is authority prestige. As studied previously, most of Donghak peasantry memorial artifects were built in intense. It is fact that this projected a shadow of actual political issues. The problem is that when we build this kind of monument, should not focus on outdoor displays where is able to hold large spaces. From now on, establishing Donghak peasantry monument, agreement from nation, citizen, and local should be required. All of monuments are possessed these people. Additionally, Donghak peasantry memorials is not reflection of modern history but the spirit of the times. Future monuments is not only consider economic effect but also surroundings and brand new ideas should be considered with educational fact. Participatory exhibit is also reconsidered. 박물관 교육학적인 차원에서 볼 때, 한국현대사 전시물은 전시의 보편적인 내용을 그 어떤 전시물 보다 적극적으로 전달할 수 있다. 그것은 현대사라는 현실적 규정력 때문이다. 이런 차원에서 볼 때 황토현의 ‘갑오동학혁명기념탑’과 동학농민혁명 상징 기념탑과 주요 현대사 박물관의 옥외 전시물을 살펴보는 것은 유의미한 일이다. ‘갑오동학혁명기념탑’은 상징적 시설물 가운데 역사적으로 가장 빠르다. 1963년 7월 건립추진위원회가 만들어지고 빠른 속도로 기념탑이 설치되었다. 다른 기념비와 상징물이 만들어지는 것과 다른 진행 절차를 밟아 ‘갑오동학혁명기념탑’은 조성되었다고 보인다. 이 ‘갑오동학혁명기념탑’은 황토현 전적지에 건립되어 역사성이 있는 장소를 선택한 것에는 의문의 여지가 없다. 지금까지 동학농민혁명 관련 각종 기념물로는 기념탑, 위령탑, 묘역, 생가, 추모비, 전투지 등이 확인된다. 이 가운데 동학혁명군위령탑은 ‘동학혁명군위령탑 건립준비위원회’가 주도해 건립되었고, 천도교 공주교구가 주도했다. 여기에서는 5ㆍ16과 10월 유신을 부각하고 있는 것이 특징이다. ‘갑오동학혁명 100주년 기념탑’은 다른 전술한 동학농민혁명 관련 기념과 위령하는 두 탑과 달리 정치적 경향성이 노골적이지 않다. 또한 백산의 갑오동학혁명 기념탑은 세 개의 대형 석재로 상징성을 부각하고 있으나 세워진 현장은 접근성이 떨어진다. 아울러 무명동학농민군위령탑은 시민들이 주도하여 세워졌고, 이에 따라 상징성을 달리 가져가고 있다. 또한 장흥읍 충렬리 천관마을 동학농민혁명 기념탑은 장흥군민들의 후원 속에 추진위원회가 주도하여 설립되었으나 권위적인 모습을 보이고 있다. 그런가 하면 2000년대의 삼례봉기 역사광장은 역사기념 공간과 조형물을 조성하여 기념비적 공간이라고 평가하기도 한다. 본고에서 살펴본 것처럼 동학농민혁명 관련 기념물은 민족 기념물 가운데 절대 다수이고 집중적으로 건설되었다. 이러한 내용은 현실 정치와 깊은 관계 속에서 조성되어졌던 것이 사실이다. 문제는 동학농민혁명 기념물을 설립할 때 넓은 야외 전시 공간을 적극 활용하는 데만 그쳐서는 곤란하다는 점이다. 향후 동학농민혁명 상징물 건립에서는 국민적, 시민적, 지역민의 합의가 우선적이어야 한다. 이를 향유하는 주체가 바로 보통 시민이기 때문이다. 아울러 동학농민혁명 기념물은 단순 현대사의 반영이 아닌 시대정신을 구현해야 한다. 나아가 미래의 동학농민혁명 기념물은 경제적 효과뿐만 아니라, 주변의 환경과 결합된 새로운 발상의 전환에 기초한 교육적 요소가 들어간 시설이 되어야 한다. 특히 여기에서는 체험형 공간의 조성도 고려해야 할 것이다.

신라(新羅) 중고기(中古期) 서사(書寫)·각석(刻石)·입비(立碑) 전문가(專門家)의 분화(分化)와 서법(書法)·금석학(金石學)의 발달(發達)

하성민 ( Seongmin Ha ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2022 사총 Vol.105 No.-

Transcription by transcribers at Myeonghwal Fortress Monument means the act itself of transcription for the sentences to be inscribed in monuments. Transcribers at Uljin Geobeolmorabi, Danyang Jeokseongbi and Changnyeong Monument Marking Visit of King Jinheung were real examples of transcription experts. And 'written monuments'(書石) could be found at 'Written Monuments Valley' of Uljin Cheonjeon-ri Monument Inscription' and monument writing (石書)-the same term of written monuments-at Erectors of Monument of Danyang Jeokseongbi. Here, 'written monuments' (書石) and monument writing (石書) mean inscribed monuments and monument inscription respectively, and inscribers at Uljin Geobeolmorabi were inscription experts. And figures registered as monument erectors at Uljin Geobeolmorabi and as erectors of inscribed monuments at Danyang Jeokseongbi were experts in monument erection. The existence of transcribers, inscribers, erectors at Uljin Geobeolmorabi demonstrated that job division in carrying out transcription, inscription, erection was done in the most reasonable and effective way. The process of monument erection as such changed to two phases of transcription and erection at Danyang Jeokseongbi. Thus, job division system of three phases of transcription - inscription-erection at Uljin Geobeolmorabi changed to two phases of transcription-erection at Danyang Jeokseongbi, making an effective erection process. This prevalence of variant letters a t epigraphic materials during the Middle Period(中古期) of Silla began from the distribution of copied Buddhist scriptures. This made one of Wei stele style prevailing in China then accommodated and used in Silla. So, development of graphonomy and exegetics then initiated from the work of exact interpretation of each Chinese letters copied in various letter styles of this Wei stele. As was the case in Goguryeo, this was possible because books favorably read at the time included Yupian and dictionaries of Jatong and Jarim. In particular, Yupian published by Gu Yewang during the Liang Dynasty illustrated completely-summarized regular script, making it highly appreciated. Furthermore, Jatong was also a letter book that summarized variant letters, making it ever more influential.

<하르부르크 반파시즘 기념비>에 나타난 반기념비(counter-monument)의 특성과 공공성에 관한 연구

허효빈(Hur, Hyo-Bin) 서양미술사학회 2015 서양미술사학회논문집 Vol.42 No.-

본 논문은 제2차 세계대전 이후 독일에서 대안적인 기념물의 개념을 제시했던 <하르부르크 반파시즘 기념비>(1986∼1993)에 관하여 살펴본 연구이다. 고대로부터 공동체의 결속을 위하여 수많은 기념물들이 조성되었고, 집단의 가치를 표상하는 기념물들은 지배체제의 이념을 가시화하고 제도화하는데 있어서 중추적인 역할을 수행해왔다. 그러나 20세기에 들어서면서 그동안 도외시되었던 대상이나 배제된 기억을 기념하기를 원하는 공공의 요구에 부응하는 새로운 경향의 기념물들이 생겨나기 시작했다. 이에 대하여 미학자 제임스 영은 전통적인 기념물의 성격을 부정하는 ‘반기념비’라 칭하였으며, 독일 북부 함부르크 지방의 하르부르크에 위치한 <하르부르크 반파시즘 기념비>는 대표적인 반기념비 작품으로 일컬어진다. 독일에서는 전후에 과거극복을 위한 사회적인 노력들이 지속적으로 시행되었고, 그 일환으로 수많은 공공기념물들이 건립되었다. 이러한 맥락에서 기획된 <하르부르크 반파시즘 기념비>에서는 하르부르크 시민들과 방문객들의 적극적인 참여를 촉구하며 기념비 위에 서명을 남길 것을 요청하였다. 공공의 참여로 인해서 작품의 표면이 채워질수록 기념비는 서서히 낮아졌고, 처음 공개된 1986년 이후부터 7년 동안 서서히 소멸하다가 1993년에는 지상에서 자취를 감췄다. 이렇듯 <하르부르크 반파시즘 기념비>는 스스로가 소멸해버리는 부정의 방식을 채택하여 독일의 과거문제를 환기하고 독일인들이 더 깊은 성찰의 과정에 이르도록 유도하였다. 더불어 참여를 통해 역사의 맥락 속에 스스로를 위치시키는 경험을 제공하였으며, 그 표면에 새겨진 내용들은 다시 사회적인 담론을 불러왔다. 나아가 이 작품이 완전히 가라앉아 보이지 않게 되자, 그와 관련된 모든 논의는 공공의 몫으로 확장되었다. 이처럼 <하르부르크 반파시즘 기념비>는 독일의 공공기념물에 있어서 ‘반기념비’라는 대안을 제시한 선례가 되었으며, 다양한 관점에서 새로운 접근을 시도하는 공공미술의 가능성을 열어주었다는 점에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있다. The study focuses on The Harburg Monument Against Fascism(Das Harburger Mahnmal gegen Faschismus)(1986∼1993), that suggested an alternative concept of monument in the post-Second World War Germany. Since the ancient times, countless monuments were created to unify the community and those symbolizing the society’s values have played a significant role in visualizing and systemizing the controlling system’s ideology. However, from the beginning of the 20th Century, a new trend of monuments started to appear in response to the demands coming from the public wishing to remember those objects neglected in the past or the memories that were once excluded. Aesthetician James E. Young termed these monuments as ‘counter-monument’ that contradicts the traditional concept. The Harburg Monument Against Fascism located in Harburg of northern Germany’s Hamburg region is one of the most profound example of counter-monuments. Consistent social efforts were made to overcome the past in post-War Germany and numerous public monuments were erected in the course. The Harburg Monument Against Fascism was part of such movement and its manufacturers urged for active participation of the Harburg citizens and visitors, asking them to leave their signature on the monument. As its surface filled up with public participation the monument’s height became shorter and shorter. It slowly expired for the first 7 years since it was first shown to the public in 1986 and disappeared completely in 1993. The Monument chose a negative route of self-annihilation to remind the people of Germany’s problems from the past and lead the Germans to a course of deeper contemplation. At the same time, a direct involvement with the installation allowed the audience to position themselves in the context of history while what’s engraved on the surface invoked a social discourse once again. Furthermore, when the Monument sank completely into the ground and became invisible, all related discussions were expanded into the public domain. The Harburg Monument Against Fascism presented a precedent of counter-monument for the commemorative structures in Germany and is significant in a sense that it opened the door of possibility for the public art making new approaches from various perspectives.

논문(論文) : 조선 왕실의 아기태실비에 대한 양식과 편년 재검토

심현용 ( Hyun Yong Shim ) 대구사학회 2014 대구사학 Vol.116 No.-

I presented in 2006 the study on the style and chronology of Baby Taesil Monuments [First monuments erected in Taesils]found in Taesil[a facility of burying Placenta and umbilical cord] created by the royal family of the Joseon Dynasty. However, it did not accurately discuss the chronology of Bisu[top of monument] and Bidae[pedestal of monument] of the monuments and the previous style and chronology had to be revised as additional monuments have been found. This study revises and supplements the previous study and attempts to address the individual style and chronology of Bisu and Bidae to reconfigure the style and chronology of baby monuments. Also, the monuments` composition was analyzed to observe the transition in the epigraph to supplement the style and chronology of baby monuments. As a result, the composition of baby monuments was largely classified into 5 steps(12 steps in detail). The style and chronology of Bisu were classified into 5 steps(10 steps in detail) while those of Bidae were classified into 3 steps(6 steps in detail) and the overall style of baby monuments was classified into 5 steps(10 steps in detail). The composition of epitaph, which was newly discussed this time, provides additional information on the time of creation of the monument, or Taesil, based on the form of composition even if it is not legible due to wearing. The individual style and chronology of Bisu and Bidae would provide significant evidence on the time of creation even if only a part of the monument remains due to damage. (Curator, Uljin Bongpyeong Sillabi Museum / baekseok@korea.kr)

전쟁 기억의 매개체와 담론의 변화

정호기 ( Ho Gi Jung ) 한국사회사학회 2005 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.68

The Korean War served as the decisive event leading to the division of the Korean Peninsula, and brought about the possibility of recurrent war. The people of Korea suffered from fear of indiscriminate killing during the wartime situation at the end of Japanese colonial rule and the war-torn decade following Korea``s liberation from the Japanese. Memories of the war became embedded in the minds of the people. Over time, monuments have functioned as an important medium for making permanent and official the recollections of the Korean War, reinforced by anti-communist beliefs. The rationale for the sizable number of Korean War monuments among all historic monuments established since Korea``s liberation from the Japanese can be understood in this context. Accordingly, this study analyzed changes to the political system brought about by the war monuments erected in the Mt. Jirisan region, which has been called the "second front line" of the Korean War; the features and regional characteristics of these monuments; types of combat; persons responsible for their construction; ensuing debate, and more. The war monuments of the Mt. Jirisan region were used by the political sector as a means of maintaining stability through the collective memory of the Korean War. It clearly demonstrates that the establishment of such war monuments is clearly demonstrates that the establishment of such war monuments is closely related to political and social circumstances. Staring about a decabe ago, the number of installations paying tribute to the massacred civilians of Gurye began to rise, along with claims differing from existing official reports on the Korean War. Military combat around Mt. Jirisan took place among the South Korean Army, the police, civilian combat units and guerrilla forces; most of the war monuments have relevance to a specific region or incident. These monuments were built by individuals, local residents or veterans of war, either during or immediately after the war. Starting in the late 1970s, the Korean government took the lead in erecting such monuments. The discourse on war monuments has not changed much despite the changing perception of the Korean War and truth investigations of previous governments. Regarding the history of these monuments, with but a few exceptions the dominant recollections to date still carry considerable weight.

조선후기 善政碑 건립 과정과 시기별 추이 -경북지역을 중심으로-

채광수 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2020 민족문화논총 Vol.75 No.-

Monuments of good governance that were constructed until the collapse of the Chosun Dynasty are relics that are representative of the ‘honor’ culture of district magistrates. Monuments of good governance were raised voluntarily by the people, under the lead of e・hyangims, or by local governors (suryeong). Of these three channels, the most frequently used were by e・hyangims and by local governors. Monuments of good governance were erected when exemplary government that c orresponds to the seven events of a magistrate was c arried out or when there was public opinion that the people have shared benefits due to magistrate policies. When decisions were made for the construction of good governance monuments, various procedures were discussed through councils and construction funds and stone transportation were secured through segregation to each myeon. The largest portion of construction costs was used for stone carving and because the compositions of good governance monuments were relatively simple, production did not take long periods of time. With construction trends of good governance monuments in the Chosun Dynasty, there were good governance monument bans during early periods so there were no official erections until the prohibitions were terminated. Even during the Reign of King Jungjong when the prohibition orders were terminated, erections were made under relatively strict standards. The late Chosun Dynasty can largely be divided into three periods. In the first period from the reign of King Seonjo to the reign of King Hyeonjong, issues were raised with the disuse of good governance monuments and as prohibition orders were given a second time during the reign of King Hyeonjong, construction trends were not constant. The second period was from the reign of King Sookjong to the Days of Kings Yeongjo・Jeongjo and with power gained from the strengthening of royal authority, prohibition measures against good governance monuments along with decisive actions towards demolition achieved uniform success. In particular, specific punishment regulations were set against those who violated prohibition orders with the efforts of Park Moon Soo during the reign of King Youngjo and Jeongjo progressed with the demolition of good governance monuments that were in violation of prohibition orders. The third period was that of Sedo politics and it was a period when good governance monuments were constructed regardless of rank in all areas across the country and the period was flooded with good governance monuments.