일반논문 : 서대(西臺) 김충(金沖)의 시에 나타난 정신세계

이구의 ( Ku Eui Lee ) 온지학회 2012 溫知論叢 Vol.0 No.32

본고는 서대(西臺) 김충(金沖: 1513-1572)의 시를 통하여 그의 시에 나타난 정신세계를 고찰하였다. 서대 김충은 조선의 성리학이 무르익어 가던 때에 살았다. 그는 성리학, 또는 도학을 바탕으로 문학 활동을 하였다. 여기서 그의 시에는 선비의 멋과 풍류정신이 나타난다. 서대는 공부만 한 사람이 아니다. 그는 풍류와 멋을 알았다. 그는 풍류의 근원을 자연에서 찾았다. 영롱(玲瓏)한 물방울을 보고 그 의미를 찾았다. 그는 자연을 훈리자(訓理者)로 보았으며, 자연에서 지극한 이치를 터득하였다. 그는 학문에서 가장 중요한 것은 본성을 회복하는 일이라 하였다. 시대의 조류와 맞물려 서대(西臺) 자신의 가학(家學)이 그에게 존심양성(存心養性)을 바탕으로 한 의리학을 충실히 할 수 있게 하였다. 서대는 도가 사람의 마음속에 있다고 한다. 이는 마음이 성정을 통괄한다는 말, 곧 심통성정(心統性情)이다. 이러한 이론은 그의 천인합일의 정신에서 나왔다. 그는 천인합일을 바탕으로 한 인문정신을 견지하고 있다. 이러한 점에서 보면, 그는 소강지유(小康之儒)가 아니라 대동지유(大同之儒)이다. 시는 그 시인의 정신을 표출한 것이다. 여러 사람들의 평가를 보면, 서대의 인품이 아결(雅潔)·고상(高尙)하였다고 한다. 이러한 인품을 지닌 사람이 지은 시는 충담(沖澹)·한아(閒雅)하다. 그의 삶은 안회(顔回)의 그것과 많이 닮았다. 곧 안빈낙도(安貧樂道)의 삶을 살았다. 이는 그가 지행합일의 선비정신을 바탕으로 도학을 몸소 이행한 결과이다. 서대(西臺) 김충(金沖)에 대한 연구 논문은 지금까지 전혀 없다. 그것은 그의 작품이 거의 남아 있지 않기 때문이다. 작품이 적다고 하여 그 존재를 무시해서는 안 된다. 본고를 통하여 묻혀 있는 한 사람의 선비를 새로이 발굴했다는 점에서 그 의의를 찾는다. This thesis examines how the poems of Seodae Kimchoong`s(西臺 金沖: 1513-1572) are linked with life, and what the spiritual sphere in his poetry is. The characteristics of his poems can be summarized into several things. Seodae Kimchoong lived in the maturity of confucianism era. He was born in courtesy family. He was doing literature activity grounded by confucianism, or moral philosophy. Here, his poem appears elegance of classical scholars and refinement mind. He was not doing only study. He knew refinement and elegance. He found originality of elegance by nature. He found the meaning by lucid water drop. He thought nature like a thing that gives admonition of the reason. He achieved obvious principle in nature. He was pointed in his literature, most essential is recover the characteristic of nature. He said in everyone`s mind there is politeness or virtue. This means mind generalizes character. In other words, it is the mind controls one`s nature and temper. This is the spirits of unity of God and man. He caught the viewpoint of human knowledge by unity of God and man. Who has this human knowledge is not a scholar of mean type that`s a scholar of a noble gentleman. It`s derived from an idea of the union of nature and man. Every poem express the poet`s mental. See the people`s comments, Seodae`s personality was grace and noble. The poem is rankness and tranquility. Because who has personality like grace and noble made it. His life resembles part of Anhoi(顔回). In other words he lived in content amid poverty and take delight in the Way. This is the result that he performed in learned man`s mind. From past to contemporary there is no article about Seodae Kimchoong. That`s because his poem hardly remains recently. We should not ignore the represents of him because of scarceness of his poems. Found significance about one buried learned man by this article.

『白社會帖』과〈白社老人會圖〉

송희경(Song Heekyung) 한국미술연구소 2004 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.18

The Baeksa Hoecheop (Baeksa assembly album, 『白社會帖』) is a commemorative album published on the event of the assembly of 14 elderly men in 1784. Composed of 22 pages, the paintings are executed ink and light color on paper, and measure 41.5×31.5㎝, The album begins with the tide, “Baeksa Dongyu (Baeksa members enjoy together, 白社同遊),” and then goes on in pages 4 and 5 recording the pen name, birth date, and birth place of the 14 members. According to the records in pages 4 and 5, the participants included Jeong Gye (鄭棨, 1710-1793), Hong Juman (洪周萬, 1718-?) Jeong Mok (鄭棨, 1720-?), Song Jeno (宋濟魯, 1711-?), Gang Sedong (姜世東, 1714-?), Jeong Jip (鄭集, 1715-?), Eom Gu (嚴球, 1716-?), Yi Jingdae (李徵大, 1717-?), O Myeonggu (吳命久, 1718-?), Hong Gihan (洪起翰, 1719-?), Yi Uihyeong (李宜馨, 1720-?), Yi Hyejo (李惠祚 1721-?), Yi Myoungjun (李命俊, 1722-?), and Sin Taekgwon (申宅權 1722-?). On pages 6 and 7, an introduction is written by Jeong Gye, while on pages 7 to 14, poetry composed by the participants are listed. On page 15, writings by Song Jeno can be seen, and on pages 16 and 17, additional comments by Yi Hyu (李休, 1708-?), Song Jeyu (宋濟愚 1708-?), Bak Heonchae (朴獻采 1716-?) and Hong Eungjin (洪應辰 1710-?) are found. On page 18, Hong Juman s essay (1793) is recorded, while on page 19, Sin Taekgwon S writing (1797) is found. On pages 20 and 21, it appears that Jeong Suyeong (鄭遂榮, 1743-1832)' s paintings were present, but they are now detached. Most of the participants were related to each other. Jeong Gye and Jeong Mok. Song Jeyu and Song Jeno were brothers, while Hong Juman and Gang Sedong, Sin Taekgwon and SongJeyu were in-laws. Moreover, Gang Sedong and Gang Sehwang came from dle same Gang family of the Jinju dan. Eom Gu' s father was Song jeno' s father-in-Iaw making the two brothers-in-law. Thus, the Baeksa-hoe(白社會) assembly members constituted of dose-knit families and friends, in similar ages. Jeong Gye writes in his introduction mat former officials gathered in me west of the city. outside me city walls, in order to spend time together enjoying each others company and composing poetry. And thus, this album was created to record the poetry. Moreover, Sin Taekgwon writes in another essay that the 18 participants were 'extremely dose to each other, sharing and disposing together,' and that their 'good health, comrort, and happiness coming from their correspondence' brought about the production of this album. After retirement, me participants Lived nearby one another and held regular' meetings recalling their past official lifestyle and enjoying their old age. Most of the poetry included in the Baeksa Hoecheop discuss the strong friendship among the participants or the lamentation on me ephemeral life of me contrasting past and present, instead of me depiction of natural scenery or me specific discussion of people. Vocabulary such as 'peaceful reign: 'song of good harvest: and 'dream of high posts' imply me wealth and glory enjoyed in dle younger days, In contrast, words Like 'old age: 'poor home covered in snow', and 'last sear' anticipate the distress and transient life of me aged. In his painting, Jeong Suyeong chose to adopt the circular' composition, often used in elderly assembly paintings or commemorative paintings, continuing the mid Joseon (朝鮮, 1392-1910) assembly painting tradition. By placing the pine tree which symbolized longevity. righteousness and friendship on the right hand Side, the painter emphasizes the lofty characteristics of the participants. Moreover, the elderly, wearing everyday clothes, are depicted with Light ink and colors in steady brushwork, TIle background is also painted with light colors, creating an elegant and mellow atmosphere. Thus, dle figures in me paintings of the Baeksa Assembly present a group of intellectual scholars who also enjoyed refilled aesthetic pleasures. The painting itself is a visual creation by me Literati who pursued idyllic morality and unworldly elegance. The Baek

조선후기 西園雅集圖와 그 다층적 의미 : 金弘道 작품을 중심으로

유보은 한국미술사학회 2009 美術史學硏究 Vol.263 No.263

Xiyuan yaji tu (The Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden) depicts a gathering of renowned literati of Northern Song in Xiyuan, the garden of Wang Shen’s house, located in the capital city of Kaifeng. The illustrious company of sixteen includes the likes of the Daoist priest Chen Jingyuan, the monk Yuantong, and Su Shi, Li Gonglin and Mi Fu. This painting has long been understood as a praise of an elegant gathering between literati. In this paper, I pay attention to the long-neglected fact that the gathering was one among members of the Jiufadang, or the Old Law Party of Northern Song, to underline its political significance. I also explore the ideological and philosophical aspects of this meeting insofar as it is one in which Su Shi, who integrated Buddhism and Daoism into one system of thought, occupies a central position. This Chinese painting theme is presumed to have reached Joseon around the 17th century. Around this time, the influence of the late Ming Dynasty made its literati lifestyle, often associated with gardens, wildly popular in Joseon. Joseon literati held to the ideal of the so-called Three Perfections, which means the equal cultivation of three arts, poetry, calligraphy and painting. Su Shi’s works as a poet, calligrapher and a painter were highly popular in Joseon, also around this period. Once into the 18th century, both the members of its royal house and upper class were fond of paintings on the theme of the Elegant Gathering, owned by many in their private collections. Members of the Joseon literati also liked to compare their own gatherings to the one depicted in Elegant Gathering. Elegant Gathering was perceived by the Joseon literati in various different ways. For some, it was a scene of a banquet among a group of politically like-minded people, while for others, the painting portrayed a poetry meeting where verses were improvised based on motifs from Su Shi’s poems. The understanding of this scene depicted in Elegant Gathering varied according to individual political persuasions. Those who belonged to the Noron group, which dominated the political scene of Joseon at that time saw Elegant Gathering as a leisurely encounter between learned people, while those others belonging to the Namin and Sobuk Groups regarded it as a poetic gathering centered around Su Shi. Paintings on the theme of Elegant Gathering were produced, besides, in Joseon, mainly by people who admired Su Shi. The old surviving Elegant Gathering, produced in Joseon, was by Yun Du-seo, a member of the Namin group. In late Joseon, many painters, led by Kim Hong-do, tried their hand with Elegant Gathering, producing numerous versions of this theme. Kim Hong-do’s works of Elegant Gathering appear to have been directly influenced by Qiu Ying’s works, both in terms of distribution of human subjects and overall composition. Kim Hong-do, however, readapts the composition according to the format, and the landscapes in the background reflect the predominant style of late Joseon. He also adds auspicious motifs, absent in the Chinese versions of this theme. Even though they are variations on the same theme, these paintings differ according to the time of creation, type of target audience and the artist’s intent. The scene depicted on the handheld fan appears foremost an ideal literati gathering, while a political subtext is more apparent in the one on the six-panel folding screen, which also draws attention to the thought of Su Shi. Finally, the gathering scene on the eight-panel folding screen appears to be meant as an edifying scene and is evocative of literary and artistic ideals of the time. 서원아집도는 北宋의 수도 開封에 있었던 王詵의 정원인 西園에서 道士 陳景元과 승려 圓通을 포함하여 蘇軾, 李公麟, 米芾 등 저명한 문인 16명의 모임을 그린 것이다. 지금까지 이 그림은 문인들의 우아한 모임을 칭송하는 장면이라고 이해되었다. 그러나 필자는 서원아집이 북송시대 소식을 중심으로 한 구법당 세력의 모임이라는 정치적인 측면과 유교를 중심으로 불교와 도교를 통합한 소식의 태도를 공유한 모임이라는 사상적인 측면에 주목하여 서원아집도를 새롭게 해석하려고 하였다. 중국의 서원아집도가 조선에 전래된 것은 대략 17세기 경으로 추정된다. 이 시기는 明末 문인문화의 영향으로 庭園ㆍ詩社문화가 성행하고, 詩ㆍ書ㆍ畵 일치의 三絶과 풍류에 대한 동경이 사대부 사이에서 유행했으며, 소식의 작품이 인기도 높았던 때였다. 18세기에는 서원아집도가 왕실과 사대부를 중심으로 활발히 소장ㆍ감상되고 자신들의 모임을 서원아집에 비유하는 경우도 많았다. 당시 사대부들은 서원아집을 유흥적인 풍류모임, 정치적 지향이 같은 집단의 모임, 소식의 시에 次韻하는 시회와 같이 다양하게 인식하였다. 그러나 이러한 인식은 정치적 성향에 따라 달랐다. 당시 정치를 주도했던 老論系 문인들은 서원아집을 유흥이 강조된 풍류모임으로 인식한 반면에, 南人ㆍ小北系 인물들은 소식에 초점을 맞추어 서원아집을 고아한 모임으로 높게 평가하였다. 그리고 소식을 애호했던 인물들에 의해 서원아집도의 제작이 주로 이루어졌다. 현존하는 가장 오래된 서원아집도는 南人인 尹斗緖가 제작한 것이다. 조선 후기에는 金弘道를 중심으로 서원아집도가 활발하게 제작되었다. 이 논문은 김홍도의 <선면 서원아집도>와 <서원아집도 6폭병풍>, 그리고 傳 김홍도의 <서원아집도 8폭병풍>에 주목하여, 양식과 의미를 분석하였다. 그 결과 김홍도는 인물의 배치와 구성에 있어서 明代 仇英의 화풍과 직접적인 관련성을 보였다. 그러나 화면에 따라 구도를 바꾸고, 산수 배경에는 조선 후기 화풍의 특징을 반영했으며 길상적인 소재를 새롭게 추가하여 자신의 작품을 완성하였다. 그리고 동일한 주제의 그림일지라도 제작시기와 감상자, 제작목적에 따라 작품의 의미가 다르다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 따라서 <선면>은 이상적인 문인모임을 상징하였고, <6폭병풍>은 소식의 사상이 반영된 정치적인 의미를 지녔으며, <8폭병풍>은 당시 문예론을 반영한 교훈적 의미를 지닌 것으로 해석하였다. 결론적으로 조선 후기 서원아집도의 의미는 다양하였음을 알 수 있다.

조선후기의 野外雅會圖

송희경 미술사학연구회 2005 美術史學報 Vol.- No.24

'Ahoi'(or elegant assembly, 雅會) was an unofficial gathering of scholars who focused on poetic refinement, different from the grand official assemblies that were formulaic and commemorative. 'Ahoi-do(雅會圖)' paintings, literally 'elegant assembly paintings' changed according to the socio-cultural circumstances; particularly in form, style, content, and meaning. The newly risen scholar class, absorbing the literati culture of Ming (明, 1368-1644) China and succeeding the mid chosun(朝鮮中期 1550-1700) tradition, spent time admiring nature in open air. Late chosun(朝鮮後期, 1700-1850), 'Yaoe ahoi( 野外雅會 or elegant assembly in the open air)' reflect scholar's desire to pursue their literati culture. The origin of late chosun 'Yaoe ahoi can be found in The Springtime Purification at Orchid pavilion(蘭亭修稧). The literati viewed these ancient figures, not as Chinese, but as 'sages' and 'ancient nobles'. Elegant assembly in the Open Air, a professional painter was commissioned to depict the assembly. Among the special commemorative assemblies, many birthdays and farewell parties were held at homes, while special occasions and regular meetings were held open air. Late chosun 'Yaoe ahoi-do' paintings developed distinctive posture, vision, and composition. However, when depicting special occasions such as birthdays, particularly birthdays of the elderly, the figures were placed in a circular composition. 'Yaoe Ahoi' assembly was a cultural by-product of the literati class. The idyllic man sought after by the literati scholars in these assemblies, was a lofty, composed figure who knew how to enjoy elegant and refined activities. The literati who pursued such noble-mindedness and purity desired to form moral and harmonious relationship with others. Thus, 'Yaoe ahoi-do' paintings presented pictorial creations of the literati who strived to realize the idyllic lifestyle of the virtuous man and the unworldly hermit. 야외 아회도는 경치가 좋은 야회에서의 私的이며 자유로운 모임이 연출된 회집도이다. 따라서 야외아회도에서는 문인의 미의식을 알수 있고, 아회인의 풍류를 엿볼 수 있다. 조선후기 문인은 야외모임에서 遊를 실현하여 풍류의 세계에 몰입하고자 하였으며, 蘭亭修禊와 같은 故事風流會를 좋아하여 이를 본받아, 자신의 모임에 고사행위를 그대로 실천하고자 하였다. 야외아회는 17세기에 유입된 명말 문인문화 때문에 더욱 확산되었고, 당시 유행하였던 산수기행 풍조에 힘입어 사대부와 여항인에게 파급되었다. 野外雅會圖는 주로 참석자의 인적사항이나 직접 지은 시구가 粧帖된 시화첩에 수록되었고 특정 기념일이나 정기적인 행사에 주로 제작되었다. 그리고 18세기 전반에는 사대부의 풍류 아회가, 18세기 후반에는 長老와 옥계사의 일상 아회가, 19세기에는 실물상과 실경배경이 표현된 기념아회가 작품화되었다. 野外雅會圖는 동류의식을 지닌 文人들이 경치 좋은 교외로 나가 詩酒와 기승절경을 즐겼던 풍류 현장의 기록화였다. 山과 水를 은거와 유람의 장소로 삼고 풍류를 실현하고자 하였던 아회관은 문인 계층에 친화적으로 수용되었고 이로써 새로운 문인문화가 탄생되었다.

18세기 아회도의 조형성과 그 표상

송희경 ( Hee Kyung Song ) 우리한문학회 2012 漢文學報 Vol.26 No.-

雅會는 성대하고 형식적이며 출사를 기념하는 太平연飮의 公會와는 다른, 시문풍류에 치중한 비공식적인 私會이다. 본 논문에서 규정한 雅會는 모임이 자발적이며, 풍류적 성격을 띠고 있되, 참석자들이 대화를 비롯한作詩·彈琴·圍碁·書畵제작과 감상·煎茶·飮酒등의 행위를 하는 모임이다. 문인들은 모임에서 풍류를 통하여 ``雅``를 실현하려 했고, 이에 그들이 선택한 유희는 ``琴棋書畵``였다. 고상하고 우아한 군자의 삶을 지향한문인들은 동료와 품위 있고 운치 있는 모임을 즐기기 위하여 평소 존경하였던 과거의 은일 고사들의 행위를 모방하였고, 금기서화를 친목도모의 풍류에 응용하여 실천했다. 18세기 후반에 아회도를 많이 제작한 인물은 金弘道(1745-1806이후) 이다. 金弘道는 사대부 뿐 만 아니라 여항인의 아회에 참석하여, 아회인과 함께 어울리면서 모임 장면을 그렸다. 그는 역사적 高士인물의 여러 도상을 차용하여, 고금의 조화를 화면에 실현하였다. 즉 이상적인 아회인을 창출하기 위하여 전형적인 고사 인물상을 빌려왔고, 이를 동시대의 실물 풍속과 결합하여 새로운 풍류상을 창조한 것이다. 雅會는 기본적으로 문인들이 주도하여 형성된 문화 현상이었다. 따라서 문인의 성격, 예술적 취향, 여가 활용의 방법에 따라 아회의 현장 분위기도달랐다. 고결함과 순수함을 추구하였던 문인들은 인간의 교류에서 바르고 도덕적이며 조화로운 관계가 형성되기를 원했다. 그리고 이러한 인간관계는 ``俗``되지 않은 ``우아``한 예술 행위와 유희에 의하여 비로소 완성된다고 생각했다. 따라서 아회도는 이상적인 군자들의 도덕성과 탈속적인 市隱者의 풍류성을 모임에서 실현하고자 노력했던 문인들의 시각 창작물이었다. ``Ahoi``(or elegant assembly, 雅會) was an unofficial gathering of scholars who focused on poetic refinement, different from the grand official assemblies that were formulaic and commemorative. Thus, the ``ahoi`` was of spontaneous and elegant characteristic that embraced the conversations, poetry compositions, musical performances, board games, painting and calligraphy, tea brewing, and wine drinking activities of the assembly. Other gatherings called in different terms but conforming to the characteristics of ``ahoi`` are also examined as a part of the ``ahoi`` in this thesis. The term ``a(雅)`` in ``ahoi`` means ``simple, restrained, elegant, and refined``, and thus, the term soon became involved with the elegant literati gatherings. By enjoying refined tastes and elegant assemblies, the literati pursued the realization of ``a``(of ``ahoi``) and the means of this pursuit included musical performance, traditional game of ``baduk``, painting, and calligraphy(琴棋書畵). In order to follow the lifestyles of the lofty scholars, the literati copied the activities of ancient figures, and incorporated them into their own assemblies. Kim Hongdo(金弘道, 1745-1806 after) was perhaps one of the most prolific painters of ``ahoi-do`` painting. Kim not only participated in the assemblies held by the literati, but also partook in the gatherings of the newly risen class pursuing literati taste. He brought the icons of historic figures, and realized them on the painting, rendering a harmony of the past and the present. Thus, he adopted typical figures of the past, and incorporated them into the present background, producing a refined and elegant atmosphere. ``Ahoi`` assembly was a cultural by-product of the literati class. The literati who pursued such noble-mindedness and purity desired to form moral and harmonious relationship with others. And such relationships, they believed, could be perfected through ``elegant`` and ``non-secular`` activities and enjoyments. Thus, ``ahoi-do`` paintings presented pictorial creations of the literati who strived to realize the idyllic lifestyle of the virtuous man and the unworldly hermit.

명대 강남 吳中의 博雅風 문화와 조선 문단의 교섭

김정숙 한국중국산문학회 2024 중국산문연구집간 Vol.- No.16

Wuzhong was the old name which referred to the Suzhou-city of Jiangsu Province in ancient China. I aimed to analyze on interrelated-aspects of literary world in the 17C. Choseon and the erudite-elegant style of Wuzhong. To reveal this point, I examined what the erudite-elegant style which reflected Wuzhong’s regional characteristic had the meaning as sharing-code together through the literature of the late Choseon and the late Ming China. Through this basis, I tried to present an new approach for erudite-elegant style to the literary world in the late Choseon. Firstly, I outlined the definition and aspect on the concept of the Wuzhong’s erudite-elegant style in the 16th century the Ming dynasty. Subsequently, inspected encounters of Wuzhong’s literati with the erudite-elegant style and the Choseon’s literary world, the encounter was through their official and the only way of which both Choseon’s and Ming’s literati met and interacted, as activities of envoy and diplomatic missionaries. Finally, analyzed the conditions with focusing on the works of Shishuo-style written by the Wuzhong literati.

옥봉 백광훈의 풍류와 제화시

황수정 한국시가문화학회 2024 한국시가문화연구 Vol.- No.53

본고는 옥봉 백광훈의 풍류와 제화시를 고찰한 것이다. 그동안 연구된 옥봉 시의 문학적 성과를 기반으로 한발 더 나아가고자 하는 데에 연구의 초점을 두었다. 따라서 그가 이룩한 옥봉 시의 미적 기반으로서 화가와 악사들과의 교유하는 풍류를 살펴보았다. 또한 옥봉 제화시의 예술적 면모를 고찰하였다. 첫째, 예술인들과의 교유와 풍류를 살펴보았다. 여기서는 당대 뛰어난 화가인 김계수가 자신의 그림에 옥봉의 시를 부탁한 점 등을 밝힐 수 있었다. 또한 당대 고수였던 가야금과 거문고 악사와의 교유는 옥봉의 풍류적 기질과 그 성향을 밝히는데 주요하였다. 이는 곧 옥봉 시의 예술적 미감의 저변이 되었을 것이다. 둘째, 제화시의 예술적 면모를 고찰하였다. 먼저 옥봉의 회화에 대한 견해와 인식을 살펴볼 수 있었다. 자신의 미적 견해와 예술적 면모를 유감없이 드러낸 것을 알 수 있었다. 옥봉 제화시 미감의 정취에도 주목하였다. 제화시는 주로 산수화 또는 산수인물화를 중심으로 청신하면서도 한적하게 와유하는 정취를 담고 있음을 알았다. 이로써 목릉성세 호남시단의 주축을 이루었던 옥봉 시세계의 일면을 새롭게 조명할 수 있었다. This study speculated on Okbong Baek Gwang-Hun’s elegant taste and Jehwasi. Based on the existing literary achievement on Okbong’s poetry, this study investigated his poetry intensively; in particular, the aesthetic base of his poetry and his elegant taste through friendship with painters and musicians including artistic aspects of Okbong’s Jehwasi. First, this study gave a focus on the friendship with artists and his elegant taste and it was discovered that Kim Gye-Soo, one of outstanding painters at that time, asked Okbong to write a poem for his painting. Also, friendship with outstanding Gayageum and Geomungo musicians demonstrated that he had elegant taste and tendency to love art and music. It was assumed that the friendship would be the base for his artistic sense. Second, this study investigated the artistic aspect of Jehwasi through his opinion and recognition on painting. In Jehwasi, he showed his aesthetic opinion and artistic taste. Aesthetic sense in Okbong’s Jehwasi was investigated. It was discovered that the Jehwasi had artistic and tranquil mood centering on landscape painting or landscape and figure painting. It was concluded that this study gave a new spotlight on the aspect of Okbong’s poetry that was a main axis of the Honam Poetry Circle of Mokreugseongse.

직장여성의 Self Image Making 인식정도에 관한 연구

조기년,최정숙 한국패션뷰티학회 2004 한국패션뷰티학회지 Vol.2 No.3

In order to investigate female workers' recognition of image making, this study conducted a survey of female workers in Daegu and obtained results as follows. First, according to the result of analyzing recognition of image making, many of female workers, 82.3% of whom were between 20s and 40s, replied that they were 'pure and lively'(41.8%) or 'elegant and womanly'(32.3%) but what they sought for in their mind was an elegant and womanly image. However, the image that a majority of female workers wanted to have in the future was 'elegant and womanly' (53.3%) and 'sexy and attractive'(27.4%). This suggests that our society still demand women to be womanly as well as sexy and attractive. Second, with regard to outward image by age, most female workers regardless of age thought that outward image is important for social life. This suggests that younger women recognize more the influence of image and, consequently, the necessity of image making. Thus, the recognition of the importance of outward image appears to result in the proportional enhancement of the consciousness of image management. Third, younger women have a great difference between their current image and the image they seek for and such a difference may be related to mental immaturity between ideal and reality. Fourth, as for the relationship between image making and occupation, those who engaged in service and beauty art highly recognized the importance of image making as they were greatly influenced by their outward image in their social life.

로맨틱 복식(服飾) 양식(樣式) 연구(硏究) - 21세기(世紀) 전후(前後) 여성(女性) 패션을 중심(中心)으로 -

박신영 ( Shin Young Park ),조규화 ( Kyu Hwa Cho ) 한국패션비즈니스학회 2007 패션 비즈니스 Vol.11 No.1

The purpose of this study is to examine the romantic costume style which has become a big trend before and after the 21th century. For this purpose, I examined the development plans and characteristics of women`s costume in France in the Romantic period from the 1820s to the 1850s and analyzed the aesthetic characteristics of romantic costume style. The aesthetic characteristics of romantic style in the 19th century were defined by the feminine and elegant beauty, exoticism, and sensuality. Since the 1990s, the characteristics are classified into Feminine & Elegant Style, Ethnic & Fusion Style, and Sensual Style. Feminine & Elegant Style is characterized by delicate, splendid lace and frill decorations that have become more ornamental and technical since the 1990s. They create greater romance and express gentler and more elegant femininity away from the artificial silhouette. Ethnic & Fusion Style use more diverse ethnic patterns, colors, accessories, and details since the 1990s and shows more varieties and creativity in convergence with modern fashion. Sensual Style exposes the physical curve of female body. In the 19th century, cuffs and collars were exaggerated and shoulders were exposed for sensuality. After the 1990s, however, see-through materials have been used to show the beauty of natural physical curves or corsets have been worn as the outerwear. Studying romantic costume style, which arose as a concept of postmodernism, the cultural ideology that exists as a breakthrough of our time, is signified by the understanding of the latest cultural phenomenon and fashion trends.

한,몽 소설의 의적모티프 비교연구

장두식 ( Du Sik Chang ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2011 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.50 No.-

본고는 허균의 「홍길동전」과 차드라발 로도이담바의 「맑은 타미르강」분석을 통하 여 한국과 몽골 소설 속에 형상화되는 ``고상한 도적``형 의적이 가지고 있는 의미망을 살펴보았다. `` 홍길동``과 `` 투무르``는 의협심을 가지고 부패한 수령이나 악독한 영주의 재물을 빼앗아 불쌍한 민중들에게 나눠줌으로써 민중들의 폭넓은 지지를 받았던 의적들이다. 이러한 의적 형상을 통하여 조선왕조나 몽골 혁명 전후의 사회적 모순이 드러나고 있다. 하지만 ``고상한 도적``형 의적이란 부조리한 사회질서에 대해 충격을 가할 수는 있어도 사회변혁을 이끄는 지도자가 될 수 없다. 즉 그들의 목표는 새로운 사회를 건설하려는 것이 아니라 기존의 질서를 정상화시키는 것이다. 이러한 모습은 홍길동이나 투무르에서 모두 찾아볼 수 있다. 「홍길동전」과 「맑은 타미르강」은 시공간적인 차이가 큰 소설텍스트이다. 하지만 의적 모티프를 통하여 비교해보면 구조적인 유사성을 발견하게 된다. 의적이 인류사와 문학 속에 보편적으로 등장하고 있듯이 두 텍스트 속의 의적 모티프는 동질적인 성격을 가지고 있다. 두 소설이 지향하는 전망이 다르지만 소설 속에서 작동하는 기능은 유사하다. 이는 ``고상한 도적``형 의적 형상이 두 텍스트의 주인공의 성격을 규정 하고 있기 때문이다. 이는 한국과 몽골 문학이 세계문학이라는 범주 속에서 보편성을 공유하고 있음을 보여주는 것이다. This paper through comparative analyses between Heo Gyun`s "Hong Gildong Jeon" and Chardobal Rodoidamba`s "Clean Tamir River" look into the meaning of ``elegant righteous outlaws`` that are visualized in Korean and Mongolian novels. Hong Gildong and Tumur based on righteousness took properties of rotten bureaucrats or of vicious feudal lords and doled them out to the miserable peasants so that the both were widely supported by the people. Through the embodiments of these righteous outlaws the social ironies of Joseon dynasty and of the circumstance before the Mongolian revolution. However, even though the ``elegant righteous outlaws`` could provide some shocks to the ironical social order, they could not be the leader reforming the society. Their goal is not to build a new society but to recover the social order of the old regimes. These characters can be found both in Hong Gildong and in Tumur. "Hong Gildong Jeon" and "Clean Tamir River" are social texts, between which is a large spatio-temporal gap. Nonetheless, a comparison through the motive of righteous outlaws finds some structural similarities in them. Asrighteous outlaws have appeared in human history and various literatures, the motives of the two texts have the same attributes. While the prospects of the two novels differ from each other, the functions working in both are similar to each other. It is because the figure of the ``elegant righteous outlaw`` defines the heros of both texts. It shows that Korean and Mongolian literatures share the universality within the category of the world literature.