임상 간호사가 경험하는 폭력과 이직에 관한 실태조사

김태숙,김종임 대한간호학회 간호행정학회 2004 간호행정학회지 Vol.10 No.4

The purposes of the study were to describe the prevalence, sources and feelings of verbal and physical violence experienced by nurses and to identify the association of violence episodes and their intent and attempt to turnover. Method: Data were collected from the self reported survey of 589 nurses working in various clinical settings in three different hospitals. SPSSWIN 11.0 program was utilized for data analysis using descriptive statistics and Chi-square test. Result: The findings revealed that the majority of nurses had experienced verbal violence(93.7%) and physical violence(23.4%) at work. The most common sources of violence were by patient's families(61.6%), patients(60.3%), and physicians(48.4%). The most common feeling experienced after an episode of violence were anger(56.6%) and resentment(50.9%). 78.1% of those experienced verbal violence and 86.2% of those experienced physical violence reported that they had intent to turnover after violence episodes. Conclusion: Considering the high prevalence of physical and verbal violence experienced by clinical nurses, organizations must develop administrative support system, preventive education and policy to deal with various causes of violence. This will eventually prevent high turnover rates among clinical nurses related to the violence experiences.

폭력과 법의 피안: 정치적 주체의 탄생

강우성 ( Woo Sung Kang ) 영미문학연구회 2011 안과 밖 Vol.0 No.30

The notion of violence becomes a hot catchword in the terrain of recent political and theoretical discourses, seemingly culminating in the proliferation of filmic representations. Behind such ardent interests in violence lies a common conception that violence is, in itself, not a matter of theoretical concern: there is no outside of violence. It is the very prevalence and the inevitability of violence in modern society and the concomitant inability of the resistant subject not to he violent that dominate the question of violence. Furthermore, violence in reality always manifests itself through the medium of law and moral relations. Whether in the subversion of state power, a prevailing and exclusive agent of legitimate violence, or in the rightful revenge against individual violences, every radical effort necessarily confronts the ambiguity of law and justice. What is at stake concerning violence is threefold possibilities: to think violence without a binary frame of just means and just end, to escape from the vicious circle of revenge and resentment, to figure out a really political subjectivity beyond the realm of law and legitimate violence. Walter Benjamin`s concept of divine violence, unlike Arendt`s distinction of violence as a means from proper political power or Sorel`s advocation of proletarian general strike as truly revolutionary, suggests a possibility of political subject whose sovereign violence goes beyond all kinds of mythic manifestations of violence via law. Slavoj Zizek`s hold identification of divine violence with actual historical movements of exemplary violence follows, in essence, the spirit of Benjamin but diverges in his configuration of abstinent subject in capitalist society. But as is represented in Boknam`s murder in a recent Korean movie Bedeviled, we can often configure a process of making a truly political subject. Her relentless acts of murdering makes her a sovereign subject who neither resorts to law and legitimacy, nor becomes a tragic hero, nor succumbs to sensational joy of revenge. She signifies an act of disturbing and demolishing the very network of violence and law, thus nullifying the whole social system of signification itself. She turns herself into a symptom of violence in its pure extremity, telling that the only solution to violence is to oppose it with divine violence.

폭력영화의 해체적 캐릭터 스토리텔링 복합 연구 - <시카리오>(2015)의 폭력의 파르마콘을 중심으로 -

임대희 한국전시산업융합연구원 2019 한국과학예술융합학회 Vol.37 No.1

This study began from the analysis of the deconstructive character storytelling in a violence film. Especially, <Sicario>(2005) of Denis Villeneuve suggest character storytelling that deconstruct the viewpoint of fixed violence. The purpose of this study is to analyzed from viewpoint of Derrida’s pharmakon in deconstructive character storytelling of <Sicario>. Thus, introduction of this study was operational definition of a violence film and raised the question why it was a violence film. After, theoretical consideration was consideration of violence’s notion, consideration of Derrida’s deconstruction and pharmakon. After, point was to analyzed deconstructive violence’s pharmakon appeared in character storytelling of <Sicario>. The following are distinguished. First, legal violence and illegal violence. Second, just violence and unjust violence. Based on the results of this analysis, the results and contents of the study are as follows. First, just violence and unjust violence is nothing but a distinction between laws that can be calculated. Second, as a measure of justice that can not be calculated, the distinction between justice and injustice of violence has been calculated in the institution of desire and structured dichotomically. Finally, legal violence and illegal violence, just violence and unjust violence is only based on judgment. Through these analysis, I expect that this complex study that analyse that character storytelling based on Derrida’s deconstruction and pharmakon will contribute to new character storytelling and produce various film contents. 본 연구는 폭력영화에 나타난 해체적 캐릭터 스토 리텔링 분석에서 시작되었다. 특히 드니 빌뇌브 감독 의 영화 <시카리오>(2015)는 고정된 폭력의 관점을 해체하는 캐릭터 스토리텔링을 제시하고 있다. 본 연 구의 목적은 <시카리오>의 해체적 캐릭터 스토리텔 링을 데리다의 파르마콘 관점에서 분석하는 것이다. 따라서 본 논문은 서론에서는 폭력영화의 조작적 정의를 하였고, 왜 폭력영화인가 문제 제기하였다. 이 론적 고찰에서는 폭력 개념 고찰, 데리다의 해체주의 와 파르마콘의 의미를 고찰하였다. 본론에서는 <시카 리오> 캐릭터 스토리텔링에 나타난 해체적 폭력의 파 르마콘을 첫째, 합법적 폭력과 불법적 폭력 둘째, 정 의로운 폭력과 불의한 폭력으로 구분한 분석을 시도 하였다. 이러한 분석을 토대한 연구결과 및 내용은 다 음과 같다. 첫째, 합법적 폭력과 불법적 폭력은 계산 될 수 있는 법의 잣대로 구분하는 것에 불과하다. 둘 째, 계산할 수 없는 정의의 잣대로서 폭력에 대한 정 의와 불의의 구분은 욕망의 제도 속에서 계산되어 이 분법으로 구조화되었을 뿐이다. 결국 합법적 폭력과 불법적 폭력, 정의로운 폭력과 불의한 폭력은 판단에 근거할 뿐이다. 이러한 연구결과를 바탕으로 데리다의 해체주의와 파르마콘을 통해 캐릭터 스토리텔링을 분 석하는 본 복합 논문이 새로운 캐릭터 스토리텔링 기 법과 다양한 영화콘텐츠 양산에 기여하기를 기대한다.

학교폭력에 대한 무관용주의 탈피와 비사법적 개입

김혜경 한국형사정책학회 2024 刑事政策 Vol.35 No.4

Violence incidents against students at/outside the school by students and the resulting suicide of victims have become social problems, and as a result, a judicial activism and retribution perspective was introduced as a school violence policy that would strictly punish even minor violence under criminal law based on 'zero tolerance'. However, it is necessary to reconsider whether it is appropriate to solve school violence with the same criminal justice ideology as general crimes. Based on these ideas, this paper does not consider the School Violence Prevention Act as a special law of the Punishment Act or the Juvenile Act, but rather attempts to describe it from the perspective of the Adjustment Act or the Tranformative Justice. It also aims to redefine the perspective of victims and perpetrators of school violence. In this paper analyzed the definitions of the current School Violence Prevention Act from a critical perspective, and attempt to classify the concept of school violence into three risk groups. And as a countermeasure, examined the community-centered resolution from the perspective of transitional justice. First of all, school violence was classified into low, medium, and high risk. Criminal punishment is taken through direct intervention by the state for high-risk groups, but after the punishment was completed, the high-risk group also needed a community approach for return to school and resocialization. On the other hand, for the medium-risk group, it was judged that direct intervention by the community and community based on material and human support was desirable as an indirect intervention by the state. While state intervention for immature students may have a greater negative effect of stigma, treatment through direct community intervention is considered important. In addition, for low-risk groups, legal binding power and empowerment for direct resolution at the school site should be given priority. Furthermore, due to the peculiarity of school violence, the division of the roles of the perpetrator and the victim must be terminated, and all social resources must be devoted to nurturing all students, including potential victims, into healthy community members. School violence is not a personal problem, but is the result of a sum of complex and diverse causes such as home, school, social and economic factors. If this is to be solved simply by accusation and legal sanctions against the perpetrator, it must be taken into account that the perpetrator is branded as a social harm and a offender. 최근에 발생한 일련의 학생에 의한 학생에 대한 학교 내·외의 폭력사건과 이로 인한 피해자 스스로의 극단적 선택 등은 국가의 방관이나 소극적 개입을 저지하는 계기가 되었다. 그로 인해 소위 ‘무관용주의(Zero Tolerance)를 통해 경미한 폭력이라도 국가가 사법적 개입을 하고 엄단하겠다는 사법적극주의와 응보주의적 관점이 학교폭력정책으로서 공히 수용되기에 이르렀다. 그런데 과연 학교폭력을 일반 범죄와 동일한 형사사법 이념으로 해결할 것인가는 원점에서부터 다시 고민하여야 한다. 학교와 교육에 대한 이념을 학교폭력관련법과제도에 투영하지 않고, 그때그때의 특수한 사회적 문제에 대처하기 위하여 만들어낸 개정규정들이 학교폭력문제를 다루도록 방치할 수는 없는 것이다. 또한 학교폭력을 행하는 “학생”은 학교에서 교육을 받아야 하는 “학생”이다. 이들은 “범죄자”가 아닌 “학생”인 것이고, 법과 제도들 역시 이들을 “학생”으로서 대우하여야 한다. 이러한 문제의식을 바탕으로 본 논문에서는 학교폭력예방법을 처벌법이나 소년법의 특별법적 관점으로 다루지 않고 조정법 또는 전환적 사법법이라는 관점에서 바라보고자 학교폭력의 피해자와 가해자에 대한 시각을 재정립하는데 목적을 두고자 한다. 이를 위해서 우선 현행 학교폭력예방법의 정의규정에 대하여 비판적 시각에서분석하고, 학교폭력 개념의 개념을 위험군별로 3분류를 시도하고자 한다. 그리고 대책으로서 전환적 사법의 관점에서 공동체중심의 해결가능성에 관하여 살펴보았다. 우선 학교폭력을 저·중·고위험군으로 구분하여 고위험군에는 국가의 직접개입을통한 형사법적 처분을 하되, 국가형벌권 발동이 종료된 이후에는 고위험군도 학교로의 복귀와 재사회화를 위한 공동체적 접근이 필요하다고 보았다. 반면 중위험군에 대하여는 국가의 간접 개입으로서 물적·인적 지원을 바탕으로한 지역사회 및 공동체의 직접 개입이 바람직하다고 판단하였다. 미성숙한 학생에 대한 국가개입은 낙인이라는 부정적 효과가 더욱 클 수 있는 반면, 공동체의 직접 개입을 통한 처우가 중요하다고 본 것이다. 또한 저위험군에 대하여는 학교 현장의 직접 해결에 대한 법적 기속력과 권한부여가 우선되어야 한다고 보았다. 나아가 학교폭력의 특수성으로 인하여 가해자와 피해자의 역할나누기는 종결되어야 하며, 잠재적 피해자를 포함한 모든 학생들의 건전한 공동체구성원으로의 양성에 모든 사회적 재가 투입되어야 한다. 학교폭력은 개인적 차원이 아닌 가정, 학교, 사회, 경제적 요인등 복잡하고 다양한 원인들의 총합의 결과이다. 이를 단순히 가해자인 학생에 대한 비난과 법적 제재로써 응보적 관점에서만 접근한다면, 가해자를사회적 해악, 범죄자 또는 문제아로 낙인찍고 사회방위를 위한 영구배제적인 대책만이 양산될 뿐이라는 점을 학교폭력 대책수립에 있어서 반드시 고려하여야 할 것이다.

폭력을 바라보는 두 시선: 벤야민과 아렌트

최성철 한국독일사학회 2016 독일연구 Vol.- No.33

Violence today is an academic subject with a sense of timeliness and presence. Until now, the viewpoint of ‘violence’ in the West was very diverse. This paper tries to examine and compare the viewpoints of violence by two thinkers, Benjamin and Arendt, who are prominent in Germany in the 20th century. First, the extent and breadth of the understanding of these two thinkers in relation to the German concept of ‘Gewalt’ varies considerably. Benjamin had a very broad understanding of the concept of violence through a combination of law and justice, various classification methods (such as ‘mythical violence (mythische Gewalt)’ and ‘divine violence (göttliche Gewalt)’), and various case studies, whereas Arendt, considering violence as an opposite concept of power, understood it very narrowly. The reason Benjamin could see violence so broadly, including its positive side, was probably because he had not been directly experiencing Nazi violence as yet. On the other hand, Arendt denied completely the concept of violence on the base of its evilness, even though she might recognize its necessity and effectiveness in some cases like revolutions and wars. This may be because she experienced all kinds of violence in the twentieth century, such as World War II, the Holocaust, the Vietnam War and the 68 Revolution. Nevertheless, there are some important commonalities in the violence discourse of the two thinkers. First, both considered violence only as a means. Secondly, both maintained all along a critical view of violence. This critical distance is, in case of Benjamin, somewhat diluted by his implicit recognition of divine violence, but it is clear that he largely denied the entire power of the state. The third common thing we should pay attention to is that both thinkers opened up the possibility of ‘nonviolence’ through ‘language.’ The medium of nonviolence is ‘language.’ It was as for Benjamin ‘consultation (Unterredung),’ and for Arendt human ‘language ability’ itself. I think these common points are very important perspectives that we should pay attention to in understanding violence. If there is one definite thesis that can be drawn from the conclusion of this paper, it is that violence can not be justified in any case, as long as its justification can be changed in various conditions. 오늘날 폭력은 시의성과 현장성을 갖는 학문적 주제다. 그동안 서구에서 ‘폭력’이라는 주제를 바라보는 시각은 매우 다양했다. 이 논문은 그 중에서 20세기 독일어권에서 두드러진 두 사상가 벤야민과 아렌트의 폭력에 대한 시선을 비교 검토하고자 한다. 먼저 ‘Gewalt’라는 독일어 개념에 대한 두 사상가의 이해의 폭과 넓이는 상당한 차이를 보인다. 벤야민이 폭력 개념을, 법과 정의와의 연관성, 다양한 분류방법(신화적 폭력과 신적 폭력의 분류 등), 다양한 사례분석 등을 통해 매우 폭넓게 이해했다면, 아렌트는 폭력을 권력과 대립되는 개념으로 간주하고 그 둘을 상반되게 비교하면서 매우 협소하게 이해했다. 벤야민이 폭력을 그 긍정적인 면까지 포함해 매우 폭넓게 바라볼 수 있었던 이유는 아마도 그가 나치 폭력을 시기적으로 아직 겪기 전이었기 때문이었을 것이다. 반면 아렌트는 제2차 세계대전과 홀로코스트, 베트남 전쟁, 68혁명 등 20세기 온갖 종류의 폭력을 경험하고 난 뒤라서 그랬는지 몰라도 폭력의 필요성과 유효성을 완전히 부정한 것은 아니지만, 궁극적으로는 그것의 악마성에 근거해 그 개념을 근원적으로 부정해나간다. 한편 두 사람의 폭력 담론에서는 몇 가지 중요한 공통점도 발견된다. 먼저 두 사람 모두 폭력을 수단으로 간주했다. 두 번째로 두 사람 모두 폭력에 대해 근본적으로 비판적인 관점을 줄곧 유지했다. 이 비판적 거리두기는 벤야민의 경우 신적 폭력을 암묵적으로 인정하면서 희석되지만, 그가 국가의 공권력 전반을 대체로 부정했다는 점은 분명한 사실이다. 우리가 가장 주목해야 할 세 번째 공통점은 두 사상가 모두 ‘언어’를 통한 ‘비폭력의 가능성’을 활짝 열어두었다는 점이다. 비폭력의 매개체는 ‘언어’다. 벤야민의 경우 그것은 ‘상의(相議, Unterredung)’였고, 아렌트의 경우 인간의 ‘언어 능력’ 자체였다. 나는 이들 공통점이 우리가 폭력을 이해하는 데서 주목해야 할 매우 중요한 관점들이라고 생각한다. 이 논문의 결론으로부터 끌어낼 수 있는 확실한 테제가 하나 있다면, 그것은 폭력이란 국가에 의한 것이든, 개인에 의한 것이든, 심지어 법에 의해 제정된 것이라 하더라도 그것의 정당성이 상황이나 조건에 따라 바뀔 수 있는 한, ‘완벽하고 절대적인 의미에서 정당화될 수 없다’는 점이다.

우리나라 의학드라마의 폭력성

이경남,김양원,박득현,최준철,신우성,윤유상 대한응급의학회 2013 대한응급의학회지 Vol.24 No.1

Purpose: Although violence occurs frequently in Korean television dramas, its description or definition is unusual. Many studies have shown that TV dramas have a powerful effect on society and the violence shown in medical dramas helps in comprehension of hospital violence occurring in real life. Therefore, this study will cover the types and levels of violence. Methods: We selected five recent Korean medical dramas. These five dramas, which consisted of 94 episodes and were broadcast from 2007 to 2011, are analyzed. Violence is limited to the occurrence inside the hospital; violence that occurs outside of the hospital is excluded. Media violence is analyzed within PAT (perpetrator-action-target). In addition,the violence levels and violence relationships are analyzed. Results: Among the types of violence, 88.5% is verbal abuse, 3.5% is physical threat, and 8.0% is physical violence. In comparison of the violence relationship, violence between a doctor and a doctor forms the highest rate of 72.6%. In the level of violence, 0 level of violence caused by verbal abuse is the highest (88.5%); however, 5 level of violence level, which is death, is not observed. There are 1475 minutes of violence scenes from 6243 minutes, which is 23.6% of total time. Conclusion: Frequency of violence in Korean medical dramas is higher than that of normal dramas. Considering the powerful influence of the mass media, the violence of medical dramas should be controlled. To resolve the problem,the role of advisory doctors seems important.

스포츠 폭력 억제를 위한 입법적 개선방안 모색

남재성 사단법인 한국안전문화학회 2022 안전문화연구 Vol.- No.18

Government institutions such as the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism, local governments and educational circles have developed various efforts so far to curb sports violence that occurs continuously. Athletic circles have also enhanced various institutional strategies for establishing ethicality of athletes and preventing sports violence among the whole members. However, despite such efforts, a criticism that sports violence is still rampant throughout athletic circles is prevail, and relevant accidents are becoming the talk of all media in reality. Thus, this study aimed to search for a legislative improvement plan for curbing sports violence after examining various types of sports violence that has become one of serious social problems recently, reality of occurrence, and legal․institutional strategies as a top priority plan to guarantee basic right to sports and human rights. As a result of study, the following plans are considered necessary as a legislative improvement plan for curbing sports violence. First, so-called ‘materialization and strictness of legal device for prevention of violence and guarantee of human rights’ that can include reasons for disqualification of instructors, education to prevent sports violence and support for victims must be made immediately through revision of the「National Sports Promotion Act」. Second, it is necessary to revise the「Fundamental Law of Sports」as the law is faced with criticism that the law, unlikely its intent of legislation, leans excessively to the promotion of sports lacking in contents for guarantee of basic rights that everyone is entitled to enjoy like human rights of sportsmen. And through the foregoing, it is also needed to specify details of human rights, basic rights, violence, sexual violence etc., and necessary to organize a system for active protection of and support for victims. Third, construction of a system for prevention of violence and protection of victims is necessary through enactment․revision of ordinances of local governments. As a plan for the foregoing, it is first necessary to revise ordinances of local governments related to promotion of sports for enabling sportsmen·athletes to be respected as a human being and their rights and interests be protected. And each local government need to supplement limits of「the Charter of Human Rights in Sports」and「Guideline for Human Rights in Sports」by enacting tentatively named「Ordinance on Protection of Human Rights in Sports」.

폭력과 저항 : 발리바르와 지젝

김정한(Kim Jung-Han) 사회와 철학 연구회 2011 사회와 철학 Vol.0 No.21

오늘날 ‘세계화의 폭력’과 ‘폭력의 세계화’는 동시적으로 인류의 삶 전체를 궁지에 빠뜨리고 있다. 근대적인 구조적 폭력만이 아니라, 탈근대적인 극단적 폭력이 새롭게 범람하고 있는 것이다. 이 논문은 이와 같은 폭력에 대항하는 저항의 정치를 사유하기 위해 두 가지 정치철학적 기획을 고찰한다. 하나는 에티엔 발리바르가 제시하는 반폭력의 정치이며, 다른 하나는 발터 벤야민이 개념화하고 슬라보예 지젝이 새롭게 해석하는 신적 폭력이다. 발리바르는 대항폭력과 비폭력의 이분법을 비판하면서, 극단적 폭력에 대항하는 새로운 정치의 가능성을 시민인륜에서 발견하고자 한다. 시민인륜의 정치는 상징적 동일성과 극단적 폭력이 결합할 때 나타나는 증오와 잔혹을 감축시킴으로써 해방의 정치와 변혁의 정치가 가능해지는 공간을 창출하려는 시도이다. 이와 대조적으로 지젝은 주체적인 폭력에 대한 거부가 체계적인 폭력에 대한 묵인으로 나아간다고 비판하면서, 기존의 권력관계를 변혁하기 위해서는 신적 폭력이 필요하다고 역설한다. 신적 폭력이란 체계적 폭력에 대응하는 대중들의 폭력적인 자기 방어이며, 이와 같이 기존의 법과 윤리를 중지시키는 해방적인 폭력이 없다면 진정한 혁명은 불가능하다. 그러나 발리바르의 시민인륜의 정치는 아직까지 그 구체적인 내용이 불분명하며, 지젝의 신적 폭력은 대항폭력에 대한 변호로 귀착할 위험이 있다. ‘The violence of globalization’ and ‘the globalization of violence’ have simultaneously brought the whole of human life to the wall today. Not just have structural violence haunted after modernity but extreme violence flooded over the globe. This thesis aims at consideration of the two political-philosophical projects to find out resistant politics against such violences: ‘anti-violence politics’ suggested by Etienne Balibar, and ‘divine violence’ originated by Water Benjamin and newly interpreted by Slavoj Zizek. Criticizing the dichotomy of counterviolence and non-violence, Balibar finds a possibility of new politics against extreme violence in civilit?. Politics of civilit? is a concept to create a space possible for politics of emancipation and transformation, and to reduce the cruelties made in which symbolic identity and extreme violence combine. In contrast, Zizek criticized the refusal of subjective violence as it approves systematic violence in silence. He states that divine violence is needed to transform the existing relations of the symbolic order. This is a violent self- defense by the popular, and it is impossible for true revolution without the emancipational violence including suspension of every law and ethics. However, Each has its problem itself: politics of civilit? does not have concrete contents yet, and divine violence might result in justifying counter-violence.

여성폭력 및 여성폭력방지기본법 개선 모색

정도희(Dohee Jeong) 원광대학교 법학연구소 2023 圓光法學 Vol.39 No.1

여성폭력의 유형은 광범위하고 다양하다. 다양한 폭력유형 가운데에서도 현행법은 가정폭력, 성폭력, 성매매 등이 “분절적으로” 입법되었고, 가해자 처벌을 위한 입법과 피해자 보호로 이원화되어 있다. 여성폭력 피해자의 통합적인 지원체계와 포괄적인 입법의 필요성에 대한 주장이 계속되었고, 우리 사회에서는 격렬한 논쟁 끝에 2018년 12월 「여성폭력방지기본법」이 제정되었고, 2019년 시행되었다. 「여성폭력방지기본법」은 종래 개별적으로 규율되던 여성폭력을 통합적으로 규율하고, 여성에 대한 새로운 유형의 폭력을 반영하여 여성폭력의 확대를 고려한 포괄적인 성격의 법률이다. 여성에 대한 폭력 방지와 피해자 보호와 지원에 관한 국가의 책임을 분명히 하고, 여성폭력방지정책의 추진을 규정하며, 여성폭력 특수성을 반영하여 피해자 지원시스템과 일관성 있는 통계 구축 등을 통하여 여성폭력피해자 지원정책의 실효성을 높이고자 하였다. 이 법의 제정 과정에서 찬성과 반대의 의견의 대립이 있었고, 현재에도 개정이 필요하다는 논의와 그 방향에 대한 연구가 이루어지고 있다. 본고에서는 현행 「여성폭력방지기본법」의 보완을 제안하는 것을 목표로 하여, 이를 위하여 우리에게는 다소 생소할 수 있는 스페인의 입법례를 소개한다. 스페인은 ‘젠더폭력 통합 보호 조치에 관한 조직법’(Ley Orgánica 1/2004, de 28 de diciembre, de Medidas de Proteccióon Integral contra la Violencia de Género)을 제정하여 시행하고 있다. 스페인에서는 과거 가정폭력 피해가 빈번하고, 등한시되었던 여성의 권리가 입법을 통하여 강력하게 보호되어야 하고, 남성과 여성의 평등한 권력 구조가 형성되어야 한다는 자각 하에 이 법이 제정되었다. 이 법은 젠더폭력 사건에서의 대응을 위한 것으로, 사건 발생 후의 경찰에의 신고, 피해자에 대하여 의료지원, 사회복지서비스 제공, 여성피신처 및 상담서비스 제공 등을 위한 것이다. 2022년 9월 스페인은 성폭력범죄의 처벌과 피해자 보호를 강화하는 형법 개정을 이루기도 하였는데, 스페인의 입법례를 살펴보는 것은 우리의 「여성폭력방지기본법」의 수정이나 대응에 착안점을 줄 수 있다. 특히 그 중에서도 피해자보호명령제도는 「여성폭력방지기본법」에 도입할 만하다. 본고에서는 여성폭력 피해자의 권리와 여성폭력의 유형, 스페인 여성폭력 지원 관련 입법례를 살피고, 현행 「여성폭력방지기본법」의 주요내용과 비판을 검토한 후, 그 개선방안을 모색하였다. 여성폭력과 여성폭력 피해자의 개념 확장, 2차 피해 용어의 명확화와 불이익처우금지의 확대, 피해자보호명령제도의 도입 및 조문의 신설・개정을 통한 미비점 보완 노력을 제안하였다. Types of violence against women are wide and varied. Among various types of violence, the current acts are “segmentally” legislated on domestic violence, sexual violence, and prostitution, and are divided into legislation to punish perpetrators and protect victims. The need for an integrated support system for victims of violence against women and comprehensive legislation continued, and after intense debate in our society, the 「Framework Act on Prevention of Violence Against Women」 was enacted in December 2018 and implemented in 2019. The Act is a comprehensive act that comprehensively regulates violence against women, which had previously been individually regulated and takes into consideration the expansion of violence against women by reflecting a new type of violence against women. It clarifies the responsibility of the state for the prevention of violence against women and protection and support for victims, stipulates the promotion of violence against women policies, and supports victims of violence against women by reflecting the specificity of violence against women and establishing consistent statistics with the victim support system. It was intended to increase the effectiveness of the policy. In the process of enacting this Act, there was a conflict of opinions for and against it, and discussions on the need for revision are still being conducted. This paper aims to propose a supplement to the current 「Framework Act on Prevention of Violence Against Women」, and to this end, introduces a legislative example of Spain, which may be unfamiliar to us. Spain has enacted and implemented the 「Organic Act 1/2004 of 28 December on Integrated Protection Measures against Gender Violence」( 「Ley Orgánica 1/2004, de 28 de diciembre, de Medidas de Proteccióon Integral contra la Violencia de Género」). In Spain, this Act was enacted under the awareness that domestic violence was frequent in the past, that women's rights, which had been neglected, should be strongly protected through legislation, and that an equal power structure between men and women should be formed. This Act is for responding to cases of gender violence, reporting to the police after an incident occurs, providing medical support to victims, and providing social welfare services, women's shelters, and counseling services. In September 2022, Spain also made amendments to the Criminal Code that strengthened the punishment of sexual violence crimes and the protection of victims. Examining Spain's legislative examples can give an idea for revising or responding to our 「Framework Act on Prevention of Violence Against Women」. In particular, the victim protection order system is worth introducing in the 「Framework Act on Prevention of Violence Against Women」. This paper reviews the rights of victims of violence against women, types of violence against women, legislative examples related to support for violence against women in Spain, and major contents, criticisms of the current 「Framework Act on Prevention of Violence Against Women」 and measures for improvement which were sought. This paper emphasizes efforts to make up for deficiencies through the expansion of the definition of violence against women and victims of violence against women, the clarification of secondary victim damage terms, the expansion of prohibition of disadvantageous treatment, and the establishment and revision of provisions.

법의 폭력, 법 너머의 폭력

황정아 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2012 人文論叢 Vol.67 No.-

From colonialism through totalitarianism to terrorism, violence has been a ‘constant’ in modern history and, far from revealing signs of decline in today’s post-ideological world, it becomes increasingly more visible and ubiquitous. Considering that it also prevails in cultural images everywhere,violence deserves to be one of the most urgent theoretical topics. Recently,the focus of the critique of violence is being placed on constitutive interrelations between power and violence or mutual implications between law and violence. This paper proposes to examine some notable arguments which foreground the problematic relation of power/law and violence,mapping their discursive configuration. In the critique of violence, Walter Benjamin’s argument has served as an important point of reference, since it distinctively articulated the intrinsic connection between violence and law. Based on his insights,Giorgio Agamben analyses the inherently violent structure of sovereign power, while Slavoj Žižek develops Benjamin’s critique in a more concrete socio-historical direction and argues the priority of ‘systemic violence’ over ‘subjective violence.’ Herman Melville’s “Bartleby the Scrivener” and Mingue Park’s “Rudy” provide two exemplary representations of the complicated mechanisms involved in systemic violence. Another reason for the persistent influence of Benjamin’s argument is that it also suggested the concept of ‘divine violence’ which could supposedly manifest itself beyond the closed circuit of power/law and violence. Along the same lines, Agamben and Žižek interpret the possibility of getting out of this circuit in a positive way. Êtienne Balibar,however, notes that violence beyond law might lead not so much to a self-sublation of violence as to a self-destructive excess of violence, which he names ‘cruelty.’ Regarding cruelty as also constitutively related with violence, Balibar poses yet another challenging task to the critique of violence.