인민의 국가, 망각의 언어 — 인민의 국가를 그린 해방직후의 기행문들

신형기 상허학회 2015 상허학보 Vol.43 No.-

If Liberation of Korea must be liberation of people, the sovereign state that will newly established must be the people’s state which guarantee the freedom of people. In this article I shed light on how the expectation of the people’s state did expressed through travelogues written after the Liberation of Korea. The narrative about the people’s state that guarantee the liberation of people was the narrative which define who are the people and who are not people. I will ask the meaning of those defining. The way to Yenan(延安行, 1946) written by Kim, Tae-jun and Kim Saryan's Long way of slow horse(駑馬萬里, 1947) were the memoirs of their escapes to Yenan, depicted Yenan as a people’s state. The reason was that the people have widen the freedom through horizontal communication based on moral unification. On the other hand Lee, Tae-jun insisted that Soviet Union guarantees absolute equality to every nation even to minorities.(Travel to Soviet Union 蘇聯紀行, 1947) These travelogues have expressed the expectations that the people’s state realized in newly changing world system after World War II. But their dreams can not be free from the division of Cold War and shadow of power politics. 38 North was also described as a people’s state. On, Nak-jung’s Travel to North Korea(北朝鮮紀行, 1948) and Seo, Kwang-jae’s Travel to North Korea(北朝鮮紀行, 1948) and Kim, Dong-Seog’s North Korea's impression(北朝鮮의 印象, 1948) depicted North as a place where the modernization realized morally. According to these travelogue that adore the appearance and leadership of Kim Il Sung, the development of the North was possible by this extraordinary leader. The narrative of that revolutionary armed force leaded by Kim Il Sung made possible the birth of new state and the renewal of people by conduct Land reform, demarcate who is this people and who are not the people. People became something who received land gratefully and reborn through the Democratic reforms. The situation that the people could not be no longer open or indeterminate term, made people as a word of forgetting. Because anyone could be people just by follow the sovereign who prescribed the boundary of people.(People may have forgotten the memory of past under the Imperial system of fascism. Because they forgot the memory of ruled past, they still keep the place look up sovereign power.) If the people’s state can not but alienated at the point that the people were defined only by sovereign power, the people’s state erected by this course can turn back to prison at any time. 해방이 인민의 해방이어야 한다고 할 때 새로 세워야 할 주권국가는 마땅히 인민의 자유를 보장하는 인민의 국가여야 했다. 이 글에서는 해방직후 쓰인 몇몇 기행문을 대상으로 인민의 국가에 대한 기대가 어떻게 표현되었는가를 조명했다. 인민의 해방을 담보할 인민의 국가에 대한 이야기는 인민이 누구인가를 규정하는 것이었는데, 이러한 규정의 경위와 의미를 묻고자 한 것이다. 해방이후 쓰인 김태준의 「연안행(延安行)」(1946~1947)과 김사량의 「노마만리(駑馬萬里)」(1946~1947)는 필자들이 식민지시대 말기에 감행한 연안으로의 탈출 과정을 돌이킨 것으로, 연안을 참다운 인민의 국가로 그려내었다. 인민이 도덕적 일체화를 이루어 소통을 통해 자유의 영역을 넓혀가고 있다는 이유였다. 한편 이태준은 『소련기행』(1947)에서 민족 간의 절대평등이 소비에트의 원칙이라고 소개했다. 이 기행문들은 대전 이후 변화를 맞은 세계체제 속에서 새로이 인민의 국가가 현실화되고 있다는 기대를 표현했지만, 현실정치적 상황 속에서 그들의 바람은 냉전의 구획이나 세계를 분할하는 권력정치의 그늘로부터 자유로울 수 없는 것이었다. 38이북 역시 인민의 나라로 그려졌다. 온낙중의 『북조선기행』(1948)이나 서광제의 『북조선기행』(1948), 그리고 김동석의 「북조선의 인상」(1948)은 이북을 도덕적 근대화가 실현되고 있는 곳으로 그렸다. 김일성의 풍모와 지도력을 예찬한 이 글들에 의하면 이북의 발전은 이 특별한 지도자에 의해 가능했던 것이었다. 토지개혁 등을 시행함으로써 인민을 거듭나게 한 국가의 탄생이 김일성이 이끄는 혁명적 무력을 ‘산파’로 하여 가능했다는 이야기는 인민이 누구인가를 구획하는 것이었다. 인민은 김일성에게 땅을 받은 농민들이며 그가 이끈 민주적 개혁조치를 통해 거듭난 사람들이 되었다. 인민이 더 이상 개방적이거나 비결정적인 용어가 아니게 된 상황은 인민을 망각의 언어로 만들었다. 인민이 누구인가를 규정한 주권자를 좇기만 하면 인민일 수 있었기 때문이다. (인민이 망각한 것은 과거 천황제 파시즘에 복속되었던 신민의 기억이 아니었을까? 신민의 기억을 망각했기 때문에 다시 주권자를 한없이 우러르는 위치에 섰다는 뜻이다.) 인민이 주권자에 의해 구획되는 지점에서 인민이 주인이 되는 국가를 향한 바람은 소외되게 마련이었다면, 그렇게 세워진 인민의 국가는 언제든 다시 감옥으로 바뀔 수 있는 것이었다.

민중가요와 정치적 경험

조은하(Eunha Cho) 글로벌문화콘텐츠학회 2021 글로벌문화콘텐츠 Vol.- No.48

1980~90년대 한국에서 분출되었던 사회 전반에 대한 민주화 요구와 대중적 투쟁에 있어 중요한 역할을 한 민중가요는 정치적 억압과 경제적 격차에 의한 사회적 불평등이 심화된 1960~70년대 이미 모습을 드러내기 시작했다. 이후 일부 시민운동과 노동운동 등 소수에게 불리던 민중가요는 1980년 5월 광주 민주화 항쟁의 사회적 경험을 계기로 대학가와 사회 운동 전반으로 빠르게 확대되었다. 이에 발맞춰 민중가요의 생산자이자 연행자인 노래 운동의 주체들이 사회적 문제에 대한 국민적 경험을 노래 속에 담아냄으로써 저항가요의 성격을 분명하게 하였으며, 동시에 시대에 대한 정치적 경험과 각성의 계기를 제공했다. 그러나 민중가요는 1980년대 후반 대중의 이해와 정서를 넘어서는 정치 경험의 제시라는 새로운 역할을 수행하면서 점차 대중과는 괴리된 사회 운동 그룹 내부의 경험만을 반영하는 한계를 드러냈다. 뿐만 아니라 1990년대 이후 부분적 사회 민주화가 달성되고, 당시 사회 운동 그룹이 대안 사회로 주창한 사회주의권이 붕괴하면서 앞서의 괴리는 민중가요의 급격한 쇠퇴로 이어졌다. 본 논문은 1980~90년대까지 벌어진 민중가요의 성장과 쇠퇴라는 역사적 과정을 이해하기 위해, 민중가요 가사를 분석 함으로써 민중가요가 제시했던 정치적 경험을 검토한다. 이를 통해 민중가요는 당대의 시대적 요구와 정치적 경험이 조응할 때 대중적 저항의 계기가 될 수 있으며, 이렇게 형상화된 정치적 경험은 정치적 ‘상상의 공동체’를 형성할 수 있음을 고찰하고자 한다. 동시에 시대적 요구와 정치적 경험이 상충될 때, 민중가요는 그 역할을 상실하고 대중과 괴리되어 소수에 의해서만 소비될 수 있으며, 따라서 한국의 민주화 운동에서 중요한 역할을 한 민중가요가 보여주는 역사적 변동의 계기들을 이해할 수 있을 것이다. People’s songs, which played an important role in the popular struggle and demand for democratization of society in Korea in the 1980s and 1990s, are already beginning to appear in the 1960s and 1970s, when social inequality due to political oppression and economic disparity deepened. However, People’s songs, which were still sung by a minority, such as some civic and labor movements, quickly expanded to university districts and social movements in general after the social experience of the Gwangju Democratization Uprising in May 1980. In line with this, the actors of the song movement, who are producers and performers of people’s songs, clarified the nature of resistance songs by incorporating the national experiences of social issues into the songs. At the same time, it was able to provide an opportunity for the public to awaken and experience the political experience of the times. However, in the late 1980s, these people’s songs played a new role of presenting political experiences beyond the understanding and emotion of the public, gradually revealing the limitations of reflecting only the experiences within social movement groups that were separated from the masses. In addition, after the 1990s, partial social democratization was achieved and the socialist bloc, which the social movement groups talked about as an alternative society at the time, collapsed. As a result, the previous gap led to the rapid decline of people’s songs. In order to understand the historical process of the growth and decline of people’s songs from the 1980s to the 1990s, this thesis examines the political experience presented by people’s songs by analyzing the lyrics of people’s songs. Through this, we saw that people’s songs can serve as an opportunity for popular resistance when the demands of the times and political experiences of the time match, and that political experiences embodied in this way can form a political ‘imagined community’. However, at the same time, when the demands of the times and political experience are in conflict, it can be seen that people’s songs lose their role and are consumed only by a small number of people, separated from the masses. Through this, we will be able to understand the moments of historical change shown by people’s songs that played an important role in Korea s democratization movement.

문화콘텐츠의 민중의식과 변혁적 가치로의 실천방향

김진형 글로벌 문화콘텐츠학회 2017 글로벌문화콘텐츠 Vol.0 No.31

In traditional society, there are three major fruits of the culture in which people's consciousness is manifested: fruits based on people's literature, fruits based on people's cultural contents, and fruits based on people's revolution. As people's cultural contents in traditional society worked to increase the deficiency of actions based on people's consciousness when people's consciousness stayed in people's literature, the fruits based on people's cultural contents regulated people's actions based on people's consciousness between the fruits based on people's literature and those based on people's revolution. It also reduced the excessive actions based on people's consciousness during people's revolution. Like traditional society, the culture in which people's consciousness is manifested or is in the process of coming to fruition in modern society has come to fruition in three major aspects. There are, however, differences in terms of mutual relations among the three fruits between modern and traditional society. It is no exaggeration to say that the fruits based on people's literature immediately led to the fruits based on people's revolution during Rhee Syngman's dictatorial regime. During Park Chung-hee's dictatorial regime, however, there were no fruits based on people's revolution. However, the fruits based on people's literature laid a foundation for the fruits based on people's cultural contents. During Chun Doo-hwan's dictatorial regime, the independent actions of college students led to the fruits based on people's cultural contents between those based on people's literature and those based on people's revolution. Here, the functions of fruits based on people's cultural contents worked to serve as a cultural movement for fruition based on people's revolution beyond those of fruits based on people's cultural contents in traditional society. The Gwanghwamun Candlelight Culture Festival, which demanded Park Geun-hye's resignation, went beyond the patterns of mutual relations found in the three types of people's consciousness discussed so far since it solved massive social conflicts with the power of cultural contents by performing people's cultural contents faithfully while bearing fruits based on people's literature and people's cultural content freely. Therefore, the present study proposes two basic directions to realize people's consciousness in cultural contents as transformative values: one is orientation toward cultural contents to keep human dignity alive rather than cultural contents to kill human dignity; the other is to push forward a cultural contents revolution to reorganize the three core bases of cultural contents, which are legal, management, and business based. When they are realized, the Ministry of Culture will certainly be able to implement a cultural contents policy based on its original duty of creating culture. 전통사회에서 민중의식이 발현된 문화가 맺은 결실은 크게 ‘민중문학적 결실’, ‘민중문화콘텐츠적 결실’, ‘민중혁명적 결실’ 등 세 가지였다. 여기서 민중문화콘텐츠적 결실은 민중문학적 결실과 민중혁명적 결실 사이에서 민중의 ‘민중의식적 행동성’을 조절하는 기능을 했다고 볼 수 있다. 왜냐하면 전통사회의 민중문화콘텐츠는 민중의 민중의식이 민중문학에 머물렀을 때 나타나는 민중의식적 행동성의 결핍을 상승시키고, 한편 민중혁명에 나타나는 민중의식적 행동성의 과잉을 하강시키는 기능도 했기 때문이다. 현대사회에서 민중의식이 발현된 문화는 전통사회처럼 세 결실을 맺었거나 맺고 있는 중이다. 그러나 세 결실의 상호관계를 보면, 전통사회와는 전혀 다른 양상이다. 먼저, 이승만 독재정권 때는 민중문학적 결실을 통해 바로 민중혁명적 결실을 맺었다 해도 과언이 아니다. 이와 달리, 박정희 독재정권 때는 민중혁명적 결실을 맺지는 못했지만, 민중문학적 결실을 바탕으로 민중문화콘텐츠적 결실을 맺기 위한 기초를 다지는 작업을 했다고 볼 수 있다. 그에 비해, 전두환 독재정권 때는 민중문학적 결실과 민중혁명적 결실 사이에 대학생들의 주체적인 행동으로 민중문화콘텐츠적 결실을 맺었는데, 여기서 민중문화콘텐츠적 결실의 기능은 전통사회의 민중문화콘텐츠적 결실의 기능을 넘어서는 ‘민중혁명적 결실맺음을 향한 문화운동’의 기능을 했던 것이다. 박근혜 퇴진 광화문 촛불문화제는 지금까지 논의한 민중의식의 세 결실의 상호관계 양상을 넘어선 것이다. 왜냐하면 민중문학적 결실과 민중문화콘텐츠적 결실을 자유롭게 맺어가는 가운데 민중문화콘텐츠의 충실한 연행을 통해, ‘문화콘텐츠의 힘’으로 거대한 사회갈등을 해결하는 기능을 했기 때문이다. 최종적으로 문화콘텐츠에 나타난 민중의식을 변혁적 가치로 실천하기 위한 두 가지 기본방향을 제시하였다. 첫째로 인간의 존엄성을 ‘죽이는 문화콘텐츠’가 아닌, 그것을 ‘살리는 문화콘텐츠’를 지향하는 것이다. 둘째로 문화콘텐츠의 3대 핵심기반 즉, 법률기반, 관리기반, 사업기반을 재편하는 ‘문화콘텐츠혁명’을 추진하는 것이다. 그렇게 되면, 문화창달이라는 문화부 본연의 임무로 문화콘텐츠정책이 운영될 수 있을 것이 자명하다.

북한의 사상과 인민대중제일주의 연구

김효은 통일연구원 2021 統一 政策 硏究 Vol.30 No.1

The keyword of the Kim Jong Un era, which took over Kim Jong Il’s legacy as a strong nation, is “people.” The paper analyzes the meaning, characteristics and prospects of “people- first politics,” which was emphasized during the Kim Jong Un era and recently formalized in the Rodong Party’s revised protocol as a basic socialist political method. Kim Jong Un established “Kim Il Sung-Kim JongIlism” as the basis of his rule from the early days of his reign and defined the essence as People-First. North Korea’s ideas led to Kim Il Sung’s Juche ideology, Kim Jong Il’s Korean-style socialism and Songun ideology, and were established as Kim Il Sung-Kim JongIlism during the Kim Jong Un era. If Kim Jong Un’s ruling ideology is Kim Il Sung and Kim JongIlism, the essence of it is People-First. The core concept of North Korean thought is the ‘people’s public’. In North Korea, the people’s public was the main force of the revolution from the time of Kim Il Sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle, and the Juche ideology started and organized from the ideas of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il’s “Imin Wicheon”. Kim Jong-un also set national goals for economic development and improvement of people’s lives, solidifying the regime and making achievements through patriotic leadership. Both parties and the whole society were ordered to serve the people with contempt. People-first also served as a means of encouraging the people, the military and bureaucrats to build the economy. People-first Politics, which has recently been upgraded to a “basic socialist political style” in the Rodong Party’s protocol, is likely to become a leader of North Korea, just as the Songun politics, which was the basic socialist political method during Kim Jong-il era, became a military-first ideology. It is Kim Jong Un’s task to see how People-first works as a governing ideology of the Kim Jong Un era, a national development strategy, a party and a nation’s operating principle, an efficient governing system of society, and to bring about results to improve people’s lives. 김정일의 강성국가 유훈을 넘겨받은 김정은 시대 키워드는 ‘인민’이다. 이 논문은 김정은 시대에 강조되고 최근 노동당 개정 규약에 사회주의 기본정치방식으로 정식화한 인민대중제일주의 정치의 의미와 특징 및 전망을 분석하는 데 그 목적이 있다. 김정은은 집권 초기부터 통치의 근간으로 김일성-김정일주의를 확립하고 그 본질을 인민대중제일주의로 규정하였다. 북한의 사상은 김일성의 주체사상과 김정일의 우리 식 사회주의와 선군사상으로 이어지고 김정은 시대에 김일성-김정일주의로 확립되었다. 김정은의 통치이념이 김일성-김정일주의라면 그 본질인 인민대중제일주의는 통치전략이다. 북한 사상의 핵심 개념은 ‘인민대중’이다. 북한에서인민대중은 김일성 항일무장투쟁시기부터 혁명의 주력군이며 주체사상은 김일성과 김정일의 ‘이민위천’ 사상에서출발하고 체계화되었다. 김정은 또한 경제발전과 인민생활 향상을 국가목표로 설정하고 애민리더십으로 정권을 공고히하고 성과 만들기에 나섰다. 온당과 온사회는인민을 위해 멸사복무할 것을 주문했다. 인민대중제일주의는 경제건설을 위한 인민과 군대, 관료의 독려수단으로도 작동했다. 최근 노동당 규약에 사회주의 기본정치방식으로 격상한 인민대중제일주의 정치가 김정일 시대 사회주의 기본 정치방식이었던 선군정치가 선군사상이 된 것처럼 북한의지도사상이 될 가능성이 높다. 향후 김정은 시대 통치 이데올로기로서, 국가 발전전략으로서, 당과 국가의 운영 원리로서, 사회의 효율적 통치기제로서 인민대중제일주의가 어떻게 작동하는지, 실제 인민생활 향상을 위한 성과를 가져오는지는 김정은의 과제이다.

장애인직업재활시설 장애인의 근로자성과 법적 보호 방안

조성혜 한국사회법학회 2019 社會法硏究 Vol.0 No.39

Sheltered workshops are workplaces that protect people with severe disabilities who are difficult to get a job in the general labor market and provide opportunities to work. Without sheltered workshops, most disabled people would probably have been forced to spend their lives at home or at local centers for the disabled. It can be said that the sheltered workshops have enabled them to work on their own and stand on their own feet to some extent. Therefore, sheltered workshops play a very important role in enabling social participation and self-realization of people with severe disabilities. However, no law specifies whether disabled people who work under the protection of sheltered workshops can be regarded as employees. It is also unclear whether the facility’s director, who protects and provides the work opportunities for the disabled, is a employer. It is also unclear how the Labor Law and Social Security Law can be applied to disabled people in sheltered workshops. The current enforcement rules of the Welfare Act for the Disabled stipulates that only some provisions of the Labor Standards Act and the Industrial Safety and Health Act shall be applied. However, since disabled people cannot be identified as ordinary employees, they cannot be required to fulfill their duties as employees. So all the labor laws (labor obligations, disciplinary measures, etc.) cannot be applied to them. Nevertheless, given that the disabled people in sheltered workshops work just like ordinary employees, minimum protection rules that apply to employees must be applied to the disabled people in sheltered workshops. For example, the provisions essential for employee protection, such as working hours, breaks, holidays, vacations, industrial safety, and industrial accident compensation, should also be applied to the disabled in sheltered workshops. In reality, however, it is not logical to apply the application exclusion rule of the Minimum Wage Act, which is applied to regular workplaces, to the disabled people. Therefore, the disabled people, who are significantly less able to work and whose minimum wage is excluded under Article 7 of this Act, should in principle be the disabled employees in regular workplaces. Of course, the result is the same that the Minimum Wage Act does not apply to disabled people in sheltered workshops regardless of legal review. Therefore, it is necessary to prepare supplementary benefits so that disabled people in sheltered workshops who are paid significantly below the minimum wage can make a minimum living. Ultimately, to improve the legal status of disabled people in sheltered workshops, it is necessary to establish a special act for the sheltered workshop by readjusting the vast provisions concerning sheltered workshops currently stipulated in the Annex to the Enforcement Rules of the Disabled Welfare Act. Furthermore, the Social Insurance Law should apply to disabled people who are similar to employees. 장애인직업재활시설은 인지능력 및 소통능력의 부족으로 일반 노동시장에서 취업이 어려운 중증의 발달장애인들을 보호하며 직업생활의 기회를 제공하는 작업장이다. 직업재활시설이 없다면 아마도 절대 다수의 장애인들이 집안에 머무르거나 지역 장애인주간보호센터 등에 소일하며 나날을 보낼 수밖에 없었을 것이다. 그런 의미에서 직업재활시설은 중증장애인의 사회참여와 자아실현을 가능하게 하는 매우 중요한 기능을 한다고 할 수 있다. 그러나 직업재활시설의 보호를 받으며 근로를 하는 장애인들을 근로자로 간주할 수 있는지에 대하여는 어느 법에도 명시되어 있지 않다. 또한 장애인에게 보호와 고용의 기회를 제공하는 직업재활시설의 시설장이 사용자에 해당하는지도 불분명하다. 그런 이유로 직업재활시설 장애인에게는 노동법 및 사회보장법을 어떻게 적용할지 여부 역시 명확하지 않다. 현행 장애인복지법 시행규칙별표에서는 근로기준법의 일부 규정과 산업안전보건법만을 적용하도록 하고 있다. 그런데 장애인을 일반 근로자와 동일시할 수 없기 때문에 장애인에게는 근로자에게 요구되는 근로자로서의 의무를 요구할 수는 없고, 또 그러기에 모든 노동법의 규정(근로자의 의무, 징계 등)을 그대로 적용할 수도 없다. 그러나 직업재활시설의 장애인도 일반 근로자와 마찬가지로 근로를 제공한다는 점에서 이들에게도 근로자들에게 적용되는 최소한의 보호규정은 반드시 적용해야 할 것이다. 예컨대, 근로시간, 휴게시간, 휴일, 휴가, 산업안전, 산업재해보상 등 근로자 보호를 위해 필수적인 조항들은 직업재활시설의 장애인들에게도 적용해야 한다. 그러나 현실에서 근로자를 사용하는 사업장에 적용되는 최저임금법의 적용 배제 규정을 직업재활시설 장애인에게 적용하는 것은 논리적으로 맞지 않는다. 따라서 이 법 제7조에 의하여 최저임금의 적용이 배제되는 근로능력이 현저히 낮은 장애인은 원칙적으로 일반 사업장에 고용된 장애인이어야만 한다. 물론 법리적 검토와 무관하게 직업재활시설 장애인에게 최저임금법이 적용되지 않는다는 결과는 동일하다. 그러므로 최저임금이 현저히 미달하는 임금을 받는 직업재활시설 장애인들이 최소한의 생활을 영위할 수 있도록 이를 보완하는 국가에 의한 보충급여를 마련할 필요가 있다. 궁극적으로 이와 같은 법적 미비 상태를 개선하려면 현재 장애인복지법 시행규칙 별표에 규정되어 있는 직업재활시설 관련 방대한 규정들을 정비하여 장애인직업재활시설법(가칭)으로 독립 제정할 필요가 있다. 나아가 향후 사회보험법 등에서도 장애인직업재활시설 장애인을 근로자와 유사한 자로 간주하여 보험 가입 의무를 부과하도록 해야 할 것이다.

`근대이행기`의 민중의식: `근대`와` 반근대`의 너머 ―토지소유 및 매매관습에 대한 인식을 중심으로

배항섭 ( Bae Hang Seob ) 역사문제연구소 2010 역사문제연구 Vol.14 No.1

Previous studies which had dealt with the people`s perception of certain issues during the so-called `period of transformation into modernity` have been presenting two different stances that existed in that time period. Some of the scholars presented an aspect of the people`s attitude which they recognized as “aspiring for modernity,” while the others suggested `another` kind of stance that was exhibited by the people of the time as they considered such stance to be “standing against modernity.” These are clearly two different points of view, yet at the same time they share a certain level of similarity as well, in terms of no other than their equally `transcendental` nature in their viewing of history. In fact, they have both been basing their points of view upon certain premises, such as “the world history tends to exhibit a universal nature, regardless of the differences among regions,” or “the world tends to share, similar historical experiences.” In this article, the people`s perspectives that were reflected in their lives during the period of `transformation into modernity,` are examined through traditional customs and conventional practices which existed at the time with relation to certain issues such as land ownership and transaction of those lands. Such approach was conceived as an empirical approach to the reality of this time period, and hopefully it could provide some insights to the situation, which must have had an internal driving force behind it. The people`s perspectives were never free from the ruling structure & ideology or laws & institutions, and they were also pretty much formed upon the basis of customary practices and culture, derived from the very lives of people. In that regard, it should be noted that the Joseon dynasty and its society already had a working land ownership structure accompanied by a landlord system, which was well established in legal and customary terms and also very similar in its exclusiveness to a modern style land ownership system. The Joseon society also had a time-honored custom of freely trading those lands. This was indeed a unique situation, considering the entire history of the world, and it must have had a profound influence upon the people`s perspective of viewing things, especially in the period of transformation into modernity. For a long time, the people had hopes for equal distribution(`均分`) of lands, and the intellectuals also made such cause one of their pressing priorities in their reform suggestions. Yet, the people were not able to demand the landlord system to be brought down permanently, even after they staged violent insurrections and waged full-scale peasant wars. Instead, in their demands delivered to the government during the Dong`hak Peasant war, they only demanded that land be owned freely by people. And at the same time, the Peasant army also contemplated upon the idea of abolishing private ownership of lands, and having people cultivate them in an equal and equitable fashion. This was not an idea that depended upon traditional customs or conventional practices. It was an idea that based itself upon the old school thinking that believed “all lands belonged to the king(`王土思想`).” It was far from being a modernized thought. This kind of position featured by the people during the period of transformation into modernity, reflected in their arguments and perceptions regarding land ownership reforms, shall not be categorized neither as “aspiring for modernity” nor “opposing modernity.” It had much more to do with the land ownership structure and the customs of transaction that had earlier been established in the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty.

‘근대이행기’의 민중의식: ‘근대’와 ‘반근대’의 너머 - 토지소유 및 매매관습에 대한 인식을 중심으로

역사문제연구소 2010 역사문제연구 Vol.2010 No.23

<P>Previous studies which had dealt with the people’s perception of certain issues during the so-called ‘period of transformation into modernity’ have been presenting two different stances that existed in that time period. Some of the scholars presented an aspect of the people’s attitude which they recognized as “aspiring for modernity,” while the others suggested ‘another’ kind of stance that was exhibited by the people of the time as they considered such stance to be “standing against modernity.”</P><P> These are clearly two different points of view, yet at the same time they share a certain level of similarity as well, in terms of no other than their equally ‘transcendental’ nature in their viewing of history. In fact, they have both been basing their points of view upon certain premises, such as “the world history tends to exhibit a universal nature, regardless of the differences among regions,” or “the world tends to share, similar historical experiences.”</P><P> In this article, the people’s perspectives that were reflected in their lives during the period of ‘transformation into modernity,’ are examined through traditional customs and conventional practices which existed at the time with relation to certain issues such as land ownership and transaction of those lands. Such approach was conceived as an empirical approach to the reality of this time period, and hopefully it could provide some insights to the situation, which must have had an internal driving force behind it.</P><P> The people’s perspectives were never free from the ruling structure & ideology or laws & institutions, and they were also pretty much formed upon the basis of customary practices and culture, derived from the very lives of people. In that regard, it should be noted that the Joseon dynasty and its society already had a working land ownership structure accompanied by a landlord system, which was well established in legal and customary terms and also very similar in its exclusiveness to a modern style land ownership system. The Joseon society also had a time-honored custom of freely trading those lands. This was indeed a unique situation, considering the entire history of the world, and it must have had a profound influence upon the people’s perspective of viewing things, especially in the period of transformation into modernity.</P><P> For a long time, the people had hopes for equal distribution(‘均分’) of lands, and the intellectuals also made such cause one of their pressing priorities in their reform suggestions. Yet, the people were not able to demand the landlord system to be brought down permanently, even after they staged violent insurrections and waged full-scale peasant wars. Instead, in their demands delivered to the government during the Dong’hak Peasant war, they only demanded that land be owned freely by people. And at the same time, the Peasant army also contemplated upon the idea of abolishing private ownership of lands, and having people cultivate them in an equal and equitable fashion. This was not an idea that depended upon traditional customs or conventional practices. It was an idea that based itself upon the old school thinking that believed “all lands belonged to the king(‘王土思想’).” It was far from being a modernized thought.</P><P> This kind of position featured by the people during the period of transformation into modernity, reflected in their arguments and perceptions regarding land ownership reforms, shall not be categorized neither as “aspiring for modernity” nor “opposing modernity.” It had much more to do with the land ownership structure and the customs of transaction that had earlier been established in the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty.</P>

근대 중국정치와 민의(民意): 민권론의 전개를 중심으로

조성환 동아시아국제정치학회 2008 국제정치연구 Vol.11 No.2

This study examines the ideas of 'People's Right'(minquan) in three different modern chinese political movements; the Hunan province reformist movement in the end of 1890's, the constitutional reformist movement and the republican revolutionary movement from 1901 to 1911. In these three different political movements, we can observe the anti-despotism as the common subject of modern chinese 'People's Right' idea. The leaders of the Hunan province reformist movement proposed a 'shared right regime between the people and the prince' which includes the establishment of National Assembly. The constitutionalists, for the improvement the people's right, tried to establish the modern constitutional and parliamentary system in the context of enlightened despotism. Different from the constitutionalist's compromised idea, the republican revolutionary claimed the direct and total realization of the people's right by overthrowing the Qing dynasty. It is certain that the People's Right movements precipitated the collapse of Qing dynasty in 1911. However, the Republic of China after the end of Qing dynasty neither stood firm nor consolidated the democracy. Moreover, the socialist revolution of 1949 didn't guarantee the chinese people's right. Contemporary China, even though it opened and reformed since 1978, continues Party's dictatorship. China in 21st century will face with the political task of how can it ensure the people's political right and institutionalize democracy in accordance with the growing economic welfare. This study examines the ideas of 'People's Right'(minquan) in three different modern chinese political movements; the Hunan province reformist movement in the end of 1890's, the constitutional reformist movement and the republican revolutionary movement from 1901 to 1911. In these three different political movements, we can observe the anti-despotism as the common subject of modern chinese 'People's Right' idea. The leaders of the Hunan province reformist movement proposed a 'shared right regime between the people and the prince' which includes the establishment of National Assembly. The constitutionalists, for the improvement the people's right, tried to establish the modern constitutional and parliamentary system in the context of enlightened despotism. Different from the constitutionalist's compromised idea, the republican revolutionary claimed the direct and total realization of the people's right by overthrowing the Qing dynasty. It is certain that the People's Right movements precipitated the collapse of Qing dynasty in 1911. However, the Republic of China after the end of Qing dynasty neither stood firm nor consolidated the democracy. Moreover, the socialist revolution of 1949 didn't guarantee the chinese people's right. Contemporary China, even though it opened and reformed since 1978, continues Party's dictatorship. China in 21st century will face with the political task of how can it ensure the people's political right and institutionalize democracy in accordance with the growing economic welfare.

Developing UX Elements for Disabled People based on Literature Survey

Mingyu Lee,Sung H. Han,Hyun K. Kim,Hanul Bang 대한인간공학회 2014 대한인간공학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2014 No.11

The purpose of this study is to identify the elements of user experience (UX) of disabled people. We focused on the UX of mobile products. Many researches about the user experience have been conducted to provide the users with a wealth of experience, but those researches have been conducted only with general users (i.e., non-disabled people). In comparison with non-disabled people, disabled people have different abilities to sense or to act, so their experience with products or services also can be different. To make a product or service for disabled people with the consideration of their experience, understanding the UX of disabled people should be required. In this study, to understand the UX of disabled people, we identified UX elements of disabled people. We analyzed previous studies on usability for disabled people and UX elements for general users. A total of 3 elements, 20 subelements, and 75 subconcepts were derived for the UX element of disabled people. This study can serve as useful criteria for development or evaluation of product or service for disabled people.

스트레칭운동이 양로원노인의 체력, 일상활동능력 및 삶의 질에 미치는 효과

김여옥 대한간호학회정신간호학회 1999 정신간호학회지 Vol.8 No.1

Senile people can be easily subject to diseases as their physical functions are weakened by aging. At the same time, their physical fitness will also be disturbed, causing them to rely more on other' support for their instrumental activities of daily life. The result will be deteriorated quality of life. On the other hand, senile people frequantly suffer from one or more chronic degenerative diseases, so it may well be necessary for them to exercise regularly and manage their body in order to prevent their physical functions from being degenerated further. With such a conception in mind, the researcher encouraged the senile people accommodated in an asylum to continue to be engaged in the stretching exercise regularly. It was conceived that the senile people who may suffer a muscular contraction due to their long sedentary living could rely on the stretching exercise which can be preformed easily and safety without using any exercise tool. With such a conception in mind, this study was aimed at testing the instrumental activities of daily living and quality of life and thereby, suggesting a stretching exercise model to improve their health. To this end, each 15 senile people were sampled as test and control group, respectively from an asylum located at Songpa-gu, Seoul. The two groups were subject to a stretching exercise program for 8 weeks from April to May 29, 1998. The results of testing the hypotheses can be summarized as follows : 1. It was found that the stretching exercise would have an effect of improving senile people's physical fitness. Such facoirs of their physical fitness as grasping strength (left and right hands), abdominal muscular stregth, flexibility and balancing ability were all improved. Therefore it is conceived that this stretching exercise program is suitable to improvement of senile people's physical fitness. 2. Although the stretching exercise showed some effects on senile people's such instrumental activities of daily living as home keeping and cleaning works as the exercise program processed, there could be found no overall significant effects. 3. Although the stretching exercise had some effects on senile people's such quality of life as emotional condition, self-respect, physical condition and function as the exercise program processed, the effects were not significant in statistical terms. Such findings may suggest that a short-term stretching exercise alone may not be sufficient to improve senile people's quality of life involving their physical, emotional and socio-economic conditions. Summing up, the stretching exercise may help to improve senile people's physical fitness, out it cannot improve their quality of life significantly. Therefore, it may well be necessary to extend an emotional support to the senile people who feel lonely only to fail in despair or suffer from the sense of impending dealth. Nevertheless, those sample senile people who participated in this stretching exercise program reported that they were pleased to feel their health improved with their joints softened, Lastly, it is hoped that future studies would develop a longer exercise program together with various emotional support ones.