魏晉南北朝 古墳壁畵 발견과 연구

정옌(鄭岩) 한국미술연구소 2006 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.23

본고는 20세기 이후의 중국 위진남북조 묘실벽화의 주요발견과 연구현황 및 그 시대적 특징을 살펴보았으며, 나아가 미술사 연구에 있어서의 의의를 서술하였다. 먼저 고고학 연구의 기초작업으로서 지역적ㆍ시대적 분류작업을 통해, 위진남북조 벽화묘의 전체적인 현황과 그 발전과정의 맥락을 짚어보았다. 지역은 크게 東北, 西北, 南方, 中原 지역으로 나누었다. 동북지역은 遼河의 동쪽 지역으로, 주로 魏晉, 三燕과 高句麗 벽화묘가 발견되었다. 서북지역은 河西走廊에서 新彊 吐魯番 일대를 포함하며, 주로 魏晉과 五凉에 속하는 시기의 벽화묘가 발굴되었다. 남방지역은 淮河의 남쪽 광대한 지역으로, 벽화묘의 자료는 난징 東晉 南朝墓의 계통이 주를 이룬다. 중원은 黃河 중하류를 중심으로 한 지역으로, 北朝의 벽화묘가 많이 발견되었다. 위진남북조는 정권분립의 시기였을 뿐만 아니라, 동시에 각 지역의 문화가 융합된 시기였기 때문에 수많은 문화적 요소가 잔재해 있으며 그 시대적 특징을 표출하고 있다. 특히 벽화묘의 지역적 분포가 일정치 않기에 각 지역간의 묘장구조, 제재내용 및 회화풍격 역시 뚜렷한 특징을 지니고 있다. 한편 각 지역간에는 교류와 상호작용이 활발히 진척되고 있다. 동 북ㆍ서북지역의 벽화묘는 중원지역 漢 문화의 영향이 두드러지며, 다시 중원과 서역에 영향을 미치고 있다. 北朝 북위의 벽화묘는 뤄양으로 도읍을 옮긴 후 제재상의 변화를 가져오게 되며, 이러한 변화는 南朝와의 영향 관계가 밀접하다. 위진남북조의 묘실벽화는 漢代 묘실벽화의 기초상에서 새로운 전환과 창조를 이루어냈다. 제재의 선택과 주제의식이 명확해지며, 새로운 도상 규율이 형성되고 있다. 특히 이러한 변화는 묘주인의 신분과 밀접한 관련을 지니고 있으며, 이 시기에 들어서 帝陵과 貴族의 묘장에서 벽화가 대량으로 출현한다는 점이 주목된다. 또한 종교예술 및 각종 학술사장이 새로운 변환에 기여하고 있으나, 엄밀히 말해 묘실벽화는 喪葬관념의 반영이기에 그 해석을 내릴 때 각별히 주의하여야 한다. 위진남북조 묘실벽화의 발견과 연구는 중국미술사의 연구에 새로운 자료와 시야를 제공 해주고 있다. 현재에 이르기까지 계속적으로 축적되는 묘실벽화의 자료는 부족한 문헌자료를 보완해줄 뿐만 아니라, 당시의 풍부한 회화자료를 제공한다. 또한 묘실벽화는 당시의 건축, 소조, 회화가 결합한 종합적인 예술작품이므로, 우리는 이를 독립적이고 특수한 예술형식으로 다루어야 한다. 위진남북조 묘실벽화 그 자체의 속성을 다시금 인식하고 미술사적인 가치를 이끌어내는 작업은 이제 우리에게 달려있다. This study looked into the main discoveries and researches of tomb murals and their periodical characteristics, stating a few implications within the context of art history. To begin with, by classifying them into geographic and periodical category, I investigated the overall situation of tomb murals in me Wei, Jin Northern and Southern Dynasties and me context of its development. Regional categories incorporate the Eastern North, the Western North, the Southern, and the Central. The Eastern North belonged to the eastern pan of Yaohe, in which mainly mural tombs of Weijin, Sanyan, and Coguryeo were Included The Western North covered territories from Hexi to Xinjiang and Tulufan, in which mainly tombs of Weijin and Wuliang were excavated. The Southern belonged to the southern extensive territory of Huihe, in which mainly the burials of Nanjing, Eastern Jin Dynasty, and Southern Dynasty were found The Central belonged to the middle and lower courses of a stream of Huanghe, in which mainly murals of tile Northern Dynasty were discovered. Wei, Jin Northern and Southern Dynasties were not only the period of separation of political power, but also the fusion of discrete regional cultures so that numerous cultural elements still remained and revealed each ethnicity. Especially murals were unevenly distributed in a regional context, so that each one preserved distinctive traits in terms of interior structure, topics and painting characteristics, Nevertheless, there were notably a lot of interactions and exchanges amongst regions Tomb icons of me Eastern north and the Western north were mainly influenced from tile Han culture of me Central, later turning the influences back to tile Central and the West. Tomb murals of the Northern Wei in the Northern Dynasty went through the transformations in topics since tile relocation of tile Capital to Luoyang, which showed tile intertwined relationships with the Southern Dynasty. Murals depicted inside the burial chambers of Wei, Jin Northern and Southern Dynasties accomplished remarkable transformations and creations with the more clarified themes and selected topics, along with the newly-formed iconographic norms. Especially these changes have an inextricable relationship with the social status of the deceased. It is a noteworthy fact that during this period, the chamber tombs for emperors and aristocrats took into presences in massive quantities. Even though religious art and a host of academic ideas seemed to have contributed to the transformations, it needs to be very cautious to have such an interpretation, when considering tomb depictions are strictly the reflections of ideas on funeral rituals. Identifications, descriptions and interpretations of tomb murals of Wei, Jin Northern and Southern Dynasties provide us with a myriad of references and perspectives for the study of Chinese art history. Documents of tomb murals accrued to the present nor only make up for the lack of archives, but offer abundant painting materials. In addition to that, tomb imagery seen as works of an combining architecture, modelling with painting, needs to be handled as an independent and specific form of art. Whether th tomb murals of Wei, Jin Northern and Southern Dynasties can be recognized as valuable dues in art history depends on our trial of reappraisal on the inherent qualities.

王國維 五代 · 北宋詞 우위론의 실제비평양상과 주요 논점 고찰

홍서연(Hong, Seu-Youn) 중국문화연구학회 2017 중국문화연구 Vol.0 No.35

The objective of this research is to clarify Wang Guo-wei’s practical criticism of the superiority of the five dynasties & the Northern Song Dynasty and its theoretical features. These aspects having been excluded from previous research of the Ci-xue theory by Wang Guo-wei. For that purpose, this research thoroughly analysed and translated a total of 154 articles of the Zhou Xi-shan edition of the RenJianCiHua. Those criticisms of Wang Guo-wei about important successive generations of Ci writers have been reconstructed based on those analyzed documents. Three categories resulted from the analyses of the practical criticism and its theoretical features of the superiority of the five dynasties & the Northern Song Dynasty of Wang Guo-wei: highly valued, poorly valued and complex valued. The highly valued category of writers mainly originates from the five dynasties & the Northern Song Dynasty. Representative writers of this group are: Li Yu(李煜) and Feng Yan(馮延巳) Si from the five dynasties and 0u Yang Xiu(歐陽脩), Qin Guan (秦觀) and Su Shi(蘇軾) from the Northern Song Dynasty, with the exception of Xin Qi Ji(辛棄疾) and Na Lan Xing De(納蘭性德), respectively from the Southern Song Dynasty and the Ch’ing dynasty. All the writers belonging to the poorly valued category originate from the Southern Song Dynasty, such as Zhang Yan(張炎), Wu Wen Ying(吳文英), Zhou Mi(周密), Shi Da zu(史達祖) and Wang Yi Sun(王沂孫). Representative writers belonging to the complex valued category are Zhou Bang Yan(周邦彦) and Jiang Kui(姜夔), respectively from the Northern Song Dynasty and the Southern Song Dynasty. The theoretical features of this criticism can be summarized as follows: ‘sincerity of the emotions’, ‘natural form of language’, ‘writer’s style’, ‘relations between the writers through the ages’, and ‘Wen Ren Ci’. This research could be used in the future as elementary material for research on the superiority of the Southern Song Dynasty & the Northern Song Dynasty of the Ch’ing dynasty’s Ci-xue theory.

위진남북조 시대 ‘시각적 전환’으로 본 백제금동대향로(百濟金銅大香爐)의 연꽃무늬

權錫煥 한국중국산문학회 2023 중국산문연구집간 Vol.15 No.-

This paper identified what kind of ideas and local cultures it has through the Gilt-bronze Incense Burner of Baekje's lotus patterns. The lotus flower moved to the central plains through the Western Regions and Silk Road, and was used in various objects including Buddha statues, incense burners, Lotus design roofend tile(瓦當), and porcelain during the period of the Wei, Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝). In Wei, Jin and the Southern and Northern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝 ),new plant patterns emerged from animals, figures, and Geometric pattern, and this was a kind of visual transformation. The lotus flower played a leading role in visual transformation. Lotus Patterns of The Gilt-bronze Incense Burner of Baekje (百濟金銅大香爐)is deeply related to Northern Dynasties(北朝)centered on The Northern Wei Dynasty(北魏). A phoenix (or blue bird) sits on a lotus flower in the mural of Mogao Caves(莫高窟) created in The Northern Wei Dynasty. In addition, in The Northern Wei Dynasty, a lotus flower and an incense burner were combined to create a LotusBurner. Lotus Patterns of The Gilt-bronze Incense Burner of Baekje (百濟金銅大香爐) promoted visual diffusion.It did not end with a single pattern, but combined with 25 animals and two characters to promote visual diffusion. Along with it, Baekje's representative Baekje lotus-patterned bricks, lotus goblin-patterned bricks, lotus cloud-patterned bricks, and Baekje Buddha statues were excavated from Gyuam-myeon Buyeo. They combine with animals, plants, clouds, and flames around the lotus flower to represent the unique aesthetic world of Baekje, which is fusion and has a great three-dimensional effect. Lotus Patterns of The Gilt-bronze Incense Burner of Baekje became the essence of Baekje culture along with the Buddha statue of Baekje and the lotus pattern in Lotus design roofend tile(瓦當).

章炳麟 學術에서 魏晉南北朝의 地位와 性格- 「五朝學」을 중심으로

이영섭 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2023 인문사회과학연구 Vol.24 No.3

Zhang binlin is a grandmaster of Guoxue(the Studies of Chinese Ancient Civilization) who most Chinese scholars respected in the early twentieth century. However, his scholarly work was difficult to read even for contemporary scholars of his time due to the complexity of his writing style. For this reason, his scholarly achievement has been limitedly investigated, compared to his linguistic achievement and other fields. Under these circumstances, “Wuchaoxue” provides for a useful starting point to explore a new perspective on Zhangbinglin's scholarship because it is a commentary on the Wei-Jin-Northern and Southern dynasties, a period in which Zhangbinglin himself projected his ideals. Once such a plausible period can be imagined within the framework of his own scholarly thoughts, the process of idealizing the dynasties again reinforces his own scholarly identity by arguing that his claims had already been realized in the past. Thus, we can orientate research direction of Zhangbinglin's scholarly thoughts from his Wuchaoxue. Zhangbinglin's "Wuchaoxue" is a treatise that argues against the universal historical perception of the Wei-Jin-Northern and Southern dynasties that politics and civilization were ostracized as chaotic and disorderly after the Later Han Dynasty and before the Tang Dynasty. On the contrary, it claims that the customs and scholarship of the Wei-Jin-Northern and Southern dynasties were in no way inferior to those of the earlier or later periods, but rather outstanding. Moreover, we can confirm Zhangbinglin's strong attachment to and dependence on the Wei-Jin-Northern and Southern dynasties. Although “Wuchaoxue” is filled with arguments cited from a variety of sources, a careful reading reveals that Zhang does not argue calmly with meticulous archival evidence, but rather polemicizes and defends the Wei-Jin-Northern and Southern dynasties against the prevailing negative view of the period as a time of luxury and decadence. In particular, Zhangbinglin emphasized the positive and creative aspects of Qingtan and Xuanxue, actively denying the belief of Chinese historiography that Qingtan (metaphysical discourse) and Xuanxue(metaphysical thought) led the dynasty and society into nihilistic and pessimistic direction. 20세기 초 중국학계에서 國學大師로 추앙받던 章炳麟의 학술사상관련 글들은 難澀한 그의 文章風格으로 인해 당시의 학자들조차 읽기 어려워할 정도였다. 때문에 章炳麟 연구에 있어서 그의 언어학이나 다른 분야에 비해 그의 학술사상 연구는 아무래도 제한적일 수밖에 없었다.. 이 같은 상황 속에서 「五朝學」은 章炳麟 학술을 살필 수 있는 새로운 관점을 모색하는 데에 유용한 着手處를 제공해 준다. 왜냐하면 「五朝學」은 章炳麟 스스로 자신의 이상을 투영한 시대상인 魏晉南北朝에 대한 論辨이기 때문이다. 자신의 학술적 사유의 틀 안에서 자신의 이상을 투영할 王朝가 상정되면, 다시 그 王朝를 理想化하는 과정을 통해 자신의 주장이 이미 과거에 실현된 적이 있음을 論證하며 자신의 학술적 정체성을 강화하게 되기에, 章炳麟의 「五朝學」이란 글을 통해, 章炳麟의 학술사상의 지향점을 짐작할 수 있다. 章炳麟의 「五朝學」은, 魏晉南北朝란 시기가 後漢이래로 唐代이전까지 조정과 사회가 혼란스럽고 문란했다며 배척당하던 당시의 보편적 역사인식에 대해, 당시의 풍속과 학술이 결코 이전이나 이후보다 못하지 않았으며, 오히려 뛰어난 시대였음을 論辨한 글로, 章炳麟의 魏晉南北朝에 대한 애착과 의존도를 가늠할 수 있게 해준다. 「五朝學」은 비록 여러 문헌에서 인용해온 論據들로 가득 차 있긴 하지만, 꼼꼼히 읽어보면 자신의 주장을 치밀한 고증으로 차분하게 개진하는 것이 아니라, 다분히 魏晉南北朝를 사치와 퇴폐의 시기로 간주해버리던 당시의 시류에 대해 반발하고 변명하는 글로, 논쟁적 성격이 매우 강함을 확인할 수 있었다. 특히 중국 역사학계에서는 일반적으로 淸談과 玄學이 당시 조정과 사회를 허무하고 염세적인 방향으로 이끌었다고 여겼지만, 章炳麟은 이를 적극적으로 부정하고 淸談과 玄學의 긍정적이고 창조적인 측면을 강조했다.

東魏·北齊 시기 鄴城의 불교조각

허리췬 국립중앙박물관 2016 미술자료 Vol.- No.89

Because of its strategic location, Ye City has been an irreplaceable communication hub since the Eastern Han period. It was in turn the capital of Cao Wei (220-265), Later Zhao (335-350), Ran Wei (350-352), Former Yan (357-370) Eastern Wei (534-550) and Northern Qi (550-577) Dynasties, and through this period it was the political, economic and cultural center of the Central and Northern China. Because of the peculiar historical situation and the support of the ruling class, Buddhism developed swiftly in Ye City, reaching its heyday during the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi Dynasties. During the 2012 Spring Festival, Ye City Archaeological Team found and rescued a Buddhist sculpture hoard. From this hoard, 2895 piece of sculptures, plus almost 3000 fragments, were unearthed. Many of which engraved exact dates including the eras of the Northern Wei, Eastern Wei, Northern Qi, Sui and Tang Dynasties. This discovery powerfully proved the status of Ye City as the center of the Buddhism in northern China during the 6th century. Although Buddhism was suppressed during the persecution of Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou and the city was destroyed by Wen Emperor of Sui, the essence of Ye City Buddhism was deeply implanted into the Avataṃsaka华严, Lotus法华, Pure Land净土, Dhyāna禅, Vinaya律schools and of the Teaching of the Three Levels Sect 三阶教, which formed the main stream of Buddhism in the Sui and Tang Dynasties. 鄴城은 그 전략적 위치로 인해 東漢시대부터 줄곧 대체할 수 없는 교통요충지로 자리해 왔다. 鄴城은 차례로 曹魏(220-265), 後趙(335-350), 冉魏(350-352), 前燕(357-370), 東魏(534-550), 北齊(550-577)의 도읍이었으며, 이 시기 華中과 華北 지역의 정치, 경제, 문화 중심지였다. 이러한 특별한 역사적 상황과 맞물려 지배계급의 후원을 통해 불교가 鄴城에서 급속히 발전했고, 동위와 북제 시대에 그 전성기를 맞이한다. 2012년 춘절 기간에 업성 고고학팀은 불교 조각상 매장지를 발굴하고, 2,895점의 불상을 비롯해 3000점에 달하는 불상 편들을 출토했다. 그 중 대다수에는 北魏, 東魏, 北齊, 隋, 唐 등 정확한 편년을 제시하는 명문이 남겨 있었다. 이 발굴은 6세기 중국 북부의 불교 중심지로서 鄴城의 위상을 강력하게 입증하는 것이다. 비록 北周 武帝가 폐불 정책으로 불교를 억압하고, 鄴城이 隋文帝에 의해 파괴됐으나, 鄴城 불교의 정수는 華嚴, 法華, 淨土, 禪, 律 등의 諸宗에 깊이 뿌리내렸고, 隋와 唐 불교의 주류를 형성하는 三階敎에 영향을 주었다.

백제(百濟) 불교미술과 북조(北朝)

소현숙 ( So Hyunsook ) 중앙아시아학회 2020 中央아시아硏究 Vol.25 No.2

This study examined the exchange of Buddhist culture and art between Baekje and the Northern Dynasties of China. The ancient East Asian Buddhist culture was very political. Thus, Buddhist cultural exchanges between Baekje and China also tended to be centered on political activities. Based on these historical facts, this paper divided the Buddhist cultural exchanges between Baekje and the Northern Dynasties into two stages: the early and late of the 6th century, when Baekje began its official exchanges with the Northern Dynasties. In the first phase, the influence of the Northern Wei(北魏) on Baekje's Buddhist culture was minimal because Baekje had little interaction with the Northern Wei. Nevertheless, the use of the name of the temple, which adopted the name of the Chinese regnal year, and the selection of the location of the Jeongnim-sa(定林寺) Temple in the capital of Sabi(泗沘) appeared to reflect the influence of the Northern Wei. In the late 6th century, Baekje established formal diplomatic relations with Northern Qi(北齊)and Northern Zhou(北周), which resulted in changes in Buddhist art in Baekje. Visually perceptual experiences of Buddhist landscapes from the Northern Dynasties, such as stone caves and stone statues built on traffic routes and highlands, led to the emergence of new forms of cliff statues in Baekje from the late 6th to early 7th centuries. Changes in the Buddhist icon have also occurred. The Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva and the Pansive Bodhisattva, which were popular in the Northern Qi, were located next to the Buddha. It shows that the Baekje people did not passively accept the Chinese Buddhist culture, and that they changed it.

중국 北朝 시기 儀伐出行의 재현과 祭儀

서윤경(徐閏慶) 한국미술연구소 2014 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.39

This thesis is a study on `Honor Guard Procession(儀伐出行)` in the Northern Dynasties by analyzing the mural paintings and pottery figures produced during the period. The honor guard procession took place when there were imperial tours and rites in ancient East Asia. Each dynasty established strict regulations on the ceremonial guard system. Old Chinese documents on imperial honor guard processions dealt with the topic Lubu(鹵簿). They often included visual materials such as illustrations. Early Chinese dynasties regarded the Lubu system as one of the crucial elements of their stated ceremonies and produced drawings and illustrations called ` Lubutu(鹵簿圖)`. In this study, the main focus is on mural tomb and pottery figures excavated from the Northern Dynasties Tombs. An analysis of the discoveries revealed that the ceremonial guard procession of Northern Wei was established based on the honor guard of the Han, Wei-Jin dynasties and characterized by an increased number of ceramic tomb guardian warriors, saddled horses, and ox-drawn carriages forming the main part of the guard and a tendency of fusion of clothing between the Han people and Northern people. The materials also suggested the arrival of new images and artistic styles under the influence of the Western Regions and Buddhism. The Eastern Wei, Northern Qi, Western Wei, and Northern Zhou dynasties also operated their own systems. The honor guard processions of these dynasties are depicted vividly in panoramic style at the tombs of Wan Zhang(灣?), Lou Rui(婁叡), Xu Xianxiu(徐顯秀), and Li Xian(李賢). Most of the murals are on the walls of passages leading to the burial chamber, exhibiting significant development in artistic style and techniques particularly with regard to the arrangement of procession and portrayal of human figures. Archaeologists also discovered ceramic guardian figures whose number and ceremonial decoration represented the social status of the tomb owners. These honor guard processions as expressed by paintings and sculptural works help create a funeral ceremony in a three-dimensional manner. The discoveries suggest that the resting place prepared along with the artistic representation of an honor guard ceremony was intended to comfort the spirit of the deceased leader and help him continue the same luxurious life he had led when he was still alive.

신라 상고기 지도로의 갈문왕 책봉과 왕위 계승

이천우(Lee Choun Woo) 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2016 서강인문논총 Vol.0 No.46

본고는 신라 상고기 지도로갈문왕의 활동을 중심으로 그가 왕위 계승을 할 수 있었던 動因을 살펴보는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해서는 먼저 지도로가 갈문왕에 책봉된 배경에 대해 살펴볼 필요가 있다. 기존에는 『삼국사기』 신라본기 지증마립간 즉위조를 근거로 소지마립간의 ‘再從弟’로서 갈문왕에 책봉되었을 것이라고 이해되어 왔다. 그러나 내물마립간 즉위 이후 갈문왕 책봉의 변화상을 검토한 결과 지도로는 실제로는 소지마립간의 5촌 당숙이었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 소지마립간은 지도로를 갈문왕에 책봉함으로써 대외 관계의 변화를 도모하였다. 이를 위해 假혈연관계인 ‘재종제’를 상정하여 갈문왕 책봉 요건을 맞추고자 하는 노력을 기울이기도 하였다. 소지마립간은 고구려의 내부 사정에 대해 잘 알고 있는 지도로를 갈문왕에 책봉함으로써 5세기 후반 친고구려 노선으로의 전환을 꾀하였다. 이는 기존에 백제를 이용한 중국 남조와의 조공 루트 개척에 대한 수정을 의미하는 것으로, 고구려를 통해 북조의 북위와의 교류를 꾀하고자 했던 것이다. 이는 대외적으로 남조의 남제가 내부 반란을 겪는 등의 혼란을 겪고 있었으며, 멸망의 조짐이 보이고 있었기 때문에 노선을 수정한 것으로 보인다. 그러나 지도로갈문왕이 주도하는 친고구려 노선에 대해서는 반발 세력들이 존재했을 것으로 생각되며, 이를 반영하는 기사가 소지마립간 말년의 기사로 파악된다. 그러나 지도로갈문왕은 소지마립간 사후에도 친고구려 노선을 견지하며 결국 왕으로 즉위한 이후인 502년과 508년 북위에 조공사를 파견하는 데 성공하였다. 이후 이어지는 한화 정책 역시 북위 효문제가 추진했던 정책의 수용에서 기인한 것으로 보인다. 지도로갈문왕의 적극적인 대북위 외교 정책은 502년 조공사를 파견한 이듬해 국명과 왕호를 제정하는 등의 정책으로 이어지게 되었고, 503년 10월에 이르러서야 비로소 왕을 칭할 수 있게 되었던 것으로 보인다. 이러한 맥락에서 본다면, 503년 10월의 사건은 대중국 외교에 있어 공식적인 국가명과 왕호를 선포한 것이라 볼 수 있을 것이다. This article is to examine the cause of Galmunwang Gidoro"s succession to the throne, concentrating upon his early activities. First, we need to look into the background that Gidoro was installed to Galmunwang. In the past, it was understood that JijeungMaripgan enthronement article in Sillabongi, Samkuksaki was a ground to install Gidoro as a second cousin to Galmunwang. After enthronement of Nemulmaripgan, however, Jidoro turned out to be Dangsuk of Sojimaripgan as a result of the examination of the installation change of Galmunwang. Nevertheless, Sojimaripgan tried to promote international relations by installing Gidoro to Galmunwang. Sojimaripgan also postulated a second cousin, a false-Kinship, to adapt the installation conditions of Galmunwang. In the late 5th Century, Sojimaripgan tried to build a friendly relationship with Goguryeo by installing Gidoro to Galmunwang who knew well about the internal situation of Goguryeo. This installation meant to modify the tribute route to China Southern Dynasty through Baekjae, and an attempt to exchange with the Northern Wei Dynasty in China Northern Dynasty through Goguryeo. This change of international relations can be understood because of an inside rebellion inSouthern Qi in China Southern Dynasty. Yet, there would be a backlash power to the friendly-Goguryeo led by the Galmunwang Gidoro, and an article in the late Sojimaripgan supports it. Even after the death of Sojimaripgan, the Galmunwang Gidoro stuck to the friendly-Goguryeo and succeeded in assigning tribute envoys to the Northern Wei Dynasty in 502 and 508 after he became the king. The subsequent Chinese Assimilation policies also seem to be resulted from the acceptance of policies that Xiaowendi in the Northern Wei Dynasty pushed ahead. The Galmunwang Gidoro"s aggressive foreign policies to the Northern Wei Dynasty extended to policies such as the determination of the name of the king and country in the following year of 502 when the tribute envoys were assigned. At last, in 503, he could designate himself a king. In this context, the event in October 502 can be understood as an official declaration of the name of the king and country in terms of the diplomacy to China.

蠻의 이주와 北魏의 左郡縣의 설치

홍승현 한성대학교 인문과학연구원 2009 소통과 인문학 Vol.8 No.-

This thesis has been prepared in order to identify the governing principles of the Northern Wei Dynasty for migrating people, and to clarify the reason for the establishment of Zuo-jun-Xian on the border with the South Dynasty. In Contrast to the South Dynasty(南朝) which governed the immigrant Barbarians indirectly and collectively, the Northern Wei used the methods of forced removal and tribe dissolution to govern them in the structure of household organization. There have been some studies which cast doubt on the effectiveness of the dissolution of tribes and insist that it was a limited strategy with shortcomings. However, like most of the other Dynasties of Nomadic Peoples, the Northern Wei which wanted to establish a Dynasty adapted from Chinese civilization probably had to adopt 'household organization' of all the tribes as an aim. However, unlike the governing principle for the Northern Barbarians, the governing of the Man tribe which migrated from the South Dynasty was dealt with by the establishment of Zuo-jun-xian. Zuo-jun-xian was a special administrative organization which controlled the assignment of power to their chief and recognized the autonomy of tribes. It appears that Zuo-jun-xian designated their chief as Ci-shi(刺史) to assure the people's protection and gave him the title of General to allow a degree of power. Analysis suggests that originally the Zuo-jun-xian was introduced by the South Dynasty which had a weaker command of governing power to pacify the Man tribe. But Zuo-jun-xian is also found in Northern Wei. The setting up of Zuo-jun-xian by the Northern Wei had two purposes; one was to use it as a military force, and the other was to absorb the refugees from the South Dynasty into this politically loose space along the border.

<태종무열왕릉비> 비액연구

진복규 慶州大學校 慶州文化硏究所 2007 慶州文化硏究 Vol.9 No.-

It has reaffirmed that the calligraphic style at e Top Part of The Tablet in Royal Tomb of King Taejong Mooyul has deep connection with that of the Northem Wei Dynasty (386-534)of China, just as former studies. Ancient Scholars Believed that the style of calligraphy at the Top Part of The Tablet in Royal Tomb of King Taejong Mooyul connected with that of Tang Dynasty (618-907), but recent studies show that it is closer than that of the Northem Wei Dynasty. The shape and technique used in calligraphy were specifically influenced by <Whangjaenamsoon Tablet) (Onchunsong Tablet) (Wheebok Temple Tablet). The '宀' part is particularIy similar. The Top Parts of the Northem Wei Dynasty tablets traditionally written in xiao zhuan(sma11 seal script) style. The splendid and magnificent top part of e Han Dynasty tablets made gradual progress and became that of the Northem Wei Dynasty, which have a little difference in shape and technique. The straight lines in stroke of (Whangjaenamsoon Tablet) (Onchunsong Tablet) (Wheebok Temple Tablet) are not soft and curves in stroke are too exaggerated and decorated. The Top Part of The Tablet in Royal Tomb of King Taejong Mooyul, however, is not decorative but elastic, neat, mighty and magnificent. That is, it puts emphasis on aesthetic of temperance. It accepted traditions of ancient Chinese styles but achieved an unprecedented development in stroke. The writer of the Top Part in The Tablet of Royal Tomb of King Taejong Mooyul had acquired traditional Northem Wei Dynasty style and added it a new spirit of unification in Korean Peninsular and a new aesthetic. Finally, he created more developed style of calligraphy. The writing style of the Top Part of The Tablet in The Royal Tomb of King Taejong Mooyul, which is strikingly similar to the Top Part of The Tablet in Royal Tomb of King Moonmoo and that of General Kim You-shin, is thought to had created new form. The styles are so similar that the writer of these three tablets is thought to be the same man or at least teacher-learner relation. They were written within the Kim In- moon's lifetime. They were written for the purpose of praising kings and a commanding general. The new tradition in writing top part of tablet appeared in the Top Part of The Tablet in The Royal Tomb of King Hungduk and other tablets between the late Silla Dynasty and the early Koryo Dynasty. For example, <Silsang Temple Suchulwhasang nunggabowol Tablet) and (Salsang Temple Junggakdaesa Eungryo Tablet) were more or less contemporaneously built and their writing styles are so alike that they also seems to be influenced by the Top Part of The Tablet in The Royal Tomb of King Taejong Mooyul. So, the writer of these is thought to be the same person. The writing style of the top parts of the tablets in (Yungwol Hungnyung Temple Jinghyodaesa Tablet), (Bo- ri Temple Daekyungdaesa Tablet) and <Biro Temple Jingongdaesa Bobup Tablet) is so alike that they also seems to be influenced by the Top Part of The Tablet in The Royal Tomb of King Taejong Mooyul. The Writer of these tablets is thought to be written by one parson or quite relative person. Some 300 years (from the year 661: The Royal Tomb of King Taejong Mooyul to the year 939 : Biro Temple Jingongdaesa Bobup Tablet) of tradition is reconfirmed. It's outstanding artistic quality, the calligrapher Kim In-moon's capabilities, who had contacted advanced and splendid civilization of the early Tang Dynasty of China and a great king to whom the tablet dedicated, these great complexity made The Tablet of Royal Tomb of King Taejong Mooyul establish a new style in top part writing style and had been succeeded to later tablets. <태종무열왕릉비> 비액의 서풍은 기존의 연구대로 북위의 서풍과 관련성이 두드러지는 것이 다시 확인되었다. 이전에 이 비의 형제에 대해 거론한 선학들은 당의 것을 닮은 것으로 보았기에, 비액의 서풍도 당비의 비액서풍과 관련해서 생각해 보았으나 오히려 북위와 더욱 가까운 것으로 밝혀졌다. 비의 형제도 북위와의 관련성이 깊지 않을까 생각된다. 구체적으로 북위의 <황제남순비>과 <온천송>, <휘복사비> 등에서 서풍의 연원을 살펴 볼 수 있었다. 필획의 형태나 결구 장법상에 있어서 일정한 영향을 감지할 수 있었다. 특히 <온천송>의 갓머리 표현과 이 비액은 서로 담은 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 이러한 북위 비액의 서체는 소전으로 오랜 전통을 가진 것이다. 거기에 예서의 자형과 필획이 부분적으로 어울려 장식적이면서도 위엄 있는 漢碑額이 시대를 거치며 북위의 비액 전통으로 계승 발전된 것이다. 그러나 북위의 <황제남순비>이나 <온천송>, <취복사비> 등의 획은 직선은 너무 경직되어 있고, 곡선은 지나치게 과장되어 장식화된 경향이 있으나, 무열왕릉비액은 상대적으로 단정함과 위엄을 갖추고, 지나친 곡선의 장식성을 배제하여, 탄력적이고 완만한 곡선으로 강력한 힘을 내재시킨 것으로 파악된다. 한마디로 절제의 미학을 앞세운 것이다. 앞서 거론한 것처럼 중국의 역대 전액의 전통을 수용하였으나 그 어디에도 똑 같은 획은 찾을 수 없는 발전된 형태의 필획이다. 무열왕릉비액의 서자가 북위비액의 전통서풍을 익힌 바탕 위에, 통일기의 위대한 군주에 대한 역사적 환경을 고려하고, 새로운 미감을 더하여, 변화하고 발전한 형태의 전형을 성취해 낸 것이다. 이러한 무열왕릉비액의 서풍은 사천왕사지 비액 편(문무왕릉비액)과 천관사지 비액 편(김유신비액)을 거쳐 역사적 전통이 된 것으로 파악되는데, 이들 비액의 서자는 무열왕릉비액의 서자와 동일인이거나, 적어도 사승관계에 있는 인물로 생각된다. 여러 가지 면에서 너무 혹사한 서풍이며, 건립연대가 김인문의 계세기간으로 비슷하고, 또 왕이거나 왕에 버금가는 인물의 비액이기에 그렇다. 무열왕릉비액 전통의 영향은 흥덕왕릉비액 조각에서 다시 확인할 수 있었고, 신라말 고려초의 여러 선사들의 탑비에서도 확인할 수 있다. <실상사수철화상능가보월탑비>나 <실상사증각대사응료탑비>는 서로 건립시기도 시대적으로 가깝고, 비액의 서풍도 둘 사이에 닮았는데, 이들 역시 무열왕릉비액의 전통을 이은 것이다. 서자 역시 동시대의 동일인물이 아닐까 생각한다. <영월흥넘사징효대사탑비>와 <보리사대경대사탑비> <비로사진공대사보법탑비>의 비액도 서로 흡사한 서풍으로 무열왕릉비액의 전통을 계승하였다. 이들의 서자도 동시대의 관련 깊은 인물일 가능성이 짙다. 근 3백년(무열왕릉비의 건립을 661년으로 보고, <비로사진공대사보법람비>의 연대가 939년이므로, 278년의 기간이 됨)간 지속된 전통을 확인할 수 있다. 이것은 아마 세계적인 대제국 초당의 문화예술 세례를 받은 서자 김인문의 역량과, 삼국통일의 초석을 놓았던 위대한 군주의 비액이라는 점이, 비액 자체의 예술성과 더불어 인식되었기 때문에 생겨난 전통으로 볼 수 있을 것이다.