일반논문 : "리마두(利瑪竇)"에 대한 조선후기(朝鮮後期) 지식인들의 이해와 태도

구만옥 ( Mhan Ock Koo ) 한국사상사학회 2010 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.36

조선후기 사회에서 `利瑪竇`는 논쟁의 대상이었고 많은 官人·儒者들이 그에 대한 나름의 견해를 제시하였다. 논의의 내용과 수준은 논자의 사상적 입장과 학문적 태도, 획득된 정보의 양에 따라 상이했다. 마테오 리치와 관련된 다단한 논의의 갈래를 간추려보면 몇 가지 범주로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 마테오 리치 개인에 대한 인물평, 마테오 리치의 세계지도와 저술에 수록되어 있는 地球說을 둘러싼 논란, 時憲曆과 서양의 천문역산학에 대한 논의, 水車를 비롯한 서양 水利學에 대한 담론, 그리고 天主學에 대한 논쟁 등이 그것이다. 조선후기의 다양한 학술 논쟁의 와중에서 마테오 리치의 저술은 심대한 영향력을 끼쳤다. 「坤輿萬國全圖」로 대표되는 세계지도, 천문역산학과 관련된 저술인 『乾坤體義』와 『渾蓋通憲圖說』, 서양 수학을 소개한 『幾何原本』, 그리고 천주교 교리를 담고 있는 『天主實義』와 서양 윤리서라 할 수 있는 『交友論』 등이 논란의 핵심에 있었다. 조선후기 사회에서 `利瑪竇`라는 용어는 마테오 리치 개인을 지칭하는 고유명사이기도 했지만 서양 선교사 일반을 지칭하는 보통명사로 통용되기도 했다. 서양 선교사들의 저술과 행위가 利瑪竇의 그것으로 환원되는 경향도 있었다. 따라서 조선후기 사회에서 마테오 리치는 다양한 층위에서 논란의 대상이 되었다. 조선후기에 마테오 리치를 바라보는 시각은 그 편차가 다양했다. 한쪽에서는 그를 `聖人`, `神人`, `異人`으로 호칭하면서 그 행적과 저술에 대해 긍정적인 시선을 보였지만 다른 쪽에서는 전통적인 `闢異端`의 관점에서 그를 異端으로 간주하면서 폄훼했다. 물론 이와 같은 평가의 차이는 어느 정도 時差를 반영한 것이기도 하다. 그러나 상반된 평가의 근본적 이유는 논자의 학문관과 세계관의 차이라고 해야 할 것이다. 조선후기에 마테오 리치를 긍정적으로 평가했던 사람들의 논의에서는 몇 가지 공통점을 발견할 수 있다. 가장 빈번하게 거론되는 것은 마테오 리치가 천하를 두루 돌아다녔으며, 서양인으로서는 처음으로 중국에 와서 중국이 서양과 통교하는 계기를 만들었다는 점이다. 마테오 리치에 대한 긍정적인 평가를 가능하게 했던 또 하나의 이유는 그의 뛰어난 학문적 역량이었다. 당시 천문역산학 분야에서 서양 선교사들이 전수한 내용이 중국의 선현들이 미처 도달하지 못한 수준에 이르렀다는 것은 중국과 조선의 서학 수용자들 대다수가 인정하고 있는 사실이었다. 요컨대 마테오 리치가 언어와 문자가 통하지 않는 외국인으로서 중국에 와서 중국어를 익히고 중국의 문화를 탐구하여 많은 저술을 남겼다는 사실이 조선후기 지식인들에게 감동을 주었고, 이것이 마테오 리치에 대해 긍정적인 평가를 내리게 한 요인으로 작용했던 것이다. 마테오 리치 개인에 대한 상반된 평가와 마찬가지로 그가 전수한 西學에 대한 조선후기 학자들의 태도 역시 대체로 배척과 수용의 입장으로 구분해 볼 수 있다. 마테오 리치를 비롯한 서양 선교사들과 그들의 저작을 배척한 사람들은 천주교가 白蓮敎나 無爲敎처럼 민중들을 선동하거나 미혹시키고 있다는 점에 주목하여 그것을 몰아내고자 했다. 반면 서학 수용을 주장했던 사람들은 서양의 우수한 천문역산학과 기계 제작 기술을 익혀 曆法을 수정하고 군사기술과 농업기술의 향상을 도모하고자 했다. 이처럼 서학의 수용 문제는 논자의 주체적 관점에 따라 상이한 방향으로 전개되었다. 따라서 조선후기 서학 수용 문제를 입체적으로 이해하기 위해서는 당시 학계·사상계의 지형 속에서 각각의 관인·유자들이 처해 있던 현실적 입장과 함께 그들의 현실인식과 세계관, 학문관 등이 주밀하게 검토되어야 할 것이다. Matteo Ricci(利瑪竇, "Li Madou" in Chinese and "Ri Madu" in Korean) was a controversial figure in late Choson society. Many government officials and Confucian scholars expressed different opinion on him according to ideological orientation, academic stance and information acquired. Discussion on Matteo Ricci could be placed under several categories: personal criticism, controversy over the idea of spherical earth introduced in his world maps and his writings, discussion on Shixian li(時憲曆, Temporal Model astronomy system) and Western calendrical astronomy, discourse on Western hydraulics including waterwheel, and controversy over Catholicism. The writings of Matteo Ricci had a tremendous impact on various academic discourses of late Choson. World maps represented by the "Kunyu wanguo quantu(坤輿萬國全圖)", books on cosmography and mathematical astronomy such as Qiankun tiyi(乾坤體義) and Hungai tongxian tushuo(渾蓋通憲圖說), Jihe yuanben(幾何原本), which introduces Western mathematics, Tianzhu shiyi(天主實義), which explains Catholic doctrines, and Jiaoyou lun(交友論), which is a book on Western ethics were at the center of controversy. In late Choson society, the name "Li Madou" was also used as a generic term referring to Western missionary. Writings and activities of Western missionaries tended to be reduced to those of "Li Madou". Therefore, Matteo Ricci was the core target of controversy at various levels. There existed a wide variation in the response to Matteo Ricci in late Choson. On the one hand, there were positive views for his activities and writings, calling Matteo Ricci as a "sage"(shengren 聖人), a "divine man"(shenren 神人), or an extraordinary man(yiren 異人). On the other hand, there were people upholding the traditional view of "rejecting heresy" disparaging Matteo Ricci as a heretic. Of course, time differences played a part in bringing about these different views. However, more fundamental reason for such contradicting views is the difference in their views about the world and learning. There are some commonalities in the discussion of people who were favorable to Matteo Ricci. Most frequently, they mention the fact that Matteo Ricci traveled around the world and was the first Westerner to enter into friendly relation with the Chinese. Matteo Ricci`s excellent academic ability was another factor that contributed to the positive evaluation of him. A majority of the followers of Western learning in China and Choson admitted that the Western astronomy and calendrical sciences introduced by Western missionaries far surpassed the level attained by the ancient sages of China. In sum, many intellectuals of late Choson were impressed by the fact that Matteo Ricci, as a foreigner without prior knowledge of Chinese language, came to China, learned Chinese language and culture and wrote many books, and this was a factor behind positive evaluation toward Matteo Ricci. Just as contradictory evaluations existed as to Matteo Ricci as an individual, Western learning that he introduced received conflicting responses of rejection and acceptance from scholars of late Choson. Those who rejected the writings of Western missionaries like Matteo Ricci tried to dismiss Catholicism on the ground that it is instigating or dazzling the masses as did the White Lotus(Bailian jiao 白蓮敎) or the Non-action Movement(Wuwei jiao 無爲敎). On the other hand, people in support of accepting Western learning sought to learn Western mathematical astronomy and machine production techniques in order to revise the calendar system and improve military and agricultural technologies. Acceptance of Western learning developed in different directions according to different individual attitudes. Therefore it is necessary to examine the issue from multiple dimensions, considering the actual condition of each government official and Confucian scholar in light of the topography of the learning and world of thought, as well as their perception of reality, world view and scholarly orientation.

마테오 리치의 중국선교 방법론 연구

조은식(Cho, Eun-sik) 한국선교신학회 2008 선교신학 Vol.17 No.-

Matteo Ricci’s missionary work in China was a remarkable cross-cultural mission in the 16th Century. Matteo Ricci introduced Christian teaching to the Chinese literati. By adopting the Chinese language and culture, he was able to enter the center of the Chinese society which was normally closed to foreigner. His missionary approach was effective. Ricci did not approach the Chinese culture with superiority like other Western missionaries. He behaved that he came to China to learn. Ricci made notable sacrifices to study the language―he had learned to speak, read and write Chinese, the habits and customs of the Chinese, as to make them his own. Ricci’s second cultural approach is to conform life-style with the socio-ethical system. When Ruggieri and Ricci first entered China together in 1583, they were dressed as Buddhist monks. Later, Ricci found that the monks he met were neither learned nor well respected. Ricci decided to carry his religious testimony to the very heart of the society, and for this, he adopted the life style and dress of educated Confucians. Ricci had grown his hair and beard and put on the scholar’s robes. Ricci’s third approach was to write many moral writings. It was an academic approach. Ricci’s moral writings had attracted the Confucian literati, even by those did not sympathize with his religious ideas. In T’ien-chu shih yi, Ricci mentioned that T’ien-chu [Lord of Heaven] in Christianity was same as Shang-ti [Sovereign Lord] in Confucianism. Ricci’s fourth cultural approach was the introduction of Western science and technology. Ricci displayed world map, western clocks, Venetian prism, European paintings and books. Ricci was accepted widely among the literati by his knowledge of mathematics and other sciences; by the curious objects he had brought, and even by his alleged knowledge of alchemy. Ricci’s fifth cultural approach was to respect Chinese rites and customs. Through discussionwith the Chinese literati, Ricci indirectly introduced the Christian point of view on the various problems and matters. His Chinese disciples demonstrated that to accept the Christian faith did not imply abandoning one’s own culture, nor mean diminishing loyalty to one’s own country and traditions, but rather that the faith offered them to serve their country. By this reason, Jesuit missionaries allowed to worship at a shrine of Confucius and to perform a religious service in an ancient rite. In fact, an ancient rite was very delicate and sensitive issue at that time. It requires careful approach through theological reflection and evaluation because cultural accommodation may change to relativism or syncretism. As a missionary, Ricci never forgot his ultimate goal: the preaching the Gospel and the conversion of China. Ricci’s missionary work in China is still a model of Asian missionary work. Ricci’s missionary method through cultural accommodation was vital and actual as ever. It is necessary for the effective missionary works to understand the social structure of the field. Without destroying or ignoring their own culture and customs, we can carefully make a connection between Christianity and culture and customs of the field.

종교간 대화의 모델로서 마태오 리치의 적응주의 -『천주실의』에 나타난 그리스도교와 유,불,도(儒佛道)의 대화

김명희 ( Myong Hee Kim ) 한국조직신학회 2014 한국조직신학논총 Vol.39 No.-

본 논문은 16세기 중국의 선교사로 파송된 예수회 신부 마태오 리치가 적응주의 선교에서 보여준 그리스도교와 유·불·도(儒佛道)와의 대화를 분석해 종교 간 대화의 원리를 구축하고자 하였다. 리치의 적응주의 선교는 그리스도교와 유교와의 대화를 통해 추구되었다. 본 논문에서는 유교사회와 문화 속에서 추진된 리치의 적응주의가 어떻게 종교 간 대화의 모델이 될 수 있는지 그의 저서 『천주실의』를 통해 살펴보았다. 『천주실의』는 리치의 불교와 도교에 대한 반박글로서, 리치는 이책에서 그리스도교와 구별되는 두 종교의 신개념과 도덕론을 논박하였다. 동시에 유교와 그리스도교 간의 화해의 가능성을 모색하였다. 본 논문에서는 리치와 중국 선비와의 대화내용을 기록한 『천주실의』를 분석해 리치의 종교간 대화의 특징과 한계, 의의를 밝혔다. 분석 결과를 토대로 21세기 한국사회가 필요로 하는 종교간 대화의 원리를 전망하였다. 본 논문은 먼저 ‘리치의 문화적응주의’에 대해 살펴보았다. 문화적응주의는 리치의 종교간 대화의 토대가 되는 원리이기 때문이다. 둘째, 『천주실의』에 나타난 그리스도교와 유·불·도의 대화를 해석학적으로 분석, 고찰하였다. 지금까지의 연구서들이 그리스도교와 유교와의 대화 혹은 그리스도교의 전교서로서 『천주실의』를 조명하였다면, 본 논문에서는 유·불·도, 특히 불교에 대한 리치의 이성적 대화의 논거들을 그리스도교와 유·불·도의 존재론적·도덕적 대화를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 셋째, 앞의 분석 결과를 토대로 리치의 종교간 대화의 특징과 한계를 제시한 후 종교간 대화의 모델로서 리치의 적응주의가 한국의 종교간 대화에 어떻게 기여할 수 있는지 논하였다. 논문의 내용을 요약하면 다음과 같다: 리치는 크게 두 방향에서 대화를 시도하였다. 그리스도교와 유·불·도와의 존재론적 대화와 도덕적 대화다. 존재론적 대화에서 리치는 공무론(空無論)을 내세우는 불교와 도교는 무신론(無神論)의 종교라고 논박하였고, 인격신으로서 상제(上帝)를 표방하는 (원시)유교에 대해서는 호의적 태도를 보였다. 그리스도교와 유교의 유신론적 (有神論的) 신관에서 공유점을 찾은 리치는 이를 토대로 유학자들이 주류를 이루고 있는 중국의 상류층에 그리스도교의 가르침을 전파하려고 하였다. 리치는 도덕론을 통한 대화에서도 실재적 존재론에 입각해 불교의 윤회설을 해석함으로써 불교 윤리의 모순을 비판하였다. 뿐만 아니라 리치는 종교혼합주의에 대해서도 제동을 걸었다. 그는 유·불·도 세 종교가 혼합되는 것에 대해 경계했다. 리치의 유·불·도 대화의 목적은 세 종교의 잘못된 교설(敎說)을 그리스도교의 가르침으로 바로잡는 데 있었다. 이것은 혼합의 의미에서가 아닌 그리스도교 중심의 포괄적 의미에서의 대화였다. 세 종교 혹은 네 종교의 도리를 동시에 믿는 것이 아닌, 하나의 올바른 도리를 찾아내 믿는 것이 중요하였다. 리치는 그 하나의 올바른 도리가 그리스도교라고 확신하였다. 그리스도교 중심의 포괄주의적 대화는 리치의 대화가 갖는 한계점이었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 16세기 당시 리치의 적응주의적 방법을 통한 보유론적(補儒論的) 대화는 획기적인 것이었다. 중세의 배타적 종교관에서 벗어나 타종교, 타문화와의 대화를 시도한 것은 이후 다종교·다문화 시대에 전개될 종교간 대화의 모델로서 좋은 선례가 될 수 있었다. 비록 선교를 목적으로 하는 포괄주의적 대화였다고 하더라도 리치는 유교문화의 적응을 통해 유교와 그리스도교의 조화와 화해를 모색하였고, 동서문명의 교량적 역할을 하였다. 바로 이점이 종교간 대화의 모델로서 리치의 적응주의가 갖는 의의라고 하겠다. This paper analyzes the dialogue between Confucianism/ Buddhism/Taoism and Christianity spread by way of Accommodationism of Matteo Ricci. This approach adopted by the Jesuit priest who was sent to China in the 16th century served as a foundation for the principles that can help define the interfaith dialogue. Ricci’s accommodationist approach was pursued via the dialogue between Christianity and Confucianism. This study explored how Ricci’s Accommodationism introduced to the Confucian society and culture came to be the model of interfaith discourse by looking at his book Tianzhu Shiyi(The True Discourse of the Lord of Heaven). Tianzhu Shiyi is Ricci’s refutation of Buddhism and Taoism. In this book, he argued against the concept of deity and morality of these two religions as opposed to those of Christianity while examining the possibility of reconciliating Confucianism and Christianity. The focus of this study was placed on the conversation between Ricci and a Chinese scholar in Tianzhu Shiyi to analyze the characteristics, limitations and significance of Ricci’s interfaith dialogue. Based on the analysis, the principles of the interfaith discourse - much needed in the twenty-first century South Korea - were reviewed. The first to be analyzed was Ricci’s cultural Accommodationism it was crucial as it was the founding stone of his interfaith exchange. Secondly, the hermeneutic interpretation was conducted on the dialogue between Christianity and Confucianism/Buddhism/ Taoism as seen in Tianzhu Shiyi. While the existing studies shed light on Tianzhu Shiyi with a primary focus on the Christianity- Confucianism discourse or its evangelistic nature, this study examined Ricci’s rational basis for argument with regard to Confucianism/ Buddhism/Taoism, particularly to Buddhism, concentrating on the ontological and moralistic discourse between Christianity and Confucianism/Buddhism/Taoism. Thirdly, the aforementioned analysis was used to identify the characteristics and limitations of Ricci’s interfaith dialogue and to find out how his Accommodationism could contribute to advancing the discourse. The study can be summarized as follows: Ricci attempted the discourse in two different directions - the ontological and moralistic dialogue between Christianity and Confucianism/ Buddhism/Taoism. In the ontologicaldialogue, Ricci refuted that Buddhism and Taoism - which assert the emptiness and nothing(空無論) of things - were the religion of the atheists. He showed a more favorable attitude toward(primitive) Confucianism that had Shangdi(上帝) as its supreme deity. Having found a common ground in the theist belief of Christianity and Confucianism, Ricci sought to spread the teachings of Christianity to the upper class members of China, which were primarily comprised of Confucian scholars. Even in the moralistic discourse, Ricci interpreted the Buddhist belief of the cycle of life and death(samsara) based on the existential ontology to criticize the contradictory nature of Buddhist ethics. Furthermore, Ricci attempted to put a stop to religious syncretism. He warned against the fusion of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. The purpose of the interfaith dialogue that Ricci intended was to correct the fallacious teachings of the three religions with those of Christianity. This did not mean a fusion in its sense but inclusion that centered on Christianity. What was important to him was to find and believe in the one true way, not to believe in the three or four religions together simultaneously. Ricci was assured that that one true way was the way of Christianity. None other than this inclusive approach centered on Christianity was the limitation of Ricci’s discourse. Nonetheless, the discourse that ventured to ‘complement Confucianism’ based on Ricci’s accommodationist approach was one groundbreaking attempt. The escape from the exclusive and closed medieval view and the endeavor to initiate the inter-religious and inter-cultural conversation served as an excellent precedent for the interfaith dialogues that are to follow in the age of multi-religion and multiculture. Although limited by the discourse’s inclusive nature with a purpose of evangelizing the non-believers, Ricci aimed to reconcile Confucianism and Christianity based on the accommodationist approach to the Confucian culture, thereby bridging the Eastern and Western cultures. This is precisely why Ricci’s Accommodationism holds considerable significance today.

An Unforseen Mission : Matteo Ricci and Korea

Kevin Cawley 순천대학교 남도문화연구소 2014 南道文化硏究 Vol.0 No.27

Matteo Ricci (1552∼1610), an Italian Jesuit missionary from Macerata, has for several centuries received a great deal of attention in East Asia, despite remaining generally unknown in Europe. In addition, Ricci’s Chŏnju sirŭi (天主實義) [The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven], despite being famous in China and Korea, is generally unknown to Westerners, with the exception of a select number of researchers and academics. Chŏnju sirŭi (天主實義), which was brought from Beijing by Korean envoys, after being initially criticised, eventually stimulated a group of Koreans to convert to this foreign ‘Western Learning’ (西學), as it was known towards the end of the eighteenth century. This paper has three objectives: firstly, to examine Matteo Ricci’s private letters and journal (written in Italian) for information on Korea, which is extremely important from a historiographical point of view, and which has been generally overlooked or ignored completely. Secondly, it examines Ricci’s accommodation to Confucian ways, culminating in Chŏnju sirŭi (天主實義), usually referred to by Ricci in his own writings as a “catechism”. It highlights Ricci’s rejection of the Neo-Confucian ideas of Zhu Xi (朱熹; 1130∼1200), and his proposal to return to “original” Confucianism, at a time when Neo-Confucianism had firmly taken root in Korea, producing great scholars such as Yi Hwang (李滉; 1501∼1570) and Yi I (李珥; 1536∼1584). Thirdly, I will outline the complicated reception of Ricci’s Catholic ideas in Korea, from their initial rejection, to their acceptance by a group of Korean Confucian scholar’s, where they would revolutionize Korea’s religious and intellectual landscape, leading many women to get involved with a “dangerous” doctrine which taught them about equality.

Matteo Ricci와 Nicolas Trigault의 漢語拼音에 반영된 明代官話

金薰鎬 ( Kim¸ Hoon-ho ) 중국어문학회 2021 中國語文學誌 Vol.- No.76

In the late Ming Dynasty, Western Missionary had to learn Chinese to conducy in the Pinyin Romanization system. The Pinyin Romanization system of Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault is based on Western linguistics. The Phonetic System written by Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault is reflected in 『Xi Ru Er Mu Zi』. In the late Ming Dynasty When Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault enact Pinyin Romanization system, it is based on Mandarin at the time. Through the Western Missionary materials, Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault study mandarin. The Phonetic Romanization System, founded and used by Matteo Ricci and Nicholas Trigault, reflects the latter half of the period. 『Xi Ru Er Mu Zi』 features and features Matteo Ricci and Nicholas Trigault’s Pinyin Humanization System.

개혁주의신학 관점에서의 마테오 리치(Matteo Ricci)의 『天主實義』 분석

안수강 ( Ahn Su-kang ) 한국복음주의역사신학회 2021 역사신학 논총 Vol.39 No.-

이 연구에서는 마테오 리치(利馬竇)의 역작 『天主實義』(T'ien-chu Shih-i)를 개혁주의신학 관점에서 분석하고자 한다. 이 저작은 조선 중후기 천주교의 사상을 분석해볼 수 있는 가장 소중한 초기 문헌들 중의 하나로 꼽힌다. 마테오 리치의 『天主實義』에 적용된 논증 양상은 보유론(補儒論)에 바탕을 두어 방법론적인 면에서 세 방면으로 전개되어 있으며 중국 유학자(서광계)의 다양한 질문 내용들, 서광계의 질문에 서양 학자(마테오 리치)가 논리적으로 답변한 내용들과 담론들, 그리고 질의응답한 핵심들을 간추려 정리한 내용들이 기술되어 있다. 이 연구에서는 마테오 리치가 『天主實義』에 논증한 내용을 바탕으로 이 문헌의 각 편(篇/章)에 진술된 요지들과 신학적 의미들, 그의 보유론 관점 등에 주안점을 두어 고찰했다. 마테오 리치의 『天主實義』에 편성되어 있는 여덟 가지의 핵심적인 주제들을 간추려 정리하면 다음과 같다: 천주가 만유를 창조하여 주재하시며 안량(安養)하심을 논함; 세상 사람들이 천주에 대해 곡해하고 있는 점을 설명함; 인간의 영혼불멸을 논하고 영혼이 동물의 각혼(覺魂)과 다름을 설명함; 귀신과 사람의 혼에 대한 이론점(異論點)을 설명하고 만유를 한 몸으로 볼 수 없다는 점을 논함; 윤회(輪回)의 여섯 방도와 살생을 금하는 오류를 논박하며 재계(齋戒)와 소식(素食)을 올리는 올바른 뜻을 설명함; 의지가 소멸되지 않음을 설명하고 사후 반드시 천당과 지옥의 상벌로 세인들이 행한 선악에 응보(應報)가 있음을 밝힘; 인간본성의 본래적인 선을 논하고 천주신자의 바른 배움을 서술함; 서양풍속이 숭상하는 바를 일괄하고 성직자의 독신생활이 갖는 의미를 논하며 천주께서 강생(降生)하심을 밝힘. This research aims to analyze Matteo Ricci’s masterpiece T'ien-chu Shih-i from the perspective of the Reformed Theology. T'ien-chu Shih-i is one of the most precious literature sources for the analysis of the early doctrinal thought of Catholicism in the middle and late Joseon. The methodology of arguments in Matteo Ricci’s T'ien-chu Shih-i was found to consist of three parts, founded on Fu-ru-lun such as various questions of the Chinese scholar(Xu Guangqi), logical answers and discourses of the Western scholar(Matteo Ricci), and core summary of questions and answers. On the basis of Matteo Ricci’s arguments, I focused on the major themes in eight chapters and theological meanings, his views of Fu-ru-lun, and so on. The eight key themes of Matteo Ricci’s T'ien-chu Shih-i could be summarized as follows: a discussion on the creation of heaven, and on the way He exercises authority and sustains them; an explanation of mistaken views concerning the Lord of Heaven current among men; the human soul is not extinguished and is greatly different from the souls of birds and beasts; a discussion on spiritual beings and the soul of man and an explanation as to why the phenomena of the world cannot be described as forming an organic unity; refutation of false teachings concerning reincarnation in the Six Directions and the taking of life, and an explanation of the true meaning of fasting; an explanation as to why man cannot be free of motives, and discussion of why the good and evil done on earth by man must be rewarded or punished in Heaven and Hell; a discussion on the Confucian teaching that human nature is fundamentally good, and an exposition of the orthodox Way of learning of those who adhere to the religion of the Lord of Heaven; a summary of Western customs, a discussion on the meaning and history of celibacy among the clergy, and an explanation of the reason why the Lord of Heaven was born in the West.

마테오 리치와 대순사상의 관계성에 대한 연구 : 대순사상의 기독교 종장에 대한 종교현상학적 해석

안신 대진대학교 대순사상학술원 2020 대순사상논총 Vol.36 No.-

대순사상에서 마테오 리치는 기독교의 종장으로 높이 평가받고 있다. 본 논문은 종교적 인간으로서 리치의 삶과 사상이 지니는 의미를 종교현상학적 관점에서 탐색할 것이다. 리치가 살았던 시대적 배경과 그의 생애를 분석하고, 그의 신관과 인간관 및 구원관을 중심으로 탐구하여 리치가 대순사상에서 지닌 관계성을 재평가할 것이다. 이탈리아에서 태어난 리치는 예수회 선교사가 되어서 중국에 다양한 문물을 전하였다. 그는 예수회의 중국 친화적인 선교정책에 따라서 중국문화에 공감하며 언어를 배우고 중국인을 벗으로 삼아서 서양의 종교와 문화를 전달하였다. 그는 중국의 미래를 낙관하는 여덟 가지 이유를 제시하였고, 이해와 설득의 간접 선교의 방식으로 중국인들에게 기독교메시지를 가르쳤다. 예수회신부들은 중국에서 기독교의 신을 천주라고 불렀는데, 리치는 유교의 상제를 기독교의 천주와 동일하게 간주하였다. 유교경전의 번역과 해석을 토대로 원시유교의 유일신론을 기독교와 유교의 공통점으로 파악하였다. 불교와 도교의 신관을 비판하면서 유교의 신관을 통해 기독교의 신관을 정당화하였다. 리치의 인간관은 기독교의 창조신앙을 기초로 하였고 불교의 윤회를 비판하였다. 리치는 천국과 지옥의 개념을 사용하여 기독교의 윤리성과 구원관을 제시하였다. 대순사상과 리치의 관계성에 대해서는, 1) 동서양세계 간 상호교류에 대한 기여, 2) 대화와 설득에 기반을 둔 평화적 포교방식, 3) 기독교의 종장으로서의 다양한 활동, 4) 종교의 치유하는 기적에 대한 믿음과 조선으로의 유입 등의 차원에서 의미를 찾았다. 리치의 궁극적인 목적은 기독교와 유교의 신관이 지닌 공통점을 강조하면서 동서의 세계관을 교류하고 통합시키는 것이었다. In Daesoon Thought, Matteo Ricci is regarded highly as a Jongjang, ‘religious leader,’ (of Christianity). This paper deals with the life and philosophical/theological thought of Matteo Ricci as homo-religiosus from the perspective of phenomenology of religion. Examining his historical background and biographical sketch, I will analyze Ricci’s understanding of God, humanity, and salvation and re-evaluate his relationship with Daesoon Thought. Matteo Ricci, born in Italy, became a Jesuit missionary to China and transmitted various products of western civilization. Accepting the pro-cultural approach of Jesuit mission, he applied it to Chinese culture and language by learning the Chinese language and regarding Chinese people as his friends. This was a sympathetic way to transmit Western religion and culture while on Chinese soil. He suggested eight reasons to look towards the future of China with optimism and taught Chinese people his Christian message through his indirect means of understanding and persuasion. In China, Jesuit missionaries called the Christian God ‘Tianzhu (Cheonju in Sino-Korean),’ meaning Lord of Heaven. Ricci identified the Confucian notion of ‘Shangdi (Sangje in Sino-Korean),’ meaning Supreme Emperor (or God) with Tianzhu. While translating Confucian scriptures, he found the common ground between Confucianism and Christianity to be the monotheism of ancient Confucianism. He criticized the concepts of God in Buddhism and Daoism, and justified the Christian doctrine of God by way of a Confucian understanding of deity. Ricci’s understanding of humanity was based on his Christian faith in creation, and he criticized the Buddhist concept of transmigration. He proposed Christian ethics and doctrine of salvation by using discourse on the afterlife and in particular, the concepts of heaven and hell. Concerning the relationship between Daesoon Thought and Ricci, the following aspects should be examined: 1.) Ricci’s contribution to the cultural exchanges between East and West, 2.) his peaceful approach to his mission based on dialogue and persuasion, 3.) the various activities conducted by Ricci as a Christian leader, and 4.) his belief in miraculous healings. His influence on Korea will likewise be explored. Ricci’s ultimate aim was to communicate with Asian people and unify East and West under a singular worldview by emphasizing the similarities between the Christian and Confucian concepts of God.

마테오 리치의 空과 無의 批判에 대한 硏究 - 『天主實義』를 중심으로 -

정현수 한국유교학회 2015 유교사상문화연구 Vol. No.

Matteo Ricci had approached logically from the two aspects, existence ground and cognition ground about ultimate reality, in order to establish the foundation for the acceptance of Confucianism for God. In the aspect of the ground of the existence he has attempted to criticize the origin of the existence of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism(Neo-Confucianism). Ricci criticized Emptiness, Nothingness and the Great Absolute of the three religions on the basis of principle of existence which could be Metaphysical ground in Catholic studies. Ricci especially judged Emptiness and Nothingness as dependent·unsubstantial being for the reason that they could not satisfy the four factor theory of Scholasticism. Ricci, in this argument, judged Emptiness and Nothingness after he premised men's rational reasoning ability of front·rear and internal·external and then he divided the four factors as internal and external principle and applied them to the theory of front·rear and internal·external. In the aspect of the cognition of the existence he has attempted to apply Negative Theology. Negative Theology is a theological theory intending to negate the usage of the determination and limitation for God by pointing out the problems in the cognition and interpretation about God. Negative Theology has intention to overcome the determination of language and concept by releasing the limitation due to the affirmative determination of 'is' and 'exist' through the negative determination of 'is not' and 'not exist' on the premise that positive definition of God paradoxically limits the essence of God within the category of the definition so that it could be partial to understand God While Ricci argued about God and the Metaphysical existence of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism in order to establish Catholic studies, he interpreted Emptiness-Nothingness as 'non-existence' and he criticized that these could not become the first principle. This interpretation made it possible to judge that Ricci had overlooked Oriental style of expression and system of thinking structure about the cognition of the existence. However, Ricci's critique of Emptiness and Nothingness was whether Emptiness and Nothingness had Metaphysical character or not, so it was throughly compared with the principle of Being in Catholic studies. What Ricci has paid attention to was the meaning of non-existence of Emptiness·Nothingness as a Metaphysical condition. It seems unreasonable to conclude that these processes showed that Ricci's cognition of Emptiness and Nothingness was simply a level of literal understanding category. 마테오 리치는 천주에 대한 유학적 수용의 기반을 조성하기 위해 궁극적 실재에 대한 존재근거와 인식근거의 두 가지 측면에서 논리적으로 접근하고 있다. 존재근거의 측면에서는 불교와 도교, 유교(성리학)의 존재기원에 대한 비판을 시도하고 있다. 리치는 삼교의 공과 무, 태극에 대해 천주학의 형이상학의 근거가 되는 유(有)의 원리에 기초하여 비판했다. 리치는 특히 공과 무가 스콜라 철학의 형이상학 원리인 사원인설을 충족시키지 못한다는 이유로 비자립적·비실체적 존재로 판단하고 있다. 리치는 이 논증에서 선후(先後)와 내외(內外)의 인간의 이성적 추론능력을 전제한 후 사원인(四原因)을 내재적·외재적 원리로 구분하여 선후와 내외의 이치에 적용시켜 공과 무를 비판하고 있다. 존재인식의 측면에서는 부정신학(否定神學)의 적용을 시도하고 있다. 부정신학은 신에 대한 인식과 해석의 문제점을 지적하여 신에 대한 규정과 제한의 용법을 부정하려는 신학이론이다. 부정신학은 신에 대한 긍정적 정의가 역설적으로 신의 본질을 정의 범주내로 제한시켜 신에 대한 이해가 부분적일 수 있다는 전제하에 신과 신성에 대한 ‘이다’와 ‘있다’의 긍정적 규정으로 인한 한정을 ‘아니다’와 ‘없다’의 부정적 규정을 통해 해제시켜 언어와 개념의 규정을 넘어서려는 의도를 가진다. 리치는 천주학을 정초시키기 위해 천주와 유불도의 형이상학적 존재에 대해 논증하면서 공·무를 ‘없음’으로 해석하여 제1원리가 될 수 없다고 비판한다. 이러한 해석은 리치가 존재의 인식에 대한 동양적 표현양식과 사유구조의 체계를 간과하였다는 평가를 받게 한다. 그러나 공·무에 대한 리치의 비판은 공·무의 형이상학적 성격의 유무에 관한 것으로 천주학의 형이상학적 유의 원리와 철저하게 비교되고 있다. 리치가 주목하고 있는 것은 공·무의 형이상학적 조건으로서의 없음의 의미이다. 이러한 과정들은 리치의 공·무에 대한 인식이 단순히 문자적 이해범주의 차원이라고 단정하기에는 무리가 있어 보인다.

마테오 리치의 天學과 性理學의 修養論 硏究 ─『天主實義』를 중심으로─

정현수 한국유교학회 2014 유교사상문화연구 Vol.56 No.-

마테오 리치는 『천주실의』에서 天主를 중심으로 하는 천학의 윤리관을 소개하고 있다. 리치는 유학의 事天에 대비되는 새로운 수양의 개념으로 事天主를 제시하고 있다. 리치는 이러한 사천주의 수양론을 통해 천학적 신학체계에 근거한 새로운 수양의 주체와 방법, 목적을 제시해가고 있다. 리치는 유학의 심에 비견되는 영혼을 수양의 주체로 제시하여, 心․性 - 仁 - 爲己, 靈魂 - 사랑 - 爲天主로 구분되는 유학과 천학의 수양체계를 도식화시켜가고 있다. 리치는 이러한 유학과 천학의 수양론 구도를 배경으로 유학과 천학의 수양의 특징을 현세지향과 내세지향, 자아완성과 자아극복, 도덕실천과 천주공경, 본성회복과 습성훈련 등의 수양으로 규정하면서 차별성을 부각시키고 있다. 리치의 수양론에 대한 논증에서 핵심논점은 유학과 천학의 수양원리로 제시된 인과 사랑의 보유론적 관계이다. 리치는 유학의 인을 천학의 사랑으로 해석하여 유학과 천학의 수양론에 있어서 사상적 접점 기반으로 삼고 있다. 그러나 한편으론 인의 개념을 원시유학과 성리학의 관점으로 차별화하여 원시유학의 인을 愛人으로 파악하여 천주사랑으로 해석하지만 성리학의 인에 대해서는 만물일체설을 근거로 비판하고 있다. 리치에게 인은 유학과 천학의 윤리관을 접합시키는 매개이면서 동시에 유학적 수양개념에서 천학적 수양개념으로의 사상적 변용을 시도하여 천학의 신학적 기반을 담보해주는 통섭의 개념이다. 리치가 제시한 수양론은 천에 대한 공경이나 도리의 실현에서는 유사하다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 본성에 대해 회복과 습성을 중시하는 방법상의 차이에서 볼 수 있듯이 사천과 사천주는 인간의 본성에 대한 이해와 자아완성, 천․천주의 개념에 대한 이해와 경천․경천주 의식 등에서 뚜렷한 차이를 드러내고 있다. Mateo Ricci has introduced the ethics of the science of Heaven centering on the Deus in『De Deo Verax Disputatio』. Ricci has presented serving Deus as a new concept of cultivation compared with serving Heaven of Confucianism. Ricci has presented a new subject and methods, and aim for cultivation on the basis of the science of Heaven-oriented theological system through the self-cultivation of serving Deus. Ricci presented the spirit which was compared with the mind of Confucianism as the subject of cultivation, Ricci has schematized the cultivation system of Confucianism and the science of Heaven differentiated as mind·nature - mercy - for self, spirit - love - for Deus. In the background of these structures of the self-cultivation of Confucianism and science of Heaven, describing the characteristics of Confucianism and cultivation of science of Heaven as present-inclination and future-inclination, self-completion and self-overcome, moral-practice and Deus-respect, recovery of real nature and training of nature studied, he has highlighted the distintion. In the argument for Ricci's self-cultivation, core point of self-cultivation is the Accommodationism-oriented relationship between mercy and love which were presented as the cultivation principle of Confucianism and science of Heaven. Ricci interpreted mercy in Confucianism as love in science of Heaven, then he has adopted it as the base of ideological contact point in self-cultivation of Confucianism and science of Heaven. However, on the one hand, differentiating the concept of mercy as the viewpoint of original Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism, Ricci has interpreted mercy as Deus-loving by understanding it as man-loving, on the other hand, he has criticized mercy of Neo-Confucianism on the basis of the theory that all things are one body. For Ricci, mercy is the mediation which joints the ethics of Confucianism and science of Heaven, it is also the comprizing concept securing the theological foundation of science of Heaven by trying the ideological transforming from the concept of cultivation of Confucianism to that of science of Heaven. Self-cultivation which Ricci has presented could be regarded as to be similar in respecting the Heaven and realizing the principle. However, as shown in the difference of methods in attaching more importance to the recovery or to the study in regard to the real nature, serving heaven and serving Deus has made a great difference in the understanding of the real nature of man and self-completion, in the understanding of the concept of Heaven·Deus, and in the ceremony of respecting Heaven·respecting Deus.

서양의 기억술과 중국문자의 상형성 -『서국기법』(西國記法)의 작상론(作象論)-

염정삼 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2012 人文論叢 Vol.67 No.-

Matteo Ricci(1552∼1610: 利馬竇(Limadou)) was a pioneer in formulating the Jesuit missionary approach to China in the 16th century. His attitude toward Chinese culture was relatively balanced between praise and criticism. Ricci began his discussion of Chinese culture by stating that educated Chinese stressed the written language far more than the spoken language. He noted that even friends living close together in the same city would communicate by writing rather than by meeting and talking. Ricci stated that the Jesuits had concentrated on learning guan-hua(官話)(literally, official’s language) of which the term mandarin, which means both the officials and official language, is a fairly close equivalent. Xiguojifa(西國記法) was written by Ricci, who had much interest in learning Chinese written language, and was published by Zhudinghan(朱鼎澣) after Ricci’s death. This book demonstrates not only a Western scholar’s effort to understand the Chinese characters, but the way how to memorize the words and things. So the book was titled as an Art of Memory(記法) in Western Countries(西國), Xiguojifa. When Ricci showed his ability of memorizing the Chinese characters forwards and backwards in front of the Chinese scholars, he was asked to teach Luwangai(陸萬陔)’s son the art of memory to make him pass the exam for government official. Ricci wanted to show off his memory and Western traditional art of memory, so he decided to write this book. Xiguojifa consists of six chapters, Yuanbenpian(原本篇), Mingyongpian(明用篇), Sheweipian(設位篇), Lixiangpian(立象篇), Dingshipian(定識篇), Guangzipian(廣資篇). His ultimate goal is to demonstrate the efficient way to memorize things and words, which have been transmitted in Western tradition. An immense weight of history in Western tradition presses on the memory section of Ad Herennium. The Ad Herennum was a well known and much used text in the Middle Ages when it had a special prestige because it was thought to be written by Cicero. Art of memory in the Western tradition must refer back constantly to this text as the main source of the tradition. Every Ars memorativa treatise, with its rules for ‘places’, its rules for ‘images’, its discussion of ‘memory for things’ and ‘memory for words’, is repeating the plan, the subject matter, and as often as not, the actual words of Ad Herennium. And the astonishing developments of the art of memory in the sixteenth century still preserve the ‘Ad Herennium’ outlines below all their complex accretions. The artificial memory is established from places and images[Constat igitur artificiosa memoria ex locis et imaginibus]. In Xiguojifa, Ricci also introduced the art of memory based on ‘Ad Herennium’ outlines. Through the images of words, he tried to explain that Chinese characters can be memorized. He thought if we make use of the icons of characters, we can understand easily how to know the meaning of characters. A sign of signification in Ricci was his remark about the written Chinese as the images of the words. He stated: “This method of writing by drawing symbols instead of forming letters gives rise to a distinct mode of expression by which one is able, not only with a few phrases but with a few words, to set forth ideas with great clearness,which in our writing would have to be expressed in roundabout circumlocutions and perhaps with far less clarity”. From the above description, we can judge that Ricci had an understanding of Chinese language which had on the whole a deep and solid basis. When European culture encountered that of China in the 16th and 17th centuries, Jesuits were willing to accept the Chinese culture and tradition. This book can help us to comprehend Jesuit accommodative ideas of Chinese characters at a very early stage of their activity in China.