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      • KCI등재

        6.25전쟁과 재일동포 참전 의용병 : 이승만 정부의 인식과 대응을 중심으로

        오가타 요시히로(?方義? ) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2020 亞細亞硏究 Vol.63 No.1

        본 연구는 6.25전쟁에 참전하려던 재일동포들에 대해 이승만 정부가 어떻게 대처했는지, 그리고 의용병으로 참전한 그들에게 발생한 문제를 이승만이 어떻게 해결하려고 했는지 살펴보고자 한다. 1950년 전쟁 발발 당시 일부 우파 재일동포들은 조국 상실에 대한 위기감으로 참전을 결심했고, 실제로 642명이 의용병으로 참전하게 됐다. 재일동포 의용병 참전에 대해 당시 이승만 정부는 소극적인 태도를 보였다가 국제연합군 요청에 응해 그들의 참전을 허락했다. 그런데 그렇게 참전하게된 의용병은 충분한 대우를 받지 못했을 뿐만 아니라 제대 후 일본에 돌아가지 못하는 상황에 처했다. 결국 재일동포 참전 의용병 중 265명만이 일본에 돌아가게 됐고, 나머지는 전사 또는 실종되거나 한국에 홀로 남게 되었다. 이승만 정부는 그들이 처한 문제에 대처하려고 시도했으나 냉전구조 아래서 충분하고 적절한 조치를 하지 못했다. 전쟁 중 진행된 샌프란시스코 대일 강화조약의 체결과 식민지에 뿌리를 가진 한일 간의 특수한 관계는 재일동포 참전 의용병을 둘러싼 문제를 더욱더 복잡하게 만든 것이다. This article will examine how the Korean government dealt with Korean volunteers from Japan in the Korean War, and how President Rhee Syngman’s government tried to solve the problems they faced. When the war broke out on 25 June 1950, some right-wing Koreans in Japan decided to participate in the war for fear of losing their nation. 642 people actually joined the war as military volunteers. President Rhee was ambivalent about their participation but allowed them to enlist at the request of United Nations Command. But the Korean volunteers were not treated well and many of them were unable to return to Japan after the war. In the end, only 265 were sent back to Japan; the rest stayed in South Korea while leaving their families in Japan. Rhee’s government attempted to negotiate with the U.S. and Japan in order to deal with the problem of the Korean volunteers, but it did not have enough bargaining power under the structure of the Cold War. The signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty with Japan during the war and the special relationship between the ROK and Japan, which had its roots in Japanese colonial rule, have further complicated the issue surrounding the Korean volunteers.

      • KCI등재

        재일학도의용군은 어떻게 기억되는가 - 최근 제작된 한국의 텔레비전 다큐멘터리 속 표상과 서사를 중심으로 -

        정호석 동국대학교 일본학연구소 2021 일본학 Vol.55 No.-

        This study explores the dynamics of cultural memory of Korean volunteers from Japan in the Korean War. In 1950, 642 ethnic Koreans from Japan joined the war as military volunteers. For more than 50 years, these zainichi (Korean residents in Japan) veterans remained little known. However, as they began to draw wider public attention recently, the ruptures in the memory emerged. The veterans are often commemorated as patriotic war heroes. Embracing them as core leaders, Mindan, the pro Seoul Korean Residents Union in Japan, portrayed the veterans as a living example of “contribution to the homeland.” In response, the South Korean government started integrating them into the official national history. Meanwhile, a different version of memories emerged. The Korean government did not provide proper care for the 242 veterans whose re entry was rejected by Japan. Among them, 41 were sent as secret agents to Japan to block the repatriation of zainichi to North Korea. Their image as victims, whose patriotism was betrayed by their motherland, was highlighted in Kim Chan jeong’s historical reportage and two Korean TV documentaries, adding the veterans’ families’ perspectives on what patriotism means to zainichi. Hence, zainichi veterans’ memories are unfolding dynamically, revealing the rift between authentic and forgotten history, which poses the question of how they can be remembered in accordance with the post Cold War/post colonial initiatives toward peace. 이 논문은 재일학도의용군을 다룬 역사 르포르타주, 텔레비전 다큐멘터리 속 표상과 서사를 중심으로 근년 점차 활발해지고 있는 이들을 둘러싼 문화적 기억의 동태를 살펴본다. 한국전쟁 당시 자진하여 참전한 642명의 재일한인들은 해외참전용사로서 선양되는 동시에 국가에 의해 희생당한 피해자라는 면모를 가진다. 먼저, 민단은 적극적인 기념사업을 통해 의용군 참전을 대표적인 재일한인의 모국공헌으로 공식화했고, 한국정부 역시 뒤늦게나마 이를 인정하며 보훈정책을 통해 이들을 본격적으로 국사에 편입시키고 있다. 한편, 일본에서 출판된 김찬정의 『돌아오지 못한 재일의용병: 한국전쟁 비사』는 정부의 무책임을 부각시키며 일본 재입국을 거부당해 한국에 정착한 242명과 ‘북송사업저지 공작원’으로 일본에 파견된 42명에 대한 부당한 대우를 비판했다. 최근 제작된 한국의 텔레비전 다큐멘터리는 이러한 기억의 양의성을 반영하는 동시에 그 동학에 개입하며 역동성을 더한다. 「아버지의 나라 – 재일동포 청년들의 선택」(2013년) 및 「63년의 그리움, 내 딸 미요코」(2013년)는 일본에 남겨진 가족의 관점 및 가족과 생이별한 의용군의 고통을 다루며 재일한인에게 애국이 갖는 의미를 되물으며, 「포화 속으로: 재일학도의용군」(2021년)은 이들을 망각한 죄책감을 자극하고 작품 속에서 애국주의적 기념의례를 연출한다. 오늘날 고령의 재일학도의용군들이 남북화해를 비난하는 보수단체들의 시위 혹은 민족주의적 반일 데모에 동원되는 가운데, ‘애국자’ 혹은 ‘희생자’라는 균열을 드러내며 유동하는 재일학도의용군에 대한 기억이 탈냉전 및 탈식민화를 향한 움직임과 어떠한 관계를 맺으며 전개될지 향후의 귀추가 주목된다.

      • Troublesome Brotherhood: The Korean Volunteer Army and the CPC

        Tomer NISIMOV 동북아역사재단 2020 Journal of Northeast Asian History Vol.17 No.1

        In 1942, a small military force known as the Korean Volunteer Army was established in North China. It was composed of Korean revolutionaries and independence activists who had fled their homeland due to its colonization by Japan. For most of the Korean revolutionaries in China, the establishment of the Korean Volunteer Army was a critical juncture, and marked the point in time from which they worked in close cooperation with the Communist Party of China. The changing circumstances following the conclusion of the war against Japan, however, led the Korean Volunteer Army to diverge from the Communist Party of China, and this formed a challenge for the latter. This article tracks the short history of the Korean Volunteer Army, with a particular focus on the changing circumstances from the conclusion of the war against Japan until the impending civil war in Northeast China, and how these created and intensified tensions between the Korean and Chinese Communists. Likewise, it reveals the means and measures taken by the Communist Party of China in order to tackle this challenge, and to ensure the Korean Volunteer Army’s adherence to the Party and its participation in the Civil War until its final stages.

      • KCI등재

        일제 말 『매일신보』의 조선인 학병 동원 담론의 양상과 특징

        윤효정(Yoon Hyojung) 동북아역사재단 2020 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.67

        이 글에서는 매일신보를 중심으로 일제의 학병 동원 담론의 양태와 특징을 살펴보았다. 매일신보의 보도 내용과 편집 방식에서 볼 때, 학도지원병제는 내선일체 구현의 제도였고, 이는 학병 지원이라는 조선인 학도 개개인의 능동적인 실천을 필요로 했다. 이와 같은 점에서 학도 지원은 철저한 황국신민화의 최종 관문과 같은 것이었다. 법제상 학도지원병제는 지원에 의한 것이었기 때문에, 조선인 학도의 능동적 실천도 사전적으로 이해한다면 선택 가능한 것이어야 했다. 그러나 식민당국은 그 자율성을 허용하지 않았다. ‘지원’은 국가공동체의 윤리 규범의 맥락에서 자율성이 배제된 개념으로, 정언명령 격의 당연한 의무였다. 즉 학도들은 윤리라는 이름으로 ‘지원’을 스스로 결정할 것을 강요받았던 것이다. 때문에 일제는 당대 학도지원병제를 ‘천황의 부르심’이라고 했고, 학병들은 ‘운명’이라고 했다. 매일신보는 학병 지원자를 국가공동체의 윤리 규범을 체득한 진정한 국민으로, 미지원자를 비열한 자나 낙오자 또는 비국민으로 대조시켰다. 이를 통해 전자와 같은 이상적인 국민상을 제시하는 한편, 후자에 대한 간섭과 개입을 정당화했다. 마감 기일을 눈앞에 둔 시점에 매일신보는 지원 회피자들을 개인의 안전과 안정된 행복의 울타리를 넘어 황국이 요구하는 윤리의식 · 책임감 등을 깊이 깨닫고 군문 앞에 선 지원자들과 대조시키면서, 한 국가공동체의 규범상 용인하기 어려운 이기적이고 부도덕한 존재로까지 몰아갔다. 이는 대리 지원과 같이 개인의 자율성을 침해하는 절차를 합리화했을 뿐 아니라, 이후 지원하지 않은 학생들에 대한 ‘징벌적 징용’을 뒷받침하는 근거로 작용했다. This article examined aspect and character of a discourse on mobilizing Korean students as soldiers of the Japanese military by Maeilsinbo , an organ of the Japanese Government-General of Korea, from October 20th to November 20th 1943. The Japanese Government-General of Korea adopted ‘Temporary Recruitment Rules of the Army Special Volunteer’ on October 20th 1943; the Rules lifted temporary exemption from conscription on Korean students studying at University and college; then, the deadline of the application was November 20th 1943. The Rules meant, according to Maeilsinbo , a pivotal system to realize the policy of Naeseon Ilche(Korea and Japan are One) as each of Korean students would fill in an application form of their own accord; therefore, the Rules deserved to be regarded as the final test of subjecting Koreans to Japanese empire which had continued to be implemented since the Sino-Japanese War. By law, Korean students could volunteer or not; however, the Japanese Government-General of Korea did not allow their autonomy; they were forced to ‘self-determine’ to join the Japanese army in the name of ‘national ethics’. In short, volunteer was a concept of a moral obligation such as the categorical imperative. Maeilsinbo blamed non-volunteers describing volunteers as an example of Japanese Subject; in addition, it called the Korean students who hesitated to volunteer or did not apply unpatriotic, immoral and selfish people intolerable by the norms of the national community. This discourse played a role to justify the interference and intervention by the colonial authorities; police and administrative officers threatened Korean students and their family and pro-Japanese collaborators persuaded them under the cloak of encouragement; finally, the Japanese Government-General of Korea requisitioned the students who did not volunteer as workers and actually punished them as part of the training of making Japanese Subject.

      • KCI등재

        『반도의 총후진』을 통해서 본 조선인의 국방헌납

        김인호(Kim, In-Ho) 부산경남사학회 2014 역사와 경계 Vol.93 No.-

        This study analyzes the 402 defense-donatoion cases recorded in “rear service of chosen peninsula” (military-sponsored Federation, 朝鮮軍事後援聯盟. 1940). It was important fort uncovering the truth on the organic and regional characteristics of Korean military donation in invasion war period. This paper has the following five features. First, the procedures for performing the defense-donatoion was very complex and varied. Defense donation process is as follows. Preferentially each contributor in each region donated to local office or police county, and department city hall. then these institutions spended to.chosen military supporters league instead donator. Second, the information contained in the casebook is very inaccurate. It is reported that the exact date is less than 16%. The case may include an incorrect time could be confirmed only about 42%. As time goes by, (B) (C) (D) is the increasing number. Especially (E) is made at least 50% prior to 1940. Third, collective cases were much greater than the individual case. Fourth, a large portion of the cases were associated with Korea Western Regional Industry. The casebook is made Sino-Japanese War period. Therefore, there are many cases in Korea West. Why did a lot case in these areas? Perhaps it is estimated to be related to the war. In particular, it is associated with industrialization took place in Korea West. There are many cases become known in many Koreans living area. Japanese many areas there is little case. Japanese people live a lot, there is no place rather contributor case. Finally, there were many casebook set or created artificially. In other words, the Japanese imperialists were trying to promote the growth phenomena of Defense donation. They created a false statistics, and forge a production date. A single case was turned into several. the Japanese touted minor cases even lift a big event. In summary, “rear service of chosen peninsula” was trying to find the spontaneity of the Koreans. However, spontaneous cases made by only mandatory Government-General power. Even if it were so, this casebook had the mind and hopes of Koreans could not be ignored. This casebook had contained the hope of the poor Koreans. Koreans have wanted a rising standard of living, and to escape from discrimination. Koreans also wanted to “social role”. Therefore casebook has been a lot of social aspirations of those Koreans. But Government-General was used the Koreans hope as a means of defense donation increase.

      • KCI등재

        논문(論文) : 1940년대 항일무장단체의 실상 -한국광복군, 조선의용군, 동북항일연군의 활동을 중심으로-

        김주용 ( Joo Yong Kim ) 동국사학회 2007 동국사학 Vol.43 No.-

        Most attention point in Korean Independence Movements is ``Army`` establishment and Independence Movements grounded that under Japanese Rule of Korea. Korean Independence Movements organization within the jurisdiction of China evolved Independence Movements by new policy in The Sino-Japanese War July, 1937. The realization was The Independence Army of Korea(韓國光復軍) and The Korean Volunteer Army(朝鮮義勇隊)`s establishment. Also, Anti-Japan military army was shrinking due to establishment of Manchuria nation in 1932. They groped new a way out of a difficulty by combination with China. The realization was Korean Unit of The Northeast Anti-Japan Allies(東北抗日聯軍). To the oppressed people are important, establishment of Independence army led out more efficient and more strong Independence Movements for overcame limitations of guerrilla warfare or at a shot force fighting. However, this ``army`` establishments encountered with another limitations. It was external environment change. especially the relationship with China was decided position of ``army`` important factor. The Independence Army of Korea(韓國光復軍) led out cooperation founded Korea-China friendship of the Kuomintang(國民黨) that connected directly Korean provisional government(大韓民國臨時政府)`s autonomy. China limited role of The Independence Army of Korea(韓國光復軍), by reason of Korean provisional government(大韓民國臨時政府) approval. Hence, Korean provisional government(大韓民國臨時政府) endeavored for autonomy security by stress The Independence Army of Korea(韓國光復軍) was Korean provisional government`s army. The Independence Army of Korea(韓國光復軍) would like to occupied superiority of nation establishment after liberation. None the less because effort of The Korean Volunteer Army(朝鮮義勇隊(軍)), They has limitations about their own military course owing to under command of China`s The Armed Services Committee. Hwabook(華北) Area wasn`t exception too. Similarly The Korean Volunteer Army(朝鮮義勇隊), The Northeast Anti-Japan Allies(東北抗日聯軍) has charge of dual role too. Particularity of Korean Unit of The Northeast Anti-Japan Allies was absolutely proposition as how ``Korean independence`` and Korea-China cooperation. In a word, previous mentioned three Korean Independence Movements organization endeavored for kept up army`s originality. In the event, The Independence Army of Korea(韓國光復軍) led out ``Nine fixed rule`` abolition of China. Also The Korean Volunteer Army(朝鮮義勇軍) and The Northeast Anti-Japan Allies(東北抗日聯軍) took aim their own course through superiority with China. However They has limitations. China laid stress upon usefulness of Korean Independence Movements organization. As well, about restricted take their own course. At this point, Korean Independence Movements organization were get cooperation by China. also They run parallel autonomy security. The Independence Army of Korea(韓國光復軍) showed autonomy and globalization of Korean Independence Movements by recruitment and proclamation, cooperation together with Combined force(聯合軍).

      • KCI등재

        中国学界关于朝鲜义勇军的研究述评

        安仁焕 ( Ahn Inhwan ) 한국중국학회 2020 中國學報 Vol.92 No.-

        从上世纪八十年代开始,中国学界对朝鲜义勇军进行了比较全面的研究。初期研究主要侧重于朝鲜族历史和中国党史的角度,中韩建交以后研究范式逐步转为中韩联合抗战。尤其是进入21世纪以后,研究进一步细化和深入。除了对朝鲜义勇军的建立、活动、归宿及评价等进行整体性的把握以外,专门针对某一特定时期或某一特定地区的研究不断增多,尤其是关于朝鲜义勇军在东北、华北和西南地区的活动研究。其中一个突出的特点是,特定地区的学者和学术期刊更关注朝鲜义勇军在该地区的活动,其中桂林、重庆、河北地区的学者和武汉地区的学术期刊这一特征十分明显。另外对朝鲜义勇军的重要人物金元凤、武亭、尹世胄等也进行了一定的研究。 在研究视角方面,除了传统的历史学研究以外,传播学和文学等跨学科视角的研究成果也颇受瞩目。传播学研究的一种类型是对『朝鲜义勇队』、『东方战友』等朝鲜义勇军发行的刊物进行探讨,另一种类型是以『解放日报』等当时中国的新闻史料为基础,对有关朝鲜义勇军的史实进行挖掘。从文学视角进行的研究主要集中在金学铁和他的长篇小说『激情时代』,这部小说被称为是“朝鲜义勇军的集体自传”。中国学界对朝鲜义勇军的研究虽然取得了一定的成果,但应用性的研究相对不足,与韩国学界等其他国家学界之间的国际学术交流有待加强。有必要进一步加强有关朝鲜义勇军的基础研究和应用性研究,促进中韩两国之间学界和民间的友好往来和人员交流,推动两国友好关系不断发展。 Since the 1980s, the Chinese academics has researched the Korean Volunteer Army from a comprehensive aspect. In the early stage, the researches mainly focused on the history of Korea and the Communist Party of China. After the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and South Korea, the paradigm of research gradually turned to the united fight between China and Korea. Especially coming into the 21st century, the researches are further detailed and in-depth. In addition to the overall grasp of the establishment, activity, destination and evaluation of the Korean Volunteer Army, there are more and more researches focusing on a specific period or a specific region, especially on the activities of the Korean Volunteer Army in the northeast China, north China and southwest China. One of the outstanding characteristics is that the scholars and academic journals in specific areas pay more attention to the activities of the Korean Volunteer Army in their regions, especially the scholars in Guilin, Chongqing and Hebei and the academic journals in Wuhan. In addition, Kim wonbong, Moo Jung, Yoon seju and other important figures of the Korean Volunteer Army were also studied. In terms of the research perspectives, expect of the researches from the perspective of traditional history, the research results from the perspective of interdisciplinary such as communication and literature are also attracting attention. One type of communication study is discussing < the Korean Volunteer Army >, < the Oriental Comrades > and other publications issued by the Korean Volunteer Army. The other type is excavating the historical facts about the Korean Volunteer Army based on the historical materials at the time such as < Liberation Daily >. The research from the perspective of literature mainly focused on Kim Hak-cheol and his novel named < Passionate Era >, which was called ‘the collective autobiography of the Korean Volunteer Army’. Although Chinese scholars have made some achievements in the research on Korean Volunteer Army, the applied researches are relatively insufficient, and the international academic communication with Korean academics and other countries’ academics need to be strengthened. It is necessary to further strengthen the basic research and applied research on the Korean Volunteer Army, promote the friendly contacts and personnel exchanges between academics of China and South Korea, and accelerate the continuous development of friendly relations between China and Korea.

      • KCI등재

        북,중 관계에 미친 연안파의 위상 재조명: 정치,군사적 평가를 중심으로

        정병일 ( Byung Il Jeong ) 서강대학교 사회과학연구소 2010 社會科學硏究 Vol.18 No.2

        본 논문의 목적은 북·중 관계에 미친 연안파의 정치·군사적 위상을 분석하는 데 있다. 문제제기는 오늘날 북한과 중국 관계는 승자의 역사로 장식된 관계로 형성되어 있다. 이에 연역적으로 추론하는 방법은 회피하여야 한다는 점에서 출발한다. 이러한 연구 필요성의 일환으로 그중 북·중 관계에 미친 연안파의 정치·군사적 활동과 역할을 연구 주제로 선정하게 되었다. 결론적으로 조선의용군(연안파)과 항일연군(만주파)은 중국이라는 지역에서 활동했다는 점, 그리고 공히 중국공산당 노선의 사회주의 무장투쟁 방식을 조선독립의 수단으로 삼았다. 그러나 역사적 사실 관계를 통해 볼 때, 비록 동북항일연군이 동북지역에서 무장투쟁 활동을 벌이기는 하였으나 중국공산당의 혁명투쟁 과정이나 주요 활동지역에서는 소외되어 있었다. 이에 조선의용군과 항일연군의 활동을 중국공산당의 혁명투쟁노선과정과 연관시켜 분석한 결과 오늘날까지도 동지적 혈맹관계를 유지하고 있는 북·중 관계의 초기형성은 동북항일연군보다는 연안파(조선의용군 및 조선독립동맹)활동을 매개로 하여 토대가 굳건해진 것임을 확인할 수 있었다. 이 논고는 이러한 정치·역사적 사실이 어떤 연유를 통해 가능했을까를 추적해보는 새로운 규명작업이 되겠다. This study aims to examine the political and military status of Yeonanpa as an influential factor on the North Korea-China relationship. It calls attention to the fact that contemporary North Korea-China relations have been written in the single and erroneous perspective of winner`s history. This work is a attempt to depart from such a deductive approach. As a way to materialize a non-deductive approach, it interrogates the influences of the political and military activities and roles undertaken by Yeonanpa on the North Korea-China relationship. It is proven that the Korean Volunteers Army (Yeonanpa) and Han Il Yon Kun (Manjupa) performed their military operations in China and that both regarded socialist armed struggle as the fundamental way to achieve Korea`s independence. Historically, however, although Dong Book Hang Il Yon Kun conducted armed struggle in the east-north region, it was rather alienated from the Chinese communists` revolutionary struggle and the areas where it took place. Therefore, this study has analyzed the activities of the Korean Volunteers Army and Hang Il Yon Kun in conjunction with the process of the Chinese communists` revolutionary struggle to find that the early North Korea-China relationship, which has developed into a blood alliance of both countries to this day, was constructed and consolidated through the activities of Yeonanpa rather than those of Dong Buk Hang Il Yon Kun. The present work explores how such political and historical proceeding arose in the first place and shows the way in which they unfolded in the course of history.

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