조청관계에 대한 편의적 이해 사례

이영옥 동북아역사재단 2012 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.35

What kind of attitude is reasonable for Korean and Chinese to face the other and develop a future-oriented relationship? One way to answer this question is to study how the two peoples regard the relationship between them. This thinking led me to analyze the historical and scholastic materials of the Joseon-Qing wars and the tribute system. First, I analyzed how the court annals of Joseon and of Qing recorded the Joseon-Qing wars. The wars, I thought, had a strong influence on presenting the Chinese image to average Koreans. The average Koreans regard the wars as an accident that barbarians invaded and caused chaos. They are accustomed to calling it “Horan ”(胡亂), and not war. The Joseon annals tell us that the recorders of Joseon looked down upon Manchus as barbarians, and their army as bandits. After the war, they did not change their attitude and opinion regarding the Manchus. There was a contradiction that Joseon continued to look down upon the Manchus, even though they presented tribute to the Qing Dynasty. We can say that people in the Joseon period made an arbitrary understanding of the relationship with the Qing Dynasty. Second, I analyzed how several Chinese scholars, including Pu Baichen, describe the tributary relationship between Joseon and the Qing dynasty. They took the suzerain-vassal relationship based on the tribute system as the basic frame to analyze and state the relations between Joseon and Qing Dynasty. However, the tribute system displays its falsity in that the relations with Joseon were analyzed through the management of the Qing Dynasty, and when referring to the relation of suzerain-vassal(宗藩), 藩 means fanbu (藩部) and is not an accurate term in the sense that it has a different meaning from that of fan in earlier periods. They use the terminology, and this led writings to flow focused on the Qing Dynasty. They insisted that the Qing Dynasty was very considerate of Joseon,and claimed that the Qing Dynasty requested much tribute in the beginning stage, but the quantity gradually lessened as they were politically stabilized, and when Joseon suffered from the famine, Qing Dynasty sent food and provided dispensation. Also, it is insisted that the Qing Dynasty promised to militarily protect Joseon from Japan, and that domestic affairs and diplomacy could enjoy considerable freedom. However, they overlook the following matters. The political stabilization of Joseon from the standpoint of Qing Dynasty was directly related to the stabilization of that country’s border regions. Because of this, it is natural to interpret that since it was believed that the requests for numerous tribute and excessive political interference could trigger unwanted issues and the quantity of tribute was reduced. Next, by focusing on the responsibility of Japan in the process by which the tributary relationship was broken, they tried to hide the fact that the Qing Dynasty could not cope with the changed situation. The Sino-Japanese War occurred as Qing China and Japan fought to exert exclusive influence, and the people of Joseon suffered material losses due to the war. We believe that both Qing Dynasty and Japan are not freed from responsibility in the war. However, Pu insists as follows:Japan could not hide its warlike nature and intrusive expansionist policies and provoked the war, and Qing Dynasty encouraged the conclusion of treaties between Joseon and foreign nations in order to protect Joseon from danger. In short, it is not true that only one country among Korea and China has the attitude of arbitrary understanding of the other. This kind of understanding was transferred to the average people by official records,and resulted in distortion of the historical facts. We should have a mature attitude to accept uncomfortable truth. If so, we can develop a future-oriented relationship between Korea and China.

朝鲜通事群体与朝清关系研究—以凤城徐氏家族为中心

李丹 한중인문학회 2019 한중인문학연구 Vol.65 No.-

The Tongsa(通事) refers to the interpreter, and the Tongsa group is an important medium for ancient Chinese diplomacy. The Joseon Tongsa was the Joseon interpreter official set up in the Qing Dynasty, was mainly responsible for Joseon Dynasty interpretation and communication, became a bridge and the bond of tributary relations between the Joseon Dynasty and Qing Dynasty. From the end of Kangxi to the early years of Qianlong, among the Xu's Tongsa family, especially the Xu Zongshun and Xu Zongmeng brothers are the most active. They mainly performed the duties stipulated by the Qing Dynasty, such as serveing as the ambassadors of Qing Dynasty to Joseon Dynasty, receiving the tributary Joseon envoys, supervising trade, interrogating and returning the drifters and the offenders, and so on. They play the role of communicate likings and needs and coordinate the etiquette of the two countries. At the same time, for personal survival and family building, they also disregard the Qing Dynasty's manage, relying on the role of interpreter, using power to violate the Qing Dynasty's regulations and seeking private interests, asking for and accepting bribes, participating in the Lantou(揽头) trade, the money obtained is used to set up the house and donated an official for his son, and was discovered and confiscated property by the Qing Dynasty. In the Qianlong period, with the stability of the Joseon-Qing relationship and the emphasis on the concept of "giving more and getting less" (厚往薄来),the flexible Tongsa used the role of interpretation to seek power to operate the space , causing dissatisfaction in the Qing Dynasty. Not only is it not satisfied with Joseon Tongsa's request for bribes, but it also has a negative sense of Joseon Tongsa's ability to interpret. As a result, the role of Joseon Tongsa was gradually weakened. Through the specific translation activities and power operation process of the Xu's family, we can re-examine the relationship between the Joseon Dynasty and Qing Dynasty ,and feel the social life and political survival of the Joseon Tongsa group. 통사(通事)란 역관을 가리키며, 통사 집단은 고대 중국 외교왕래의 중요한 매개체였다. 조선통사(朝鮮通事)는 청조에 설치된 조선어 통역관으로, 조선어 번역과 의사소통을 주로 맡음으로써 말이 통하지 않는 조선왕조와 청조 양국 외교의 교량 역할 및 조공 관계의 유대를 구축하는 역할을 담당하였다. 강희 말에서 건륭 초기까지 서씨 통사 가문 중에서 특히 서종순과 서종맹 형제가 가장 활약하였다. 이들은 청조에 규정된 조선왕조로의 출사, 조선왕조 사신의 접대, 무역 감사, 표류인과 범월인(犯越人)의 심문과 송환 등의 직책을 주로 수행하였으며, 본국의 의사를 잘 전달하고 양국의 예의를 조정하는 역할을 하였다. 그러나 또한 동시에 이들은, 개인의 생존과 가문의 건설을 위해 청조의 행정을 무시하고서 통역이란 직책을 빌미로 권력의 편의를 이용해 사사로운 이익을 도모하고 뇌물을 요구하거나, 남두무역(揽头贸易)에 참여하거나 하였고, 그렇게 얻은 돈은 주택을 마련하거나 자식의 관직을 위한 연납비로 쓰였다. 그래서 나중에는 결국 청조 조정에 발각되어 이들의 재산은 몰수당하였다. 건륭시대에 이르러 청조와 조선왕조의 양국관계가 안정되고 후왕박래 이념이 강조되었는데, 유연한 외교방식을 구사한 통역 집단이 번역 직책을 이용하여 권력 운용에 관여하고자 도모한 것이 청조의 불만을 야기하였다. 후왕박래(厚往薄來) 이념에 위배되고 뇌물을 받는 통사의 행위가 건륭제의 불만을 야기하기뿐만 아니라 조선통사의 통역능력이 낮아지는 경향도 존재했다. 따라서 통역을 담당한 통사의 역할은 점차 약화되었다. 서씨 통사 가문의 구체적인 번역 활동과 권력의 운영 과정을 전개해 나타냄으로써 조·청 관계를 살펴볼 수 있고 그 중에서의 통사 집단의 사회생활과 정치생존 방식도 느낄 수도 있다.

조선시대 서해 북단 해역의 경계와 島嶼 문제 ― 海浪島와 薪島를 중심으로 ―

서인범 명청사학회 2011 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.36

In the late Ming Dynasty period, when the perception of maritime border was indistinct, there were four viewpoints on the starting point of the north-western border between the Ming Dynasty and the Joseon Dynasty; the Nokdo Island at the Yalu River estuary which is located in the coast of Liaodong, the Jangjado Island located in between the Nokdo Island and the Geowoodo Island which belongs to Cheolsan-bu, the Sindo Island located at the strategically significant place for the maritime defense in the mouth of the Yalu River, and the Geowoodo Island located sixteen kilometers away westward from Cheolsan-bu. As a conclusion, the Sindo Island was the starting point of the border of the north-western border. The reason that the Joseon envoys did not recognize the Sindo Island or Geowoodo Island as the territory of the Joseon Dynasty was that lots of people from Liaodong moved to the area and settled down there after the Japanese invasion of 1592. And since Mao Wen-lung, who was expelled from Liaodong area when Nurhaci of Jianzhou Jurchen occupied Liaoning area, established his military post at the Gado Island located within the territory of the Joseon Dynasty and took the offshore control. Therefore the Joseon government could not take this area under her control and had to abandon it temporarily. The Hongzhi Emperor of Ming Dynasty expressed his doubt about the location of Haerang Island and since the era of the King Seongjong of the Joseon Dynasty, it became the direct cause of a diplomatic dispute between the Ming Dynasty and the Joseon Dynasty. People from the Joseon Dynasty traveled to the island or lived there to avoid drafted labor from the government and for a purpose of doing commercial activities or fisheries. The Joseon government, which was deeply concerned about this issue, brought those people back to Joseon and punished them. However, many of Chinese people moved to the Sindo Island located in the territory of Joseon, and settled down there to avoid drafted labor from their government. This could casue a serious problem to the Joseon government thus the government requested Liaodongdusi (the military commander of Liadong area) to prohibit those people from moving to the island. But Liaodongdusi did not properly react to the request. Therefore, the Joseon government tried to put political pressure on Liaodongdusi by notifying him that they would send envoys directly to Beijing in case he did not grant their request. In this way, the Joseon government could solve the problem. The reason that the Joseon government tried to solve the Haerangdo Island and the Sindo Island problem in advance so that it would not develop any bigger problem has an important significance. The Joseon government was concerned that the issue might cause damage on their spirit of toadyism toward the Ming Dynasty. And they saw possibilities of a border dispute between them and the Ming Dynasty which could get caused by a small problem in the borderland.

중국 근대 대(對) 조선 서사 기록과 문학적 형상화 연구 - 황준헌(黃遵憲)ㆍ주가록(周家祿)ㆍ장건(張謇)의 중한관계 저작과 시문을 중심으로

정해리 중국인문학회 2016 中國人文科學 Vol.0 No.64

The paper analyses relationship between the Joseon Dynasty and Qing Dynasty during modern transition on 『朝鮮策略(ChaoXianCeLue)』ㆍ『奧簃朝鮮三種 (AoYiChaoXianSanZhong)』ㆍ『朝鮮善後六策(ChaoXianShanHouLiuCe)』 and poetry and prose which were written by HuangZunXian(1848-1905)ㆍZhouJiaLu(1846-1909)ㆍ ZhangJian(1853-1926). It considers these works located on the center of shaping new alternation in East Asia as vivid records. The study, specifically, examines (1) Chinese policy of Joseon strategy (2) Search on process of forming modern discourse in East Asia (3) Analyse epic records of the Joseon Dynasty and poetry and prose on chinese recognition of Joseon and identify of forming modern history. And it takes view of macro-framework under form and process of modern discourse in East Asia. Firstly, the paper is a comprehensive analysis of literary works on the relationship between Korea and China and poetry and prose such as 『朝鮮策略(ChaoXianCeLue)』 ㆍ『奧簃朝鮮三種(AoYiChaoXianSanZhong)』ㆍ『朝鮮善後六策(ChaoXianShanHouLiuCe), and then studies on how it changed and what was the changing process. Secondly, it examines the process of forming modern discourse in East Asia, the recognition for intellectuals of Qing and Joseon Dynasty about a convulsion of East Asia situation, and the countermeasure against that situation. Last but not least, HuangZunXian, ZhouJiaLu, and ZhangJian left more than a few poetry and prose which were the problems and destiny of the Joseon Dynasty as topic and interacted with writers of that period. The study focuses on their literary works to search the chinese intellectuals of Joseon recognition and identity of forming modern history.The Im-o Military Revolt(壬午軍亂) which plays important background in political and period about epic records of Joseon Dynasty and poetry and prose is not only a local problem at that time. It arose from transition between Joseon Dynasty and Qing Dynasty in traditional chinese world order system and western influence on East and emerging Japan. In addition, Qing Dynasty made the best use of Joseon Dynasty situation to defense Russia that moved southward. Thus, chinese policy of Joseon strategy focused on keeping traditional chinese world order system. And it caused international dispute with status of Joseon Dynasty. On the other hand, literary works on the relationship between Korea and China which were written by HuangZunXian, ZhouJiaLu, and ZhangJian revealed chinese view on modern transition of the Joseon Dynasty with diversified recognition. It could be said that Joseon and Qing had the same identify of forming modern history in terms of the recognition that are traditional master-servant relationship between two countries, causes and solutions of Joseon Dynasty decline, key figures who were Heungseon Daewongun, Queen Min, Gojong and civil servants, writers, and strenuous efforts in the Joseon Dynasty.

1910~20년대 일본인 저작의 조선 의생활(依生活) 항목 비교 - 이마무라 도모(今村鞆)ㆍ니시무라 신타로(西村眞太郞)ㆍ마츠다 코(松田甲)의 기록을 중심으로 -

조희진 국립민속박물관 2016 민속학연구 Vol.0 No.39

This study analyzed clothing items contained in the following works by Japanese writers: Manners of the Joseon Dynasty, Aspects of the Joseon Dynasty, Diverse Records of the Joseon Dynasty, Essays about the Joseon Dynasty, and Collected Stories of the Joseon Dynasty. Everyday clothing was an element included among principal items to be investigated from the beginning stage when Imperialist Japan planned to identify various manners and customs of the Joseon Dynasty. This study intended to analyze the objectives and viewpoints with which these three Japanese writers made their records. Imamura, an Imperialist policeman, Nisimura, an inspector of the police agency, and Matsuda in charge of exchanges between the Joseon Dynasty and Japan felt it urgent to understand the manners of the Joseon Dynasty for the smooth performance of their official duties in the Joseon Dynasty which they colonized. Their records selectively included clothing items of the Joseon Dynasty. Manners of the Joseon Dynasty made a systematic composition of Jeson’s clothing items while Aspects of the Joseon Dynasty showed a simple description of materialistic and formative properties of Joseon’s dress designs. Matsuda wrote his work in a style similar to essay-writing, lacking in accuracy compared with the other two authors. The three writers were different from each other in the language used. Imamura described in both Chinese letters and Katakana. Nisimura wrote names of dress designs in Korean, indexing them. Matsuda wrote the main body of his work in Korean. Referring to description methods, they adopted three ways in their writing. First, they compared the clothing styles of the Joseon Dynasty with those of Japan. Next, they distinguished between the new ways of clothing style and the ones of the Joseon Dynasty. Finally, they intended to guide the people of the Joseon Dynasty by showing them which aspects of the Joseon clothing styles needed to be improved, and suggesting alternatives for them. These description methods, their viewpoints, and the objectives of their recording the manners of the Joseon Dynasty projected the roles of Imperialist Japan and the justification of them as the principal agent of modernizing the colonized Joseon Dynasty.

15세기 조선 왕실이 택한 관요 자기와 선별배경

오영인 ( Youngin Oh ) 이화여자대학교 도예연구소 2018 陶藝硏究 Vol.- No.27

본 연구는 조선시대 관요의 설치와 운영이 왕실의 요구에 따른 결과라는 점을 토대로 조선 왕실의 정 책과 인식이 관요 자기의 제작과 양식에 미친 직간접적인 영향에 주목하였다. 이를 위해 15세기 경기도 광 주 일대의 가마를 중심으로 관요 설치에 따른 자기 제작양상과 추이를 밝히고, 조선 왕실이 보인 명 황실의 사여 혹은 진헌에 대한 태도와 명 제도의 수용, 그리고 자기에 대한 인식에 주목하여 관요 자기의 종류 와 선별배경에 대해 살펴보았다. 경기도 광주 일대 가마는 왕실이 요구하는 자기 제작을 주도하며 15세기 중반부터 다수의 백자와 함께 청자를 일부 제작하였다. 이는 15세기 후반 관요의 설치와 운영으로 이어졌고, 관요는 왕실의 요구를 반영하여 백자의 양적·질적 수준의 확보를 지향하였다. 이러한 백자 위주의 제작을 두고 단순히 유교적 국가에서 강조하는 검약에서 그 배경을 찾는 것이 기존 학계의 견해였다. 그러나 이러한 변화가 이뤄진 15 세기 중반은 조선 왕조의 근간을 다지려는 노력과 함께 명과의 관계에 주목하여 여러 노력을 기울이던 시 기였다. 더욱이 관요의 자기 제작양상은 당시 명대 경덕진요의 경우와 유사할 뿐만 아니라 명 황실이 조선 왕실에 공식적으로 전한 자기의 종류와 일정부분 일치하였다. 조선 왕실은 일찍이 명의 책봉국으로써 개국의 당위성과 문물 정비의 근간을 명으로부터 찾았고, 명 황실과의 우호적인 관계 하에 유교적 의례구조에 합당한 의전을 수행하며 독립 국가로써의 품위와 격조를 보여주고자 하였다. 명 황실은 조선 왕실에 여러 기물을 사여하고 칙서를 내림으로써 황실의 권위를 보여 주려 하였고, 조선 왕실은 사여 받는 것 자체에 큰 의미를 두었다. 조선 왕실의 입장에서 사여 받은 자기는 뛰어난 품질을 가진 대상이자 관리에 공을 들였던 대상이었다. 여기에 명 황제의 대리인인 사신으로부터 사용을 허락받았고 나아가 왕실용 기물의 범으로 자리 잡아 오랜 기간 관요 자기의 제작에 영향을 미쳤다. 당시 명 황실에서는 어기 및 제기로 백자가 사용되었을 뿐만 아니라 조선 왕실에 전한 자기의 대다수가 백 자에 해당하였다. 즉, 관요는 백자를 중심으로 제작함으로써 명으로부터 공식적으로 전해 받은 자기에 대 한 일종의 재현을 행하였고, 조선 왕실이 지향하고자 하였던 대상이 명 황실이었음을 보여주었다. This article is intended to take note of direct or indirect impact of policy in the Joseon Dynasty valid in manufacturing and characteristic of Royal kilns ceramic. It determined the installation of Royal kilns and the consequential alterations and characteristic of ceramic in Gwangjo, Gyeonggi-do the 15^th Century, observed results carefully a Royal attitude granted ceramics by Ming, import of Ming system, perception toward the ceramics. Since the mid-15th century, some kilns in Gwangjo, Gyeonggi-do produced a little celadon with a number of porcelain by Royal demand. With the common opinion, it is a suggested background to produce focusing on porcelain thought based on Confucianism. Merely, the mid-15th century was a period trying to prepare a framework for Dynasty, to have respect to Ming in the Joseon. Really, the then characteristic of Royal kilns ceramic has echoes of that of Jingdezhenyao in Ming and granted ceramics by Ming. The Royal Court of Joseon Dynasty looked for appropriateness of the foundation and source of maintenance of civilization from Ming, would like to show dignity as an independent state with the friendly relationship of Ming. On the one hand, the Royal Court of Ming Dynasty granted the Joseon Dynasty many kinds of article to show the Imperial authority, the Royal Court of Joseon Dynasty would read too much into those. In other words, Ming imperial ceramics became accepted as screamers and valuables by excelling in management in the Joseon Dynasty. As heard from Ming envoy sent to the Joseon Dynasty, the Royal Court of Joseon Dynasty would use those by Ming's allowance and allegedly make a model in the manufacture of Royal kilns ceramic. Then the Royal Court of Ming Dynasty used porcelain as the dishes and utensils used in ancestral rites, bestowed many porcelains on the Joseon Dynasty. In short, characteristic of Royal kilns ceramic in the Joseon Dynasty, on porcelain, deserved to be assessed to make a kind of return for Ming imperial ceramics. Furthermore, it showed the name of the Joseon Dynasty subject who tried to promote as the Ming Dynasty.

조선시대 『홍무정운』의 지식전파 형식

량야오중 지식인문학연구회 2019 지식인문학 Vol.1 No.1

『홍무정운』은 명나라 태조 홍무제 8년(1375)에 악소봉(樂韶鳳), 송염(宋 濂) 등 11명의 문인이 황제의 명으로 편찬한 운서이다. 주원장이 이러한 운서를 편찬하라 명한 목적은 천하에 ‘중원아음’을 정함으로, 백성 및 지식 층이 『홍무정운』을 기준으로 삼아 천하의 통일된 정음체계를 통해 자신의 중앙 집권 통치를 강화하기 위함이었음을 알 수 있다. 중국의 인접국가로서 한국은 예전부터 중화문화의 깊은 영향을 받았다. 조선시대에는 한시의 압운이나 독음 규범 등 문제로 인하여 조선왕조는 한자 표준음의 학습과 심사를 매우 중시하였다. 『홍무정운』은 완성 후 조 선왕조에 도입되어 크게 중시되었으며, 중국 최고 권위의 표준 운서로 각 광받았다. 『홍무정운』이 국가의 대표적인 규범 한자음인 ‘정음’ 지식체계 로서 조성왕조에 오랜 시간 광범위하게 전파되어 조선시대 학문과 운서편 찬에 막대한 영향을 미쳤다. 본 논문은 『홍무정운』이 조선시대에 전파된 배경에서 출발하여, 조선왕조 시대 『홍무정운』이 전파된 형식과 그로 인한 영향에 대해 고찰하고, 일종의 지식체계로서 『홍무정운』이 조선왕조에 전파된 시대적 상황을 묘사해 보고자 한다. 『홍무정운』이 명나라의 ‘정음’ 지식체계로서 조선왕조에 전해진 후 강습, 과거시험, 시부압운, 정자규범, 교각중간 등 다양한 형식을 통해 전파 되었음을 알 수 있었다. 그의 전파된 상황을 『조선왕조실록』, 『승정원일기』 및 조선시대 지식인의 기록에서 확인할 수 있다. 『홍무정운』은 조선왕조 에서 광범위하고 폭넓게 전파되었으며, 대표적인 지식체계로 특히 왕실과 조선 사대부들에게 인정되고 수용되었다. 이러한 외래 지식체계의 전파는 조선왕조의 강한 중앙집권 통치의 결과이기도 하며, 또한 사대부층과 백 성들이 외래 지식을 적극적으로 받아들인 결과이기도 한다. 양자의 상호 작용 아래, 『홍무정운』은 일종의 정음체계로 조선왕조에 전파되고 유래되 며 점차 깊숙이 뿌리내리게 되었다. 그 원인을 살펴보면, 지리적으로 인접 한 한중 양국의 정치적, 문화적 요인으로 운서라는 특수한 지식체계가 양 국 사이에 쉽게 전해질 수 있었던 것이다. 조선왕조는 역사적으로 한학을 중시하여, 한자 음운의 선택은 언어 문자의 정통성과 밀접히 연관된 매우 중요한 문제였다. 『홍무정운』이 조선왕조에 전파되고 지식체계와 왕실권 력이 결합하여, 한중 양국의 지식체계가 함께 소통하고 변천하는 역사의 새로운 지평이 열리게 된 것이다. “Hongwu Zhengyun” became a book in the 8th year of Emperor Hongwu of the Ming Dynasty (1375). It is an official rhyme book compiled by 11 people such as Yue Shaofeng and Song Lian. Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang ordered the compilation of this rhyme book to set the “Zhongyuan Yayin(Main land positive sound)” for the country, and let the people and the intellectuals use “Hongwu Zhengyun” as the standard of the positive sound. Emperor consolidate its centralization through unified sound system of the country. As a close neighbor of China, Korea has been infiltrated by Chinese culture since ancient times. In the Joseon era, the Joseon Dynasty attached great importance to the study and examination of the standard pronunciation of Chinese characters, because of the rhetoric for writing Chinese poetry and pronunciation specification. After the book “Hongwu Zhengyun” was written, it was introduced to the Joseon Dynasty and received attention. It was regarded as the most authoritative standard rhyme book in China. “Hongwu Zhengyun” as a “positive” knowledge system that represents the will of the state and regulates the pronunciation of Chinese characters, has been widely and long‐lasting spread in various ways in the Joseon Dynasty, and has had a tremendous impact on the Sinology and rhyme compilation in the Joseon era. This paper starts with the background of the dissemination of “Hongwu Zhengyun” in the Joseon era, and examines the form of dissemination of “Hongwu Zhengyun” in the Joseon Dynasty and its influence on the Joseon era. Thus this paper depicted the dissemination of “Hongwu Zhengyun” as a knowledge system in the Joseon Dynasty. “Hongwu Zhengyun” as an authoritative “positive sound” knowledge system of the Ming Dynasty, In the Joseon Dynasty, there were four kinds of dissemination forms: the lectures, the imperial examinations with rhyme of poetry, the orthographic specification and the reprint. The dissemination can be seen in the records of “the Annals of the Joseon Dynast”, “Seung Jung Won Diary” and the records of Korea intellectuals. Through these methods, “Hongwu Zhengyun” has been widely and long‐lasting spread in the Joseon Dynasty, and the knowledge system what it represented has also been accepted and recognized by the Korea intellectuals. This dissemination of foreign knowledge system is not only the result of the state power dominated by the top of the Joseon Dynasty, but also the spontaneous acceptance of the intellectuals and the underlying people from the bottom up. Through the interaction of the both, a knowledge system can be spread among countries and solidified in the countries that which accept the knowledge system. The reason is that China and Korea are geographically closed, so the similar political and cultural factors make this special knowledge system of rhyme book spread between the two countries. The Joseon Dynasty had always attached importance to Sinology, so the choice of Chinese phonology is an important issue concerning the orthodoxy of language. This is both the need of the national language policy and the need for the dynastyʹs authoritarian rule. Through the spread of “Hongwu Zhengyun” in the Joseon Dynasty, the knowledge system and state power was combined and it has written a chapter of knowledge circulation and change in the history of China and Korea.

조선시대 한중일(韓中日) 관계와 상호인식(相互認識)의 추이

한명기 ( Han Myunggi ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2020 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.57

원대 이전까지 중국의 일본에 대한 인식은 긍정적이었다. 견당사 등으로 왔던 일본 관인, 승려들과의 접촉 경험을 통해 일본을 ‘예의지국’, ‘군자지국’으로 보았다. 하지만 왜구가 발호하면서 중국의 대일인식은 몹시 부정적으로 바뀐다. 조선도 14세기 중반 이후 극심한 왜구의 침략을 겪으면서 일본에 대한 부정적인 인식이 고조되었다. 15세기 회유책이 효과를 발휘하여 왜구가 잦아지면서 일본에 대한 인식은 바뀌는 조짐을 보인다. 그런데 조선은 大國으로 자처하면서 일본에 대해 문화적 우월감을 드러냈다. 조일 양국의 상호 인식과 태도를 규정하는 바탕에는 양국의 명에 대한 태도와 인식의 차이가 자리 잡고 있었다. 15~16세기 조선 지식인들은 명과의 빈번한 접촉과 친연성을 바탕으로 일본에 대한 우월의식을 드러냈다. 일본은 神國임을 내세우면서 명에 대해 맞서거나 사대를 거부하는 ‘자주적인’ 자세를 바탕으로 조선을 멸시하려고 덤볐다. 임진왜란을 계기로 조명관계에서는 전쟁 이전의 事大와 字小를 표방했던 ‘軟性的인 관계’가 사라졌다. 명은 왜란을 계기로 자신들의 안보가 위협받자 조선에 대해 거칠고 부정적인 태도와 인식을 드러냈다. 왜란 이후 조선은 명을 ‘再造의 恩人’으로, 일본을 ‘萬世의 怨讐’로 규정했다. 또 전쟁 기간 일본의 武力과 잔학함을 목도하면서 일본에 대한 두려움도 확실히 지니게 되었다. 정묘, 병자호란 이후 조선에서는 일본을 ‘원수’가 아니라 청에 맞서기 위해 협력해야 할 우방으로 여기는 인식이 싹텄다. 명 또한 청의 위협에 맞서 조선이 일본과 협력하여 청을 견제해 주기를 기대했다. 19세기 들어 일본에서는 정한론이 대두된다. 실제로 일본의 힘이 다시 커지고 조선에 대한 위협이 증대하면서 청의 위기의식도 고조된다. 운양호 사건, 임오군란을 겪으면서 청의 양무관료들은 조선을 구미 열강과 立約하도록 勸導하는 한편 조선을 직할령으로 통치해야 한다고 주장했다. 그 와중에 흥선대원군을 납치하고 조청상민수륙무역장정을 강압적으로 체결하고, 원세개의 독단적인 행보까지 더해지면서 19세기 후반 조선에서는 반청감정이 비등해질 수 있는 환경이 조성되었다. 명과 청은 조선을 ‘충순한 번국’이란 운운했지만 일본이 양국 관계에 끼어들 경우 조선에 대해 거칠고 강퍅한 태도와 부정적인 인식을 드러냈다. 15세기 명의 신료들이 조선과 일본의 접촉에 신경질적인 반응을 보였던 것, 임진왜란 시기 명군 지휘부가 조선에 대한 직할통치론을 주장했던 것, 임오군란 이후 청의 양무관료들이 조선을 속방으로 만들려고 했던 것 등이 그 생생한 실례였다. 1894년 청일전쟁을 계기로 조선에서는 排日, 斥日論이 확산되고 대다수 관료와 민인들이 청군의 승리를 전망하거나 희구했다. 청이 패하자 조선에서는 당혹감과 함께 청의 허약한 실상에 대한 객관적인 인식이 대두했다. 청의 지식인들도 패전을 계기로 일본을 배워야 한다는 인식이 확산되었다. 조선시대 한국인들의 중국 인식과 일본 인식은 ‘끼여 있는 존재’라는 한반도의 지정학적 조건과 안보 상황 속에서 형성되었다. 나아가 그것은 한반도를 둘러싼 중일 양국의 역학 관계의 추이를 비롯한 상황의 변화에 따라 서로 길항하고 연동되는 모습으로 나타나고 있었다. The three countries of Korea, China and Japan are often referred to as the “Chinese Character Culture Zone” and “Confucian Culture Zone” or “Sinosphere” to emphasize the cultural commonality of the three countries. However, in the past, the interactions and exchanges between the people of the three kingdoms were cut off. This was because all three countries strictly forbade the movement of their subjects between the respective countries. Under this restriction, it was impossible for the majority of the residents, except for the envoys, interpreters, and some merchants, to contact people in other countries. The Chinese perception of Japan was positive before the advent of the Yuan Dynasty. Through contact with Japanese officials and monks who had been envoys, Japan was regarded as a “country of courtesy” and a “country of virtues”. However, Japanese pirates became a major problem for China by the end of the Yuan dynasty, China's perception of Japan became the opposite. The Joseon Dynasty in the late 14 ^th century, also suffered heavily from frequent invasions of the Japanese pirates, started to regard the Japanese with contempt. This antagonistic sentiment is shown in the terms that were used to describe Japan such as “The Island Barbarians”, “The Japanese Enemy” and “The Wicked Scoundrels”. However, since the middle of the 15 ^th century, the ensuing success of the policy of appeasement with the Japanese pirates and the resulting decrease of the invasions, the Korean perception of the Japanese changed, this time for the better. However, Joseon's attitude that they were a Great country and Japan was a subordinate nation continued as before . Joseon Dynasty in the 15 ^th century, had frequent contacts with the Japanese nation while concealing them from the paternal Ming dynasty. The Ming Dynasty did in fact were opposed to Joseon having communication with Japan. 15^th to 16 ^th century intellectuals of Joseon touted that Joseon was the “most loyal subjectnation” to the Ming Dynasty and the “honoured pupil of the Great Chinese Civilisation” therefore they treated Japan as “barbarians” and a “country yetto-be-reformed”. On the other hand, Japan asserted itself as a “God's nation”, and rejected being a tributary state to the Ming Dynasty and scorned the Joseon Dynasty. The geographical difference between Joseon and Japan in relation to China, that Joseon peninsula(the Korean peninsula) is attached to the Chinese continent and Japan is separated from the Asian mainland by ocean, caused the difference in their attitude and perception towards China and this furthermore affected the mutual perceptions they had of each other. In the wake of the Japanese invasions of Korea (Imjin War 1592-1598) contacts between peoples of the three kingdoms increased explosively. First of all, after the war, the mutual perceptions of Joseon and Ming revealed a new face. As the military and geopolitical importance of Joseon emerged after the war, Ming recognised Joseon as their “front” and “defense base”. Ming pressured Joseon and even planned to colonise it. On the other hand, after the war, the Joseon Dynasty recognised the Ming Dynasty as “saviours” despite the serious havoc the military of Ming created in Joseon. But then, they perceived Japan as an “eternal enemy”. In addition, the Joseon Dynasty experienced the formidable prowess of the armed forces of Japan through the war which raised fears. It was through the Imjin War that hostility and fear toward Japan were made to coexist. With the replacement of the Ming Dynasty with the Qing Dynasty, the mutual perceptions of Joseon and Ming, and Joseon's perception of Japan showed signs of change. In particular, through the Later Jin invasion of Joseon (Jeongmyo-Horan 1627) and the Qing invasion of Joseon (ByeongJa-Horan 1636-1637) their perception towards Japan showed sings of change. Some intellectuals began to perceive Japan as an ally to cooperate with in the fight against the “barbarian forces of Qing”, not “the eternal enemy” they once thought Japan was. In the 19th century, the approaching threat of the West gave impetus to Japan's national defence efforts and they were of the opinion that Korea had to be conquered. Indeed, as Japan's power grew again, Qing's sense of crisis toward Japan also grew. In particular, some of Qing's officials who believed that Japan conquering Joseon would prove to be dangerous for Qing, argued that Joseon should be ruled directly. In 1882, during the riots of Joseon soldiers, Qing militarily intervened in the country, established military rule and attempted to make Korea a colony. The situation changed after the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895). Anti-Japanese sentiment spread in Joseon as Japan occupied the Gyeongbokgung Palace, oppressed peasant forces and attempted to colonise Joseon. During the war, the Qing Dynasty was overwhelmed in the face of the superior force of Japan, but many intellectuals in Joseon hoped for the victory of the Qing. However, when Qing was defeated in the First Sino-Japanese War, Joseon through embarrassment was forced to recognise Qing's waning power over the East. Qing's intellectuals also recognised that through the loss of the war they were to learn from Japan. In conclusion, Korean perceptions of the Japanese and of the Chinese during the era of Joseon Dynasty were formed under the geopolitical conditions and security conditions of the Korean Peninsula, which is sandwiched between the Chinese continent and the Japanese archipelago. And they appeared to antagonise or facilitate each other depending on the changes of relationship and situations between Korea and the two countries of China and Japan surrounding the Korean Peninsula. mutual perceptions, “country of courtesy”, “country of virtues”, Japanese pirates, the “most loyal subjectnation” to the Ming Dynasty, Imjin War, “defense base”, “the eternal enemy”, the Later Jin invasion of Joseon, ‘the situation sandwiched between the Chinese continent and the Japanese archipelago’

조선왕실(朝鮮王室)의 명기(明器) 기록

송진욱 ( Song Jin-uk ) 단국사학회 2016 史學志 Vol.53 No.-

이 논문은 朝鮮王室 陵園의 관련 기록에 나타나는 明器를 시기별로 나누고 그 변화를 비교하기 위해 작성되었다. 능원은 왕실 구성원의 사후 공간으로, 특히 생전에 사용하였던 물건들을 제작하여 副葬하는데 이를 명기라고 한다. 명기는 神明으로 평시와 같이 만들되 거칠고 작게 만들었는데, 시기와 신분, 그리고 생활사에 따라 물품이 다르게 정해졌다. 조선전기의 명기 기록은 실록과 국가전례서에서 볼 수 있고, 조선후기의 명기 기록은 장례 관련 의궤와 『國朝喪禮補編』에서 볼 수 있다. 이들 기록을 통해 전기와 후기의 변화가 명확히 이루어졌다. 조선 건국 후부터 명기 물품이 정해졌는데, 그 사용용도에 따라 그릇 및 생활품류, 악기류, 무기류, 木俑類로 나눌 수가 있었다. 조선전기에는 『세종실록』 「오례」의 편찬으로 기존 명기 물품 중에서 악기류가 늘어나는 시기로, 세종시대의 아악 정비의 결과로 악기 물품이 배로 늘어났다. 조선후기에는 『國朝喪禮補編』의 편찬으로 기존의 명기 물품이 크게 변화되는 시기로, 영조 연간에 있었던 장례의 문제점과 상례제도의 폐단을 없애기 위해 목용류 등 그릇 및 생활품이 과감하게 폐지되었다. 조선시대의 명기는 왕과 왕비, 왕세자와 왕세자빈, 그리고 왕세손의 생활사를 그대로 반영한 것으로, 시기적으로 다른 능과 원의 조성 방법에 따라 변화되었다. This paper was written to compare the process of changing Myeong-gi(明器) in different era in Joseon Dynasty`s royal family`s Neung(陵) and Won(園). Neung and Won were places where Joseon Dynasty`s royal family members` were buried after death, so people built them with heart and soul just like the palaces where the royal family members` lived. Especially Myeong-gi, there people were burried with items that Joseon Dynasty`s royal family members` used. Myeong-gi was normally made smaller and rougher and it was selected by age, status, and life-style. We can take a look at the Sillok(實錄, in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty) and the National Rituals Book(國家典禮書) for records of Myeong-gi of the former part of Joseon Dynasty. Also, they are confirmed by funeral records in the Sejong(世宗) Dynasty after establishing the Joseon Dynasty, after then they were influenced by the National Rituals Book(國家典禮書). Also, we can take a look in the Uigwe(儀軌, The Royal Protocols of the Joseon Dynasty) and the Gukjo Sangrye Bopyeon(國朝喪禮補編) about the records of Myeong-gi in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty. Myeong-gi was selected by records of the National Rituals Book(國家典禮書) which was estabished in the former part of Joseon Dynasty before the Gukjo Sangrye Bopyeon was established. Then, the National Rituals Book(國家典禮書) was established to modify the problems of funerals in the Yeongjo(英祖) Dynasty and people followed the manners of the National Rituals Book(國家典禮書). There are 2 periods of the changing process Myeong-gi of Neung and Won in the Joseon Dynasty. The first period was the time when musical instruments were very popular along with normal Myeong-gi items by publishing the Sejong Sillok Orye. Thus, it was connected with the Aak in the Sejong Dynasty. The second period was the time when bowls, daily necessities, musical instruments, and wooden dolls were changed with existing Myeong-gi items by publishing the Gukjo Sangrye Bopyeon. The biggest change was the elimination of wooden dolls to get rid of the problems of the Soonjang system (殉葬, burial of the living with the dead) and abolishing luxurious and playful items, so Myeong-gi items were limited significantly. Myeong-gi of the Joseon Dynasty had changed in different ways in each era, including the life style of the Kings and Queens, the Crown Princes and Crown Princesses, and the eldest son of the Crown prince.

조선시대 양명학에 관한 연구의 과거, 현재, 미래 -조선시대 양명학 일반에 관한 연구를 중심으로-

김세정 ( Kim Sea-jeong ) 충남대학교 유학연구소 2020 儒學硏究 Vol.52 No.-

1970년대부터 시작한 조선시대 양명학에 관한 연구는 지난 50년간 양적인 면은 물론 질적인 측면에서 괄목할 만한 눈부신 성과를 이루었다. 필자는 지난 50여 년간의 연구 성과를 모아 <조선시대 양명학 관련 연구 문헌 목록>을 제작하였다. 이 목록에 수록된 자료는 저서 78권, 원전 번역서 46권, 외국문헌 번역서 2권, 박사학위논문 97편, 석사학위논문 213편, 학술논문 1,287편을 포함 총 1,719종에 달한다. 이 방대한 자료에 대한 분석을 몇 단계로 나누어 진행할 예정이다. 본 논문에서는 우선 조선시대 양명학 연구의 전체적인 윤곽을 조망할 수 있는 ‘조선시대 양명학 일반’에 관한 연구 성과물과 관련한 목록에 수록된 자료들(저서 16권, 박사학위논문 8편, 학술논문 93편)을 분석하였다. 이를 통해 조선시대 양명학 연구의 현주소를 진단하고 앞으로 해결해야 할 과제를 살펴보았다. 총 16권이 간행된 저서 부분은 크게 조선시대 양명학 연구의 기틀을 마련한 시기인 1980년대, 조선시대 양명학 연구의 심화 시기인 1990년대와 2000년대, 조선시대 양명학 연구의 국제화시기인 2010년대로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 전반부는 양명학의 전래와 수용과 전개라는 조선시대 양명학 일반에 대한 연구가 주를 이루었다면, 후반부에서는 이러한 연구 내용과 더불어 조선시대 양명학과 성리학의 교섭과 융섭을 다룬 연구가 많아지는 것을 발견할 수 있었다. 아울러 저서의 주제와 관점과 내용이 다양화되고 심화되는 것을 알 수 있었다. 그리고 조선시대 양명학 일반을 다룬 박사학위논문의 경우에는 8편으로 양적으로 많은 편은 아니지만, 철학은 물론 역사학, 정치학, 종교학, 문학 등 다양한 분야에서 박사학위논문이 나옴으로써 조선시대 양명학을 다양한 관점에서 조망할 수 있도록 해줌과 아울러 조선시대 양명학을 입체적으로 이해할 수 있도록 하고, 나아가 한국양명학 연구 기반을 풍성하게 만들어주었다고 하는 점이 주요한 성과라고 할 수 있다. 총 93편이 간행된 학술논문의 경우는 크게 3시기로 나누어 살펴봤다. 첫 번째 시기는 1980년대까지에 해당하는 시기로 조선시대 양명학 연구의 토대 마련의 시기라고 할 수 있다. 두 번째 시기는 1990년대로써 조선시대 양명학에 대한 연구가 본격적으로 진행된 시기라고 할 수 있다. 세 번째 시기는 2000년대와 2010년대로써 조선시대 양명학 연구의 성숙기라고 할 수 있다. 조선시대 양명학 일반에 관한 괄목할 만한 성과에도 불구하고 해결해야할 과제들이 남아있다. 첫 번째로 총론에 해당하는 조선시대 양명학 전반을 조망하는 연구 작업에 각론에 해당하는 개별 양명학자에 대한 연구 성과 및 시기별·분야별 연구 성과들을 반영해야 할 필요성이다. 두 번째는 조선시대 양명학 전반을 다룬 연구 성과물이 대체로 철학 분야에 치중되어 있는 바, 문학과 사학과 철학 분야에서의 균형 있는 연구의 필요성이다. 그래야 조선시대 양명학을 입체적으로 그려냄으로써 조선시대 양명학의 진면목을 제대로 드러낼 수 있다. 셋째, 조선시대 양명학 연구는 오늘날의 시대문제와 관련하여 보다 적극적인 논의를 전개할 필요가 있다. 조선시대 양명학자들이 보여준 수시변역(隨時變易)과 권도(權道)의 주체성과 시대정신, 실심(實心)과 감통(感通)의 애민정신과 실천정신을 온전히 계승하고 현실에 맞게 되살리는 것이 조선시대 양명학 연구의 궁극적인 목표가 되어야 한다. The research on Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty which started since the 1970s has achieved amazingly remarkable results in both quantitative and qualitative aspects during the last 50 years. The author has collected those achievements and made a “List of Works on Yang-ming Studies in the Joseon Dynasty.” The works in that list include 78 books, 46 translations from original texts, two translations from foreign works, 97 doctoral dissertations, 213 master's theses, and 1287 academic papers, totaling up to 1719. The author intends to carry out the analysis of that huge compilation in several stages. In this paper as the first stage, the author considers a part of writings contained in that list (15 books, seven doctoral dissertations, 94 academic papers) which are related to the ‘general Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty,’ that can draw a general outline of the research on Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty. Through that, the author makes some evaluations of the current situation of that research and the outstanding problems that must be resolved. In those works, 15 published books can be divided according to the time of publication: the 1980s when the research on Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty established its first base, the 1990s and 2000s when that research developed, and the 2010s when that research was internationalized. While the first half of them provide a foundation to the research on the general Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty, i.e. the introduction, reception and development of Yang-ming studies, in the second half we can see that the research focuses more on the negotiation and interconnection between Yang-ming studies and Neo-Confucianism in the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, the subjects, viewpoints and contents of those books show the diversification and improvement. For the doctoral dissertations on the general Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty, it can be said that those eight dissertations are not much in quantity, but the variety of academic areas they are in - philosophy, history, politics, religious studies, literature, etc.-shows that the main results they obtained are the consideration of Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty from various aspects, the profound knowledge of Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty, and the enrichment of the base for the research on Korean Yang-ming studies. For the 93 academic papers, they can be divided into 3 parts according to their publication time. The first one is the papers published until the 1980s when the research on Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty started to be established. The second one is the papers published in the 1990s when the research on Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty was regularly carried out. And the third one is the papers published in the 2000s and 2010s when that research reached maturity. Despite the remarkable results, the research on general Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty still has problems that must be solved. Firstly, the results of research according to the time and domain, and the research on each scholar of Yang-ming studies must be reflected in the research showing the outline of Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty. Secondly, the results of the research on the general Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty that focused much on the philosophical aspect must be balanced among all philosophical, literal, and historical aspects. Only so can Yang-ming studies be fully described and their true character be shown. Thirdly, it is necessary to advance arguments about Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty in the connection with problems of the present era. The ultimate aim should be that the research on Yang-ming studies in the Joseon Dynasty must completely succeed and revive, in the present reality, the self-control and independence and the spirit of time that were showed in ‘variation according to time (隨時變易)’ and the ‘way of adaption (權道)’, the spirit of loving the people and the spirit of practice that were showed in the terms of ‘sincere mind (實心)’ and ‘empathy (感通),’ i.e. the spirit of Yang-ming studies that scholars in the Joseon Dynasty manifested.