정재(춘앵전)수행의 명상적 효과에 관한 심리?생리적 분석

신언경 ( Eun Kyung Shin ) 대한무용학회 2008 대한무용학회논문집 Vol.55 No.-

The purpose of this study is to investigate the psychological changes in the emotional effects of jeong-jae, to verify through experiment, revealing psychological value of jeong-jae. For this purpose, the verification was made by performing the physiological test on the scientifically measurable emotion status, and the in-depth interview was made to identify what variable factors may psychologically influence on it. For this, the groups were divided into jeong-jae expert(n=9), yoga expert(n=6), and gymnastic group(n=9) to present the assignments such as jeong-jae, meditation and national freehand exercise that fit to each group characteristics, then brain wave, blood pressure, and pulse were measured as the measurement showing the physiological status. The brain wave was measured total four times, before performance, during performance 1, performance 2 and after performance, while blood pressure and pulse were measured to times before and after. After the post-performance for jeong-jae group, the in-depth interview was made to find out the linkage to the physiological measured results, and to draw out the variable factors of emotional status. Accordingly, two-way ANOVA with repeated-measures between groups was designed for this study. In the result, theta wave(θ-wave) and alpha wave(α-wave) was found more activated in jeong-jae expert group during performance than pre- and post-performance. These results represent the stable mind and immersion, and in-depth interview results also indicate this is closely related to the variable factors of emotional status such as music, dancing, moving flow, breath and thoughts. In the result of comparison with jeong-jae expert group(experiment group), yoga expert group and gymnastic group(comparative group), the interactive effects within and between groups were statistically significant for theta wave(θ-wave) and alpha wave(α-wave) wave in channel 1(Fp1) and channel 2(Fp2) of prefrontal cortex location, and channel 3(F3) and channel 4(F4) of frontal lobe location. From jeong-jae expert group, theta wave(θ-wave) was most activated in frontal lobe across the whole brain areas during performance, which means jeong-jae has the same effects with deep meditation. In case of alpha wave(α-wave), the changes in jeong-jae expert group and yoga expert group were found as similar. From the results that the most increased theta wave(θ-wave) curve and alpha wave(α-wave) trend curve of jeong-jae expert group have similar shape with those of yoga expert group, we can interpret it as deeper immersion and more stable emotion to reach convenient mind. In the result of analysis on theta wave(θ-wave) and alpha wave(α-wave) from channel 5(T3) and channel 6(T4) of temporal lobe dealing with auditory information and from channel 7(P3) and channel 8(P4) parietal lobe in charge of somatosensory area, theta wave(θ-wave) was increased in jeong-jae expert group during performance than pre-performance. Meanwhile, the comparative groups showed contrary results. In addition, in case of alpha wave(α-wave), the interactive effects was statistically significant, and it was found the jeong-jae expert group and yoga expert group showed similar trend curves which increase during performance. In case of blood pressure as another physiological measurements for emotion, the post-performance measurement showed notable reduction in SBP and DBP in jeong-jae expert group which has not statistically significant difference, but actual decreased in all groups. This study is to clarify mental stability effect on jeong-jae that is a part of psychological effect that jeong-jae has so it is well worth noticeable study attempt when considering approach method of jeong-jae study is limited only to historical and aesthetic approach. Also the result of this study showing that jeong-jae has same psychological and physiological alteration aspect as meditation is considered as the result to upgrade the value of jeong-jae which is a part of dance history.

임시정부의 밀사—정정화의 독립운동과 자기 서사

장영은 한국여성문학학회 2019 여성문학연구 Vol.48 No.-

Some of the female students who participated in the March 1st Independence Movement, continued the independence movement in China after completing the sentence of imprisonment. Even though the Shanghai Korean Patriotic Women’s Club actively participated in the independence movement, the provisional government’s internal viewpoint on them was conflicting with each other. Especially, the status of wife or daughter-in-law of independence activists like the women who were a member of the family of independence activists, critically evaluated those female activists who participated in the independence movement as a female student, which is shown from Jeong, Jeong-Hwa’s 『Janggang Journal』. After coming to Shanghai as an exile in January 1920, Jeong, Jeong-Hwa actively worked as a secret envoy in charge of fund raising/transfer of the provisional government till 1930. She devoted herself to all sorts of works in the provisional government, so that she was even called the hostess of the provisional government. Even though Jeong, Jeong- Hwa who got married in her age of 11, had a hostile and critical viewpoint on the modern women, she gradually had an active attitude toward the political participation by slowly expanding her exchanges with female intellectuals while working at the provisional government. After the liberation, Jeong, Jeong-Hwa turned down a proposal for the position of inspector. However, her autobiography 『Janggang Journal』 published in the late 1980s, proves that her lifetime accords with the traces of the provisional government. The 『Janggang Journal』 as an autobiography also secures the value of data such as the history of independence movement, war history, family history, and the history of women. Re-reading the 『Janggang Journal』 by paying attention to the process in which Jeong, Jeong-Hwa composed her own life under the discrimination and competition with the modern women, this thesis verifies that the provisional government had such meanings of personal area and also semi-public area to Jeong, Jeong-Hwa. 3·1운동에 참가한 여학생 가운데 일부는 수감 생활을 마친 후 중국으로 이동해 독립운동을 이어나갔다. 이 가운데 상해 애국부인회는 독립운동에 적극적이었지만, 이들에 대한 임시정부 내부의 시각은 상반되었다. 특히, 독립운동가의 아내 혹은 며느리의 신분 즉 독립운동가 가족의 일원이었던 여성들은 여학생 출신을 비판적으로 평가했다. 정정화는 시아버지와 남편을 만나기 위해 1920년 1월 상해로 망명했고, 1930년까지 임시 정부의 자금 모금 및 운반을 책임진 밀사로 활약했다. 동시에 임시정부의 안주인이라는 칭호로 불릴 정도로 임시정부의 살림을 맡아 헌신하기도 했다. 조혼으로 근대교육의 혜택을 받지 못한 정정화는 신여성에게 비우호적이었지만, 임시정부에서 활동하며 여성 지식인들과의 교류를 넓히고 우정을 형성하며 정치적 참여에 점차 적극적인 태도를 가지게 된다. 해방 후 정정화는 감찰위원직을 제안 받지만 거절하고, 분단, 전쟁, 남편의 납북, 투옥 등의 역경을 모두 극복한 뒤 80대 후반에 자서전을 출간한다. 『장강일기』는 자서전인 동시에 독립운동사, 전쟁사, 가족사, 여성사 등의 사료적인 가치를 확보하고 있다. 정정화가 신여성들과의 차별과 경쟁 속에서 스스로의 삶을 구성하는 과정에 주목하여 『장강일기』를 재독하며, 임시정부는 정정화에게 사적영역이자 반(semi) 공적 영역의 의미를 가지고 있음을 확인하게 된다.

丁茶山의 人性論

蔡振豊 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2008 한국문화 Vol.43 No.-

An understanding of human nature plays a critical role in the thought of the Korean scholar Jeong Tasan (丁茶山, 1762-1836). Whether it be in terms of his contribution to the development of Confucianism or his relation to Western scholarship, it is necessary to reference his view of human nature before drawing any conclusions. What is unique about Jeong’s view of human nature was his idea of seom-gi-ho (性嗜好, nature as preference). Although this innovation on his part was commended by a wide range of scholars, it is still an open question whether this view stems from the Confucian tradition or a Western tradition. This paper will attempt to clarify that issue. We will argue that from atheoretical perspective, Jeong’s view of human nature is distinct both from the one found in Matteo Ricci’s Tianzhu shiyi (天主實義) and the one put forward by DaiZhen (戴震, 1723-1777). From this we can see that the philosophy of sirhak (實學) advocated by Jeong based on his view of human nature represents a native Korean Confucianism different from that found in China. At the same time, though, Jeong viewed his thought as a return to “susa learning”(洙泗之學), an indication that he saw his views as being in line with the thought of Confucius and Mencius. In fact, a comparison of Jeong’s thought with Mencius’ views of the heart-mind (心) and nature shows that in terms of there theoretical positions, the two men belong to the same school of thought. As such, Jeong’s view of human nature is, in a sense, an attempt to bypass Zhu Zi (朱子) to get back to the original teachings of Mencius. An understanding of human nature plays a critical role in the thought of the Korean scholar Jeong Tasan (丁茶山, 1762-1836). Whether it be in terms of his contribution to the development of Confucianism or his relation to Western scholarship, it is necessary to reference his view of human nature before drawing any conclusions. What is unique about Jeong’s view of human nature was his idea of seom-gi-ho (性嗜好, nature as preference). Although this innovation on his part was commended by a wide range of scholars, it is still an open question whether this view stems from the Confucian tradition or a Western tradition. This paper will attempt to clarify that issue. We will argue that from atheoretical perspective, Jeong’s view of human nature is distinct both from the one found in Matteo Ricci’s Tianzhu shiyi (天主實義) and the one put forward by DaiZhen (戴震, 1723-1777). From this we can see that the philosophy of sirhak (實學) advocated by Jeong based on his view of human nature represents a native Korean Confucianism different from that found in China. At the same time, though, Jeong viewed his thought as a return to “susa learning”(洙泗之學), an indication that he saw his views as being in line with the thought of Confucius and Mencius. In fact, a comparison of Jeong’s thought with Mencius’ views of the heart-mind (心) and nature shows that in terms of there theoretical positions, the two men belong to the same school of thought. As such, Jeong’s view of human nature is, in a sense, an attempt to bypass Zhu Zi (朱子) to get back to the original teachings of Mencius.

정제두와 서인-노론계의 학술 교유

이남옥 한국양명학회 2019 陽明學 Vol.0 No.52

This article examines Jeong Je-du’s co-relation and academic contents. To this end, this article analyzed 267 letters, which were that Jeong Je-du sent to more than 58 people from 1667 to 1732. As a result, it was found that the relationship of Jeong Je-du’s co-relation showed a tendency to become the Soron with time. Nonetheless, until the latter half of his life, he continued to cooperate with the Seoin-Noron’s line at 10%. This was possible because the interactions with the people in the special relationship still continued, although the partisans were different. The special relationship was a marital relationship such as Min Jin-juㆍSeo Han-juㆍ Yi Hui-jo or a school relationship such as Yi Jing-myeongㆍJeong Chan-hwiㆍKim Gan. Seoin-Noron’s line, who interacted with Jeong Je-du, were eleven people including Song Si-yeolㆍMin Jeong-jungㆍKim Su-hang. All of them were disciples of Song Si-yeol and interacted with him. In large part, Jeong Je-du and their relationship could be regarded as Seoin with academic homogeneity. In a small way, this relationship could be seen as a sort of school of the same teacher, who was Song Si-yeol. Jeong Je-du revised the initial method of study by arguing with Yi Jing-myeong, and proceeded with the arguments of Kim GanㆍJeong Chan-hwi. In the meantime, the Yangming argument centered on Jeong Je-du was studied as a problem inside the Soron or the school of Park Se-chea. However, Yangming argument of Jeong Je-du and Kim GanㆍJeong Chan-hwi in this paper is important because it is a criticism of Jeong Je-du as a Yangming scholar in the Seoin-Noron’s line. In addition, the following academic exchanges between Jingdeo and Seoin-Noron were also conducted. It was the problem of the construction of the Jaunseowon’s costume, the difference of interpretation about the scholarship of Seo Gyeong-deok, the preservation of Gija(箕子) Jeongjeon(井田) left in Pyongyang. Although the Jeong Je-du posed a tendency to Soron according to the temporal flow, the relationship with Seoin-Noron’s line still taked a considerable part in his co-relation. There was also no major difference in the main content of academic exchanges. Therefore, I think that it is necessary to reevaluate Jeong Je-du as a scholar who had carried out various intellectual activities regardless of the party, rather than confining it to the framework of the Soron’s scholars who studied Yangming. 이 글은 『하곡집』에 수록되어 있는 정제두의 편지글을 분석하여 그의 교유 관계와 학술 교유의 내용에 대해서 검토한 글이다. 본고에서는 정제두가 1667년부터 1732년까지 약 66년간 58명 이상의 사람에게 보낸 267건의 편지를 분석하였다. 그 결과 정제두는 시간이 흐를수록 소론화 경향성을 보인다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 생애 후반까지 계속해서 서인-노론계와 10%대의 교유 관계를 유지하였는데, 이는 당색은 다르지만 민진주ㆍ서한주ㆍ이희조와 같이 인척관계이거나 이징명ㆍ정찬휘ㆍ김간과 같이 학맥으로 연결되는 특수 관계에 속한 인물들과 교류가 이어졌기 때문이다. 정제두와 교유한 서인-노론계는 송시열ㆍ서한주ㆍ민정중ㆍ김수항ㆍ민유중ㆍ민진주ㆍ김간ㆍ이징명ㆍ정찬휘ㆍ이희조ㆍ민진원 11명이다. 이들은 송시열의 문인이거나 종유한 인물로 송시열과 밀접한 관계를 맺고 있었다. 정제두와 이들의 관계는 크게는 학문적 정치적 동질성을 지닌 서인이라는 집단으로 볼 수 있으며, 작게는 송시열을 동일 스승으로 하는 일종의 학맥으로 볼 수 있다. 정제두는 이징명과의 관계 속에서 초기 학문 방법을 수정하였고, 김간ㆍ정찬휘와의 관계 속에서 양명학 논변을 진행하였다. 정제두와 김간ㆍ정찬휘의 양명학 논변은 그동안 정제두를 중심으로 한 양명학 논변이 박세채 문하 혹은 소론 내부의 문제로 연구된 것에서 벗어나, 노소분기 이후 서인-노론계에서 정제두를 양명학자로 비판한 사례이기 때문에 중요한 의미를 지니고 있다. 이외에도 정제두와 서인-노론계 인물 간에는 자운서원 묘정비 건립 문제, 서경덕의 학문에 대한 논의와 기에 대한 해석의 차이, 평양에 남겨진 箕子 井田의 보존, 고조선과 고구려의 토석 보존 등에 관한 학술 교유도 진행되었다. 정제두가 시간적 흐름에 따라 소론화 경향성을 띄기는 하지만 그의 교유 관계 속에서 여전히 서인-노론계와의 관계가 적지 않은 비중을 차지하고 있다. 또한 학술 교유의 주요 내용에 있어서도 큰 차이가 나지 않음을 확인할 수 있었다. 따라서 정제두를 ‘양명학을 연구한 소론 학자’의 틀에 가두기보다는 ‘당파에 관계없이 다양한 지적 활동을 영위한 학자’로 재평가해야 하겠다.

정정렬제 춘향가의 전승 및 유파․바디에 따른 분화

송미경 한국공연문화학회 2019 공연문화연구 Vol.0 No.39

This paper aimed to clarify the identity and category of the Jeong Jeongnyeol-je Chunhyangga from the perspective of the pansori transfer, while revealing the trajectory of Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, which remains in the modern pansori. Jeong Jeong-ryeol's Chunhyangga pansori part has been handed out to date, and except for the love song section, the pansori section, which corresponds to the love-separate-suffering-reunion paragraph, is almost complete. In the case of "Lee Doryeong enters Dongheon," "Hwangneungmyo song," and “The royal secret inspector visits Chunhyang's house to console her", there is a difference in pansori rhythm compared to Chunhyangga, which is currently held. "Why Yi Doryeong came to Chunhyang's House" is used in the form of an Aniri in the current Chunhyangga and "Chunhyang is treated as a virtuous woman in Namwon" is the only one included in Park Rokju’s Changbon. "The royal secret inspector gathers people of Namwon to give a feast" is a new part that is not found in Chunhyangga, which is now being held, and can be seen as the Changgeuk sori of pursuing theatrical fun. On the other hand, this paper confirmed that the period between 1936 and 1937, when the Joseon Traditional Vocal Music Group actively performed Changgeuk and the record companies released a series of Changgeuk records, such as <Vitor Chunhyangjeon> and <Okeh Chunhyangjeon>, was an important time for the re-establishment of the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, and that the Chunhyangga of those who had learned it before 1936-1937 was different from those who had learned it after that period. The preceding group includes Park Rok-ju, Kim Yeo-ran and Kim So-hee, while the latter group includes Kim Yeon-soo, Jung Kwang-soo, Park Dong-jin, Jung Kwang-soo and Kang Do-geun. In addition, except for Kim So-hee, these two groups are divided by the time they have learned Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je, whether they inherit the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je from beginning to end, and by the gender of male and female singers. In teaching his pupils, Jeong Jeong-ryeol chose to use the "old-fashioned pansori" teaching method with impromptu plate-making in mind and the "modern pansori" teaching method with stereotyped sounds in mind. As a result, there were two aspects of Jeong Jeongryeol-je Chunhyangga's succession: a female singer-centered succession, which was held as learned from beginning to end, and a male singer-centered succession, which was held differently depending on the pansori schools or versions. 본 논문은 판소리 전승의 관점에서 정정렬제 춘향가의 정체와 범주를 명확히 하는 한편, 현대판소리에 남아있는 정정렬제 춘향가의 궤적을 밝히는 것을 목적으로 한다. 현전하는 정정렬 창 춘향가 소리 대목은 총 44개로, 사랑가 부분을 제외하고는 결연-이별-수난-재회 단락에 해당하는 대목이 거의 빠짐없이 갖추어져 있다. ‘이도령이 동헌으로 들어가는 대목’, ‘황릉묘 대목’, ‘어사가 춘향 집을 찾아가 위로하는 대목’은 현행 춘향가와 장단 구성을 달리하는 차이가 있고, ‘이도령이 춘향 집 찾은 연유를 밝히는 대목’은 현행 춘향가에서 아니리로 구사되며, ‘남원에서 춘향을 열녀 대우하는 대목’은 박록주 창본에만 유일하게 나타나던 것이다. ‘어사가 남원 사람들을 모아 잔치 배설하는 대목’은 현행 춘향가에서 발견되지 않는 새로운 부분으로 연극적 재미를 추구한 창극소리에 해당한다. 한편 본 논문에서는 조선성악연구회의 활발한 창극 공연 및 <빅타판 춘향전>, <오케판 춘향전>의 연이은 발매가 있었던 1936년~1937년이 정정렬제 춘향가의 재정립에 중요한 시기였을 뿐 아니라, 그 이전에 정정렬제 춘향가를 사사한 창자들의 소리와 그 이후에 사사한 창자들의 소리에 차이가 있음을 확인하였다. 전자에는 박록주, 김여란, 김소희, 후자에는 김연수, 정광수, 박동진, 정광수, 강도근이 속한다. 또 하나, 김소희의 경우를 제외하면, 정정렬제 춘향가의 이러한 두 전승군은 정정렬제의 학습 시기에 따른 구분이면서 정정렬제 춘향가의 전판 계승 여부에 따른 구분, 그리고 남성과 여성의 성별에 따른 구분이기도 하다. 정정렬은 제자를 가르칠 때, 즉흥적인 판 짜기를 염두에 둔 ‘옛날식 판소리’ 교수법과 판에 박은 소리를 염두에 둔 ‘근대적 판소리’ 교수법을 병행하여 선택적으로 활용했다. 그 결과 정정렬제 춘향가의 전승에는 여성 창자 위주의 오롯한 전판 계승과 더불어 남성 창자 위주의 유파․바디에 따른 분화 두 양상이 공존하게 되었다.

아나키스트 정화암의 독립운동

박나현(Park, Na Hyun) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2024 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.- No.86

이 논문은 정화암의 독립운동과 그 과정에서 이루어진 아나키즘 수용에 관한 연구이다. 정화암은 재중한인 아나키즘 독립운동사에서 있어 당대에도 상당한 위상을 차지했고 현재의 한국 아나키즘 독립운동사가 편찬되기까지 주도적 역할을 담당했다. 이러한 정화암에 대한 연구는 한국 독립운동사의 이해를 위해 선행되어야 할 작업이다. 정화암은 3·1운동을 경험하며 본격적으로 독립운동에 참여한 뒤 중국에서 아나키즘을 수용했다. 그 후 1924년 북경에서 이회영, 이을규, 이정규, 백정기, 류자명과 함께 재중국조선무정부주의자연맹을 결성하며 최초의 재중한인 아나키즘 독립운동단체를 조직했다. 1931년 9월에 이르러 정화암은 상해에서 남화한인청년연맹을 결성해 한인애국단과 더불어 1930년대의 의열투쟁에서 한 축을 담당했다. 중일전쟁이 발발하자 정화암은 임시정부 및 중국 인사들과 함께 일본에 맞서 싸웠다. 이를 통해 살펴본 정화암의 활동을 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 정화암은 일제와 중국이 주시한 한인 아나키즘 독립운동의 지도자였다. 그는 지속적인 아나키즘 독립운동을 전개해 왔다. 1930년대 이후 정화암은 아나키스트들의 의열투쟁을 기획·지도해 일제와 맞섰고 중일전쟁이 일어난 뒤에도 독립운동을 이어갔다. 일제는 의열투쟁의 중심에 있는 정화암을 위험인물로 간주하며 그를 주시했다. 둘째, 정화암은 3·1운동부터 8·15광복에 이르기까지 독립운동의 산증인으로 활동했다. 정화암은 민족주의와 공산주의의 한계를 모두 극복할 독립운동의 방략으로 아나키즘을 채택했지만, 각계 독립운동가와 깊이 교류했고 중국에서 전개된 대부분의 아나키즘 독립운동에 관여했다. 이러한 그의 경험은 독립운동 증언자로서 아나키스트 독립운동사의 복원에 기여했다. 지역적으로는 그동안 주목받지 못했던 화남지역에서 전개된 독립운동을 조명하고 있다는 점에서 의미가 있다. 셋째, 정화암의 활동에 있어 중국 혁신 인사 및 임시정부, 흥사단 등 여러 항일인사와의 교류가 두드러지는 점에 주목해 보는 것이다. 그가 맺어온 국내외의 폭넓은 인적 관계를 통해 재중국 아나키즘 독립운동의 양상을 다시금 환기해 볼 수가 있다. The study examines the life of Jeong Hwa-am and his contribution to the Korean independence movement. Jeong Hwa-am held great significance in the anarchist independence movement among Koreans living in China. He also endeavored to publish The History of Anarchist Independence Movement in Korea. To understand the history of the Korean independence movement, we need to study the life and achievements of Jeong Hwa-am. Jeong Hwa-am actively participated in the independence movement after experiencing the March 1st Movement of 1919. Afterward, he accepted anarchism in China. In 1924, Jeong formed the Korean Federation of Anarchists which was the first Korean anarchist independence movement group in China with Lee Hoe-yeong, Lee Eul-gyu, Lee Jeong-gyu, Baek Jeong-gi, and Ryu Ja-myeong. Subsequently, he participated in the anti-Japan movement in Quanzhou, China and published the official journal of the Federation titled The Conquest. In 1930, he led the efforts to build a base for the independence movement in Manchuria while supporting Korean People’s Association in Manchuria. In September 1931, he organized the group called Namhwa Korean Youth Federation in Shanghai and planned an armed struggle against Japanese colonists. The organization played a pivotal role in the ‘Ui-yoel-Tujaeng’ (literally, ‘heroic struggle’) in the 1930s along with Korean Patriotic Organization. When the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out, Jeong Hwa-am cooperated with members of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea and the Chinese to fight Japan. After the Liberation of Korea, he founded Joseon-Hakjeongwan and Shin-Chaeho Haksa to promote cultural exchange between China and Korea and preserve the relevant records. Then he returned to Korea, where he participated in various movements and anti-dictatorship activities based on his commitment to democratic socialism. He also wrote a memoir and an interview collection (Recollection of the Anti-Japan Movement by Revolutionists) while working on the restoration of the history of the anarchist independence movement in Korea. Jeong Hwa-am’s contributions reflected in this article can be summarized as follows. First of all, Jeong Hwa-am was a leader of the Korean anarchist independence movement, which attracted significant attention from the Japanese imperialists and China. He had steadfastly devoted himself to the anarchist independence movement. In and after the 1930s, he stood up against Japanese imperialists by organizing and leading heroic struggles by anarchists, which continued after the start of the Second Sino-Japanese War. As such, Japanese imperialists monitored Jeong’s activities, considering him as a threat. Secondly, Jeong Hwa-am’s experience between the March First Independence Movement and the Liberation on August 15th made him a living proof of independence movement in Korea. Even though Jeong chose anarchism as a way to overcome the limitations of nationalist and communist movements, he was deeply connected with independence activists across all factions and involved in most of the anarchist independence movement in China. These experiences made him an eyewitness to the independence movement and contributed to the restoration of the history of the anarchist independence movement. In addition, his experiences are significant in that they shed light on the independence movement in the Huanan region, which has been relatively less focused over the years. Thirdly, in the activities of Jeong Hwa-am, It should be noted that exchanges with many anti-Japanese officials such as China’s innovative personnel, the provisional government, and the Young Koreans Academy (興士團) stand out. Through his extensive personal relationships at home and abroad, It can once again evoke the aspect of the anarchist independence movement in China.

海州鄭氏 家門의 晉州 定着과 學問 性向 : 南冥學派와의 관련을 중심으로

李相弼 慶尙大學校 南冥學硏究所 2004 남명학연구 Vol.17 No.-

진주의 해주정씨는 17세기 이후 진주 지역의 대표적 가문 가운데 하나로 일컬어져 왔다. 이 논문에서 말하는 晉州의 海州鄭氏는 農圃 鄭文孚(1565-1624)의 후손 및 농포의 아우 鄭文益(1568-1639)의 후손을 말한다. 농포의 두 아들 鄭大榮(1586-1658)과 鄭大隆(1599-1661) 및 농포의 아우 鄭文益 등 三叔姪이 어떻게 해서 진주에 정착하여 진주 지역의 대표적 가문이 되었으며, 남명학파의 본거지라 할 수 있는 진주 지역에서 이들이 가진 학문의 성향은 어떠한가 하는 점에 대해서 살펴보았다. 진주의 해주정씨는 농포의 아우와두 아들로부터 비롯되었다. 이들이 처음 진주로 온 것은 避兵이 그 주된 목적이었는데, 그렇다 하더라도 전대의 혼인관계로 인해 상속받았던 田莊이 있었기에 가능한 것이었음도 또한 분명하다. 인조반정 이후에는 다시 서울 생활을 하려고 했었던 것 또한 확인되는 바였다. 그러나 농포가 李适의 난 이후 昌原府使 시절에 지은 詠史詩로 인해 逆謀로 처형당하고, 遺言에 의해 그 아우와 아들들이 진주에 정착하게 되었다는 부분은 좀더 생각하게 하는 점이 없지 않다. 광해군 시대 창원부사 시절의 詠史詩로 인해 반정 이후 인조 시대에 역모로 처형당할 수 있겠는가 하는 점이다. 지금으로서는 자료가 부족하여 증빙하기 곤란하지만, 이는 당시의 집권층이 농포가 광해군 시적 북인으로서 내암 정인홍과의 관련이 적지 않았다고 보았기에 이루어진 것으로 보이는 것이다. 물론 농포로서는 이러한 정치적 상황과 관련하여 환멸을 느끼고 자손들에게 정치적 은둔을 유언한 것이 아닌가 판단되는 것이다. 해주정씨가 진주에 정착한 초기에는 南冥學派를 영도하는 위치에 있던 謙齋 河弘度의 지우를 입어 남인으로 입지를 굳히는 듯하였으나, 1665년을 전후하여 농포의 신원에 앞 섰던 澤堂 李植의 아들 畏齋 李端夏에게 집지하는 인물이 나타나면서 서서히 노론화한 것이다. 그러나 노론으로서 확고하게 자리를 잡은 것은 경종 때 남인으로부터 심각한 핍박을 받은 뒤 영조가 즉위한 이후 이에 대한 보복성 핍박을 남인에게 가함으로부터였다. 이 일이 일어난 지 20여 년 후에 일어난 宗川書院 禍變의 주동자가 이 가문에서 나옴으로써 남명학파를 주도하던 남인과의 관계가 극히 악화되었고, 근기 지역의 노론 학자들로부터 학업을 전수함으로써 이 지역의 남명학파에 대해서는 상대적으로 관심이 멀어진 것으로 보인다. 이처럼 진주의 해주정씨는 극히 일부를 제외하고는 남인과의 관계도 대체로 나빴다고 할 수 있고, 남명학파에 대한 관심의 정도 또한 보잘것없다고 할 수 있지만, 문집이나 유고 등을 남겼다는 이가 58인이나 있다는 것은 학문에 대한 관심만큼 여타 가문에 뒤지지 않으려 하였던 결과로 보인다. 남명학파라는 범위를 벗어나서 생각해 보면, 이와 같은 사실로 인해 해주정씨가 진주를 중심으로 하는 서부 경남 지역의 학문 발전에 매우 중요한 역할을 했다고 할 수 있을 것이다. Haeju Jeongs is called representative family tree in Jinju since 17th century. This report is about the decendant of Haeju Jeong of Jeong Mun-bu and the younger brother Jeong Mun-ik. Jeong Dae-young, Jeong Dae-ryoung are the sons of Jeong Mun-bu. This shows how they reached in Jinju, how they became the representative family tree in Jinju and how is their scholarship character. Haeju Jeong in Jinju is orginated from two sons of Jeong Mun-bu. The fist purpose that they came in Jinju is for avoid dodging. But they had some fields inherited for their wife's ancestors because of marriage in Jinju. After In-jo(The one of Chosun kings) war happened, they tried to live in Seoul life. But Jeong Mun-bu was sentenced to death because of his poems included conspiracy during Gwang-hae's generation. At that time his position is the chief Changwon near Jinju. His will included many parts of the reason why they fixed in Jinju. Owing to lack of materials, we can't prove why he is sentenced to death. He is North part person(1t is the party in power), that is continuous with Jeong In-hong. He felt disillusion concerning of political situation. So he began to retire of the world. In the beginning of political changing, they fixed their willing as a South part person(the party in Chosun) because of Ha Hong-do, the leader of Nammyoung School. Before and after 1665, his party was changing slowly. Noron(the party in Chosun) concerning the son of Yi Sik. After he occupied a position as a Noron person, he was got stringent since Yong-jo(one of Chosun Kings) hold a coronation ceremony. Twenty had passed since this event happened, the leader in Jongcheon auditorium was born in this family tree. So this party became worse with South part person, it took the initiation of Nammyoung School. Lately they were handed down a Noron scholar. Their concerning was alienated from Nammyoung School. Like this, except a few person in Haeju Jeong family tree, most people were bad with South Part Person's relationship and they had little concerning. However 58 people in Haeju family tree left many collection of works and manuscripts. On the point of this fact, they played an important role fo scholarship development with a center of Jinju in west kyoungnam.

18세기 圃隱家門 繼後의 정치사회적 의미

김학수(Kim Hak-su) 포은학회 2012 포은학연구 Vol.10 No.-

이 글은 영일정씨 포은 鄭夢周 가문의 가계계승의 난맥과 그에 따른 진통의 실상을 잘 보여주는 <乾隆元年六月日禮曺立案)>(1736: 鄭夏濟繼後立案)의 분석을 통해 조선후기 계후의 한 양태를 살펴보고, 그 의미를 짚어보는데 목적이 있다. 圃隱家門은 숙종 연간에 접어들면서 직계 자손들의 거듭된 단명과 무후가 반목되면서 가세가 크게 위축된 것 같다. 정몽주의 11세손 鄭纘光(1650∼1676)에서 14세손 鄭亮采(1734∼1811)에 이르는 4대 동안 무려 3차례의 출계ㆍ입양이 이루어진 점은 17∼18세기 가계계승상의 어려움을 잘 반영하고 있다. 포은가문의 계후에는 계후 대상자의 물색과 선정, 대 국왕 건의, 立案의 발급에 宋時烈ㆍ閔鼎重ㆍ崔錫鼎ㆍ吳命恒ㆍ李縡ㆍ金在魯ㆍ宋寅明 등 서인[노론 및 소론] 기호학파의 중진들이 깊이 개입하고 있음이 특징이었다. 이것은 포은가의 계후가 家的 영역에서 하나의 정치사회적 현안으로 확대되었음을 의미하는 것인 동시에 정몽주에 대한 追尊 및 계승의식을 강조함으로써 권력의 기반을 강화하려 했던 서인계, 특히 老論들의 정치적 입장이 강하게 반영된 결과로 해석되었다. This work examines an aspect of adoption in the late Chosun Dynasty and its meaning by an analysis of Certificate issued by Ministry of Rites in 1736 (乾隆元年六月日禮曺立案) which shows well the reality and chaotic conditions of adoption in the Poeun Jeong Mong-ju family of the Yeongil Jeong Family. The fortune of the Poeun Jeong Mong-ju family has declined significantly by the era of King Sukjong due to repeated short life and continuous sonlessness of the direct descendants, and the fact that there were 3 incidents of adoption for 4 generations between Jeong Chan-kwang(1650-1676), the 11th descendant, and Jeong Yang-chae(1734-1811), the 14th descendant of Jeong Mong-ju, well reflects the chaotic conditions in the succession of the family. This study was able to confirm that in the adoption in the Poeun Jeong Mong-ju family, leading figures of the Giho School of the Westerners like Song Si-yeol, Min Jeong-jung, Choi Suk-jeong, Oh Myung-hang, Yi Jae, Kim Jae-roh, Song In-myung were deeply involved in the form of searching for and selecting the candidates for adoption, making propositions to the king, and issuing certificates. This means the adoption in Poeun Jeong Mong-ju family expanded from an affair in a family to a political and social question. At the same time, it was interpreted as a result that strongly reflected the political positions of the Westerner school, particularly the figures who belonged to the Old Doctrine, who tried to consolidate their hold of power by emphasizing the reverence for Jeong Mong-ju and the sense of succession of the family.

修心正經의 內丹修鍊 硏究

안정철 원광대학교 동양학연구소 2007 東洋學硏究 Vol.3 No.

『修心正經』은 그 배경이 宋末 鄭思肖의 『太極祭鍊內法』으로부터 시작하여, 구한말 이옥포의 『靈寶局定靜篇』, 『正心要訣』, 이어 圓佛敎 최초의 교서인 『修養硏究要論』의 『定靜要論』, 그리고 정산종사의 『修心正經』, 그리고 원불교 『坐禪法』과 『丹田住禪』에 이르기까지 고금의 내단수련과 연속성을 지니고 있으며, 특히 『수심정경』의 母本이 되는 『正心要訣』과 같은 내단서들이 구한말 민중들의 삶에 영향을 미쳤던 신흥종교들의 종교적 가르침 속에 그대로 살아있음을 발견하게 되었다. 본 논문에서는 『修心正經』에 대한 이해와 『修心正經』의 내단사상 그리고 『修心正經』의 내용이 수용되어진 '圓佛敎 丹田住禪법'과 그 내단수련 방법에 대한 연구를 해보고자 한다. 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』 began by background of 『Tae kuk jae ryun nae bub(太極祭鍊內法)』 written by Jeong sa cho(鄭思肖, later Song dynasty), and went on 『Young bo kuk jeong pyun(靈寶局定靜篇)』, 『Jeong sim yo kyul(正心要訣)』 written by Lee ohk po(李玉圃), later chosun dynasty) up to 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』 written by 『Jeong san jong sa(鼎山宗師)』 and Won buddhism's 『Joa sun bub(坐禪法)』 & 『Resting in the Elixir Field method(丹田住禪)』. All of these have Training of Nei-Dan and continuity of andence and modem times. I found especially 『Jeong sim yo kyul(正心要訣)』 a kind of book of Nei-dan which based on 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』 really affected later cho-sun's New born religions' instructions which affected that time of people's life. In this paper, I want to study understanding of 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』, Nei-Dan theory of 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』, 'Won-Buddhism's Resting in the Elixir Field method' which accepted 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』 and method of Training of Nei-Dan.

다산 정약용의 수령 진휼론에 나타난 주자진법(朱子賑法)의 적용과 그 당대적 변용 -『목민심서(牧民心書)』진황조(賑荒條)의 분석-

송양섭 ( Yang Seop Song ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2015 民族文化硏究 Vol.68 No.-

Since the 18th century, Neo-Confucianism, which was based on people, was spread in Chosun. With this occurrence, Jinhyul policy in social practices was emphasized more than before. Jeong Yakyong``s operating theory of Jinhyul policy was not only part of the Chosun Jinhyul policy``s stream, but also a part of Mokminsimseo, which has its own status. Separately, the main government``s policy, Mokminsimseo``s Jinhyul theory, involved how to process Jinhyul as a local governor and suggest some kind of systematic measures. First of all, Jeong suggested Kwonbun (勸分) as an effective measure that could be handled by the local governor. Jeong provided a specific process of selecting Yoho (饒戶), who was a subject of Kwonbun (勸分). They participated in Jinhyul through Jinhee (賑糟: donated their grains depending on their financial means to save starving people), Jindea (賑 貸: borrowed their grains to save starving people), and Jinjo (賑資: sold their grains at a low price). Starving people were provided grains through the processes of Jinhee, Jindea, and Jinjo based on their degree. Jeong composed his own theory of the Jinhyul process based on public grains and policy and compensated for the donated Kwonbun grain in Jinja (賑資). Provincial communality was actively utilized in Jeong``s theory of the Jinhyul process. In the Jinhyul process, it was most important for the governor to share limited grains based on a fast and systemic process and save starving people as much as possible. Jeong``s management theory of Jinjang (賑場) was focused on this point. Therefore, in Mokminsimseo, Jeong specified the number of Jinjang and JinChung``s (賑廳) labor forces and facilities to manage. Jeong``s theory was based on the law, Samok``s (事目) prescript, and his own experience of famine during the years 1809-1814. He researched widely and adopted Juja``s (朱子) theory of Jinhyul and finally composed the effective and reasonable method of the Jinhyul process. Additionally, Jeong thought it was suitable in the 19th century of Chosun. Adopting Jujajinbeob (朱子賑法) was the most characteristic element in Jeong``s theory of Jinhyul. Juja``s Jinhyul theory was composed of eight parts, which were ① Uhrindo (魚鱗圖), ② Hong·Cheong·Hwangkwon (紅· 靑·黃圈), ③ Jinryeok (賑曆), ④ Jinpea (賑牌), ⑤ Jinhon (賑琿), ⑥ Jingi (賑旗), ⑦ Jinin (賑印), and ⑧ Jinsang (賑賞). Jeong``s main opinion was dialyze hyangbo``s (鄕保) social province and military system to control together with the new Jinhyul system. Moreover, a local governor was actually adopting Jujajinbeob for a trial in that period, so Jeong investigated this and made it concrete. This was Jeong``s opinion of "forehandedness." The Jinhyul theory of Mokminsimseo that Jeong composed was not only the main point of the Jinhyul·hwangok reform plan, but also Jeong``s total reform plan for the main government and society. Therefore, it is meaningful that we can approach the character of Jeong``s reformation idea anew through Jeong``s Jinhyul policy. In summary, Jeong``s Jinhyul policy was not only idealized by Jurye (周禮), but also adopted by the 18th century``s main system. Therefore, he based it on Gongjin (公賑) and compensated with Sajin (私賑). Jeong modified Juja``s jinbeob, which Jeong thought was a reasonable way of controlling the circumstances to resolve the problem of Chosun``s Jinhyul system.