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      • KCI등재후보

        위기상황 하에서의 제도선택의 적절성연구-정부의 부도유예협약제도 도입실패사례를 중심으로-

        송재복 한국거버넌스학회 2006 한국거버넌스학회보 Vol.13 No.2

        This study analyzed the appropriateness of institutional adoption under Economic crisis in korea and focused on the failure case of Dishonor Deferment Agreement Institution. The variables for case analysis are composed 4 factors, which are the economic situation for adoption of that institution, the government intention of such adoption , the interaction mechanism of actors(government, firms, banks), the performance of that institution. The results are as follows. The Dishonor Deferment Agreement which government has introduced in 1997 was a temporary and redundant rule of problem -solving in overcome of economic crisis. It was an defective institution not afforded the leadership among actors for solving firms' bankruptcy, the fault of cooperative interaction mechanism , lacking of coercive power for making actors guiding in decision. and the unexpected performance resulted from this defective institution. The implication of analysis is that government has to adopt a good and enough institution in response to the crisis. It means an institution as a rule of problem- solving like economic crisis has to equip the definite factors not only co-existing incentives between government's intention and actors' action but also interactive cooperative system among actors and compulsive power in an institution. 본 연구는 1997년의 한국의 경제위기가 정부의 부적절한 제도선택에 기인한 것임을 사례분석을 통해서 규명한 것이다. 분석사례로는 정부가 당시의 부실기업속출을 방지하고 경제위기상황을 극복하려는 의도에서 도입한 ‘부도유예협약제도’이다. 제도의 적절성 분석을 위해서는 정부가 부도유예협약제도를 선택하게 된 경제적 상황, 정부의 제도도입의 의도, 제도운영의 상호작용 메카니즘, 제도적 성과를 사용하였다. 부도유예협약제도에서 나타난 보다 구체적이고 실증적인 분석을 위해서는 부도유예협약 대상기업인 기아그룹처리 사례를 분석하였다. 분석결과 정부가 도입한 부도유예협약제도는 일시적, 가외적인 문제해결규칙으로 작동되었으나 제도운영주체들 간의 리더쉽 결여, 협력적인 상호작용 메카니즘 부재, 그리고 갈등구조에서의 문제해결의 강제력 결여로, 이 제도로부터 기대된 성과를 나타나지 못하였고, 오히려 당시의 경제위기를 악화시키는 요인이 되었다는 점이다. 이러한 분석결과가 주는 함축적 의미는 위기 시의 정부의 제도선택은 보다 적절하고 좋은 제도이어야 한다는 것이다. 그것은 위기극복에 관여하는 행위주체들 간의 행위를 정부의도에 일치시킬 수 있는 유인체계 뿐만 아니라 위기해결주체들 간의 협력적 상호작용 메카니즘, 그리고 이들의 행위를 강제하는 요인이 고려된 제도의 선택이 있어야 한다는 점이다.

      • KCI등재

        집단행동 딜레마와 제도의 유막 층화: 해상 매립지를 중심으로

        김태은 고려대학교 정부학연구소 2017 정부학연구 Vol.23 No.3

        This study systematically examines the mechanism of establishing an institution under the collective action dilemma situation and explores the influence of the institution on the collective action dilemma. To overcome the limitations of previous institutional theories, this study develops a concept of oil layering between a formal and an informal institution and explains how the oil layering affects the collective action dilemma. By examining the cases of conflicts of landfill-on-sea jurisdiction between local governments, this study finds that the establishment of an oil layering institution, wherein a formal and an informal institution had an inter-disconnected and competitive relationship, stemming from the development of a formal institution, that did not reflect an informal institution when an informal institution existed. This study also finds that the oil layering institution did not address but worsened the collective action dilemma between local governments regarding the landfill-on-sea. The negative effects of the oil layering institution included increasing the complexity and differentiation of the judgment due to the increased choices of profit-seeking, nullifying the previous decision and inducing a new conflict, increasing the duration of the conflict, leading a rise in the administrative and judicial costs, producing negative externalities, causing economic damages and investment declines, and inducing and increasing conflicts and distrusts between local governments. These study findings provide a theoretical implication to extend the historical institutional perspective to advance the understanding of institution, institution building, and institutional change. Additionally, the practical implication of this study is to recognize the limitations of the formal institution to serve functional purposes and present an alternative direction for designing the formal institution. 본 연구는 집단행동 딜레마 상황에서 제도의 형성 메커니즘과 동 제도가 집단행동 딜레마에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지를 체계적으로 분석하였다. 특히, 비공식 제도와 공식 제도 간 ‘유막 층화(oil layering)’라는 새로운 개념을 제시하고, 이를 통해 집단행동 딜레마를 설명하는 기존의 제도 이론의 설명 한계를 극복하고자 하였다. 지자체간 해상 매립지 관할권을 대상으로 한 사례연구 결과 첫째, 비공식 제도가 존재하는 상황에서 비공식 제도를 반영하지 않은 공식제도가 형성됨으로서, 비공식 제도와 공식제도가 상호 단절적이고 경쟁적인 관계를 갖는 ‘유막 층화 제도’가 형성되었다. 둘째, 유막 층화 제도는 매립지를 둘러싼 지자체간 집단행동 딜레마를 해결하기보다는 이익 추구 선택지 증가에 따른 판단의 복잡성과 이원화 초래, 기존 결정 무력화(헌재 결정) 및 새로운 분쟁 유발, 총 분쟁 기간 증가, 행정적・사법적 비용 증가 및 부정적 외부효과 발생, 경제적 피해 및 투자 저해, 지자체간 반목과 불신을 유발 및 증대시켜 집단행동 딜레마의 수준을 심화시켰다. 이러한 연구결과는 신제도주의 특히 역사 제도주의적 관점에서 제도, 제도 형성, 제도 변화를 이해하는데 이론적 가치를 지니며 동시에 기능적 목적을 지닌 공식적 제도의 한계와 설계 방향을 제시하고 있다는 점에서 유용한 정책적 가치를 지니고 있다.

      • KCI등재

        러시아연방의 병역제도 발전과 전망: 지원병제로서의 계약직 복무제도 도입을 중심으로

        김태웅 한국동북아학회 2007 한국동북아논총 Vol.12 No.4

        Now a days the military service institution of each country have been passed through the change by the stage from mixed military service institution in the first consideration of duty service to mixed military service institution in the primary consideration of volunteer system according to it's security environment, the construction scheme of military forces, and scale of personnel resources for military service. In the state under the duty military service institution as like Western European countries that is pursuing the transferring to the mixed military service institution in the first consideration of volunteer, all the military service personnel resources is exceeding than be required. Modern Russian Federation post collapse of USSR also have been improved her military service institution in the consideration of the security situation, social demographic change, national economical situation etc. On the contrary of the western European countries, Russian Federation have been developed her military service institution in order to prevent the weakening of the military forces owing to blunting of security consciousness and evading the military service, to construct the well prepared professional armed forces under the pattern of military service system in contract relation between armed forces and each individual in military service by compensation. The military service institution under contract system of Russian Federation is an epoch-making institution that slough off the traditional pattern of past Russian military service institution which is based on the universal conscription for the purpose of more economical and stronger massive armed forces. Therefore Russian military service institution under the contract system is so progressive institution in the consideration of national development environment and condition, even though it is difficult for Russian Federation of today to execute this institution. 오늘날 세계 각국 병역제도의 주요 변화 추세는 각국의 안보환경과 군 구조 건설 계획, 병역자원 규모 등에 따라 의무병 위주의 징모 혼합제에서 지원인력 위주의 징모 혼합제 또는 지원병제로 발전되는 단계적 변화 과정을 거치고 있다고 할 수 있다. 서구 유럽 국가들의 군대처럼, 자발적 지원인력 위주의 징모 혼합제로의 전환을 추진하고 있는 징병제 국가는 대개 병력규모 감축으로 인해 잉여 병역자원 발생 및 병역 형평성 문제에 직면함으로써, 이를 해소하기 위한 군 복무기간 단축 및 대체 복무제도 개발과 지원병 비중의 확대 및 지원병제로의 완전 전환을 추진하고 있다. 러시아연방은 국가창설 초기 탈냉전에 따른 안보상황의 변화와 사회 인구학적 변화, 그리고 급격한 국가경제 상황 악화 등을 고려하여, 세계적인 변화추세에 부응하여 병역제도를 발전시켜 나가고 있으나, 러시아의 병역제도 발전 환경은 서구 유럽 국가들이 이행하고 있는 또 다른 제도 변화과정을 보이고 있다. 즉, 서구 유럽 국가들과 달리, 러시아 초기 민주화 과정에서 오는 사회질서 및 안보위기 의식 둔화와 함께, 군 복무 기피현상에서 오는 군 전력의 약화를 예방하고, 사회 인구학적 측면에서 심각하게 초래되고 있는 인구감소 현상에 대비하여 잘 훈련되고 준비된 전문 직업군 구축을 위한 지원병제로서의 계약직 복무 제도를 병ㆍ부사관ㆍ준사관 직책에 효율적으로 적용하여 시행해 나가고 있다. 결국, 현대 러시아연방이 도입 채택하고 있는 계약직 복무제도는 값싸고 위력적인 대량군 체제를 구축하기 위해 철저한 국민 개병제에 기초를 두었던 과거 러시아 병역제도의 전통적인 틀을 벗어나는 획기적인 병역제도로서, 당장 그 시행 면에서는 안보 및 국방 환경ㆍ재정ㆍ국민적 수용성ㆍ사회 인구학적 여건 등에 의해 여러 가지 제약적 상황이 초래되고 있으나, 러시아연방의 국가적 발전 여건과 환경을 고려해 볼 때, 매우 발전적인 미래지향적 제도로 평가되어지고 있다.

      • KCI등재

        중복개설 및 중복운영에 대한 법해석 (대법원 2018. 7. 12. 선고 2018도 3672 판결)

        최혁용 한국법학회 2023 법학연구 Vol.23 No.3

        의료법은 의료기관 설립주체를 제한한다. 비의료인의 의료기관 개설은 금지되며 의료인이라 하더라도 둘 이상의 의료기관을 개설, 운영할 수는 없다. 대법원은 비의료인의 의료기관 개설이 소유와 경영을 의미하고 의료인의 의료기관 개설이 의료행위를 의미한다고 보아 개설 주체의 차이에 따라 개설의 해석을 달리하고, 의료인의 중복운영을 비의료인의 개설과 동일한 뜻으로 파악하였다. 본고는 대법원의 법해석을 목적론적 해석으로 볼 수 있는지 여부를 살펴보고 목적론적 축소를 통한 법형성의 관점에서 검토하였다. 중복개설이 의료행위, 즉 의료적 개설을 의미함으로써 개설 주체의 차이에 따라 개설의 해석을 달리하게 된 것은 목적론적 해석의 범위를 넘어선다. 대법원은 목적론적 축소를 통해 의료인의 경제경영적 개설을 처벌 대상에서 제외하여 의료인에 의해 의료행위가 이루어질 것을 예정하지 못한 입법 시의 은폐된 흠결을 보충하였다. 아울러 본고는 의료법 개정 후 도입된 중복운영 금지라는 규율을 경제경영적 개설과 동일한 개념으로 해석함으로써 발생한 문제점을 살펴보고, 특히 법개정 과정에서 보인 입법자의 강력한 의사에 의해 복지부의 유권해석이 형법이 금지하는 유추의 단계에까지 나아가게 되었다는 문제점도 확인하였다. Under medical law, there are restrictions on who can open medical institutions. Opening medical institutions by non-medical individuals is prohibited, and even medical professionals cannot open or operate more than one medical institution. According to the interpretation of the Supreme Court, the opening of a medical institution by a non-medical individual signifies ownership and management, while the opening of a medical institution by a medical person means the act of treating patients. The Supreme Court has interpreted the concept of "opening" differently depending on whether the person opening the medical institution is a medical professional or a non-medical individual. In particular, the Supreme Court has interpreted the prohibition of multi-institution operations by medical professionals, which is prohibited by medical law, in the same sense as the opening by non-medical individuals. The results of this interpretation cannot be viewed as teleological interpretation, according to the findings of this paper. At the time of legislation, the situation where a doctor directly treats patients in an illegal medical institution was not anticipated, leading to concealed flaws in the regulation. To address this, the Supreme Court carried out teleological reduction, excluding the ownership and management of multiple medical institutions by medical professionals from punishment. However, after the Supreme Court's interpretation, regulations prohibiting multi-institution operations were introduced into medical law. The Supreme Court interpreted the prohibited multi-institution operations as pertaining to the ownership and management of medical institutions. As a result, the prohibition of opening medical institutions by non-medical individuals and the prohibition of multi-institution operations by medical professionals became the same in meaning. After the enforcement of the new law, the authoritative interpretation of the Ministry of Health and Welfare also had a problem of going to the stage of analogy prohibited by the criminal law.

      • KCI등재

        조선왕조 서원제도 수용에 관한 몇 가지 문제 - 조선 서원 문헌을 중심으로 한 토론 -

        邓洪波 ( Deng Hong-bo ),赵伟 ( Zhao Wei ) 한국서원학회 2019 한국서원학보 Vol.9 No.-

        The academy(書院) was formed in the Tang Dynasty of China at the end of the seventh century, and later developed into the common cultural and educational institution of Confucian scholars in East Asia, it has a history of nearly 1,300 years. Korea's academies were introduced from China and formed part of East Asian academies. In its development process, formed its own characteristics. This paper is based on the academy documents of the Korean era, such as Records of Jukgye(竹溪志), Records of Yeongbong(迎鳳志), Records of Osan(吳山志), Records of Yeogang(廬江志), the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty(李朝實錄)and the literature of academy rules and regulations, etc. In view of how the Chinese academy institution was introduced into the Korean Dynasty, this paper has some different views from the South Korean scholars. It is generally believed that the BaegundongAcademy(白云洞書院), which was founded by Joo Se-bung(周世鵬), the Governor of Poongki(豊基), in the Zhongzong(中宗) period, was the beginning of the academy of Korea, and also the beginning of the introduction of Chinese academy institution by Korea. However, according to the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, as early as in the early years of Shizong(世宗), private academies of Confucian scholars with teaching functions had appeared in the society, which should bring forward the beginning of the history of Korean academies by more than 120 years. Korea's introduction of the Chinese academy institution did not begin during the Zhongzong period, at least as far back as the 21st year of Shizong, more than 100 years ago. By the second half of the 16th century, during the Korean Zhongzong, Renzong(仁宗), Mingzong(明宗) and Xuanzu(宣祖) periods, academies and temples were regarded as institution not found in Korea, which needed to be introduced from China, and Korean academies entered the period of introduction. Generally speaking, the introduction and acceptance period of Korean academies is about 60 years. The three books compiled in this period, Records of Jukgye, Records of Yeongbong and Records of Osan, can roughly show the process of introducing the academy institution. Joo Se-bung, Rho Gyeongrin(盧慶麟)and LeeHwang(李滉) made the largest contribution to the introduction of the academy institution. Joo Se-bung and Lee Hwang both believed in Zhuzi-ology(朱子學), but Joo is considered to be the conservative faction, and his contributions are greatly underestimated by later generations. Zhu Xi's behavior in the Bailudong Academy(白鹿洞書院) became the object that Joo Se-bung imitated. He founded the Baegundong Academy, compiled the Records of Jukgye, and put forward five institutions. His achievement lies in his first creation. Some scholars believe that Baegundong Academy is the earliest academy in Korea, it is thought to be an adjunct to the Mun-sung-gong Temple(文成公廟), but this is not the case. In Joo Se-bung's opinion, the Academy and the Temple are different and parallel, one is to urge people to learn, the other is to worship people with virtue, each has its own function. Rho Gyeongrin founded Yeongbong Academy(迎鳳書院) and wrote the Records of Yeongbong. He built a temple to honor the sage and an academy to support Confucian scholars. But it also raises questions about why academies should be set up when there are official schools. He wrote the Resolution of the Temple and Academy(廟院定議錄) to record the introduction and development of the academy institution. In addition, he wrote the Records of Learning Regulations(學規錄), emphasizing the construction of institutions. His contribution was to expand the influence of the academy institution. Lee Hwang managed Baegundong Academy after Joo Se-bung. He begged the king to bestow plaque for the academy, thus establishing the institution of plaques for the academies. Later, as a scholar, he wrote many articles about academies, and directly or indirectly participated in the management of nearly ten academies. At the same time, he explained and promoted the Bailudong Regulation(白鹿洞書院 揭示), and spread it to the whole Korean peninsula and even Japan. His achievement was to perfect the Korean academy institution. Among Joo Se-bung, Rho Gyeongrin and Lee Hwang, Lee Hwang's reputation was the most prominent, which was fully recognized and even suspected of being overpraised. Joo Se-bung's reputation stems from creating Baegundong Academy, but his role in laying the foundation for the development of Korea's academy institution is not recognized. Rho Gyeongrin's work has not received any recognition. If we can make a detailed study of the academy records, the development situation of the academies in Korea will become increasingly clear.

      • KCI등재후보

        공공기관 혁신방향에 관한 연구 : 新정부의 공공기관 정책방향과 우수사례를 중심으로

        정진호(Jinho Jung),강우성(Wooseong Kang) 동국대학교 경영연구원 2014 경영과 사례연구 Vol.37 No.1

        공공기관 혁신은 공공서비스 품질을 향상시켜 국민의 공공 서비스 만족도를 높이는 것이 목적이라는 점에서 일반 기업의 혁신과 다르다. 또한 공공기관은 정부정책에 따라 혁신활동이 영향을 미친다는 커다란 특징이 있다. 일반적으로 공공기관은 국민경제에서 차지하는 비중이 높고, 국민생활에 필수적인 서비스를 제공하고 있기 때문에 중요한 역할을 담당하고 있지만(한국조세연구원, 2013), 공공기관 혁신에 대한 연구가 많지 않은 것이 사실이며, 더욱이 공공기관 혁신모델에 대한 연구가 그동안 거의 이루어지지 않았다. 이에 본 연구는 정부의 공공기관 정책방향과 우수 혁신 사례들을 중심으로 공공기관 혁신의 방향을 제시하고자 하였다. 특히 Oslo manual의 혁신유형에 관한 모델을 중심으로 공공기관에 적합한 혁신모델을 제시하고자 하였다. 우선 Oslo manual에서 ‘기술’과 ‘시장’을 중심으로 4가지 혁신유형을 소개하였는데, 공공기관의 특징을 고려하여 ‘정부정책’과 ‘서비스’를 중심으로 정책 기반 혁신,프로세스 혁신, 서비스 혁신, 선도적 혁신으로 공공기관의 혁신유형을 4가지로 재분류하였다. 또한 각각의 혁신 유형에서 요구되는 혁신역량을 제시함으로써 공공기관 혁신활동의 성공요인을 제시하였다. 또한 새정부 출범이후 공공기관 혁신 우수사례로 선정된 25개의 사례를 분석하여 혁신활동의 방향을 모색하였다. 공기업(시장형, 준시장형), 준정부기관(기금관리형, 위탁집행형), 기타 공공기관으로 분류되는 공공기관의 사업 및 조직특성을 고려하여, 각 유형 별 대표적인 사례를 분석하였으며, 이를 통해 공공기관 유형에 적합한 혁신방향을 제시하였다. 그 결과 공기업은 치열한 시장경쟁 및 전 국민을 대상으로 사업을 추진한다는 점에서 혁신활동이 매우 다양하다. 반대로 준정부기관은 정부를 대신해서 특정 사업을 위탁 또는 관리해 나가고 있기 때문에 서비스 혁신 또는 프로세스 혁신을 통해 안정적이고 지속적인 혁신활동을 추진해 나가고 있다. 마지막으로 기타 공공기관은 일반적으로 조직 규모가 작기 때문에 프로세스 혁신과 정책 기반 혁신을 주로 추진한다는 차이를 보이고 있다. 본 연구는 정부정책과 공공기관 유형을 고려하여 공공기관 혁신활동의 방향성을 어느 정도 짐작할 수 있다고 주장하고 있다. 향후 사례연구 이외에도 가설 설정을 통한 면밀한 분석 및 지속적인 데이터 분석을 통해 공공기관 혁신방향에 대한 보다 면밀한 연구를 추가적으로 제시하고자 한다. The innovations of public institutions are different from a company s innovation, since its purpose is to enhance the service satisfaction for the public by increasing public service quality. Also it is important to note that a public institution s innovation is influenced by the government policy. Although public institution plays an important role in national economy and it provides essential service for the public life, there is few research on public institution s innovation and innovation model. The purpose of this research is to suggest innovation direction for public institution by studying the government s policy direction and excellent innovation cases. Specifically, this research attempts to suggest the appropriate innovation model for public institution by examining the model for innovation type of Oslo manual. Oslo manual introduces four innovation types based on technology and market , but this research reclassifies public institution s innovation into four types (policy-based innovation, process innovation, service innovation, leading innovation) based on the government s policy and service . Also this research suggests critical success factors of public institution innovation by examining innovation capabilities, required by each innovation type. Also we seeks for innovation direction by analyzing 25 successful innovation cases for Korean public institution in 2013. This research analyzes public institutions typical cases with consideration of business and organization characteristics. They are generally classified into three types: public corporation(market type, semi-market type), quasi non-government institution(trust type, fund type), and other public institutions. This research offers the innovation directions for each public institution types. We finds that the innovation activities of public corporations are extremely diverse, because they face intensive competitive environment and serve the whole nation. On the other way, quasi non-governments maintain stable and sustainable innovation activities via service innovation and process innovation, because they supervise certain businesses and work consignment basis on behalf of the government. Finally other public institutions are generally small in size, so that their innovation directions are usually process innovation and policy-based innovation. This research suggests that we can predict the direction of public institution s innovations by considering government policies and public institution s types. In addition to the case study, we would like to propose future research direction, including more rigorous empirical data analysis and longitudinal analysis.

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        안드레아 프레이저(Andrea Fraser)의 미술 실천에 나타난 '후기여성주의' 미술가의 특징

        김정희 한국서양사연구회 2008 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.39

        The American woman artist, Andrea Fraser began her artistic career in the middle of the 1980's with two works which prognosticated her later artistic practices very concretely. She published in June 1985 an article titled "In and Out of Space" in Art in America. and 1984 a small Artist Book with the title Woman 1/Madonna 1506-1967 for an fictional exhibition. Fraser reviewed in her first published article the feminist and institutional critic artist Louise Lawler and showed her interests in the institutional critic which was practised by the marxist orientated artists as Hans Haacke, Daniel Buren, Michael Asher and Marcel Broothaers since the beginning of the 1970's. Her feminist tendency in this review was visualized with the poststructuralist method, deconstruction in her Artist Book. Two types of woman in the Western phallocentric bourgeois society which were since Renaissance continually represented either as madonna or as femme fatale/prostitute were deconstructed and disclosed as the positive and negative images of the same desire and phantasy of man as doppelgänger. The poststructuralist methodology characterizes the second generation of the feminism which was developed in the 1980's in which Fraser came into the art field. She was born 1965 and her generation belongs to the 'Third Wave' of feminism of the 1990's. In the artistic practices and theories of the third generation in the feminism, the dualistic distintion between man and woman became opaque. Their mother generation 'accused' them with "sins of cynicism, complacency, and compromise." This antagonism between the 'mother' and 'daughter' in feminism was escalated not only in academy, but also in mass media and the latter became called as the postfeminist. For the third generation of feminism the conditions that capital proposed, took the precedence over the gender problem, therefore it was called as postgender. The postfeminist characteristics can be found by Fraser from the end of the 1980's in which she showed 1989 the institutional critique performance Museum Highlights: A Gallery Talk in the Philadelphia Museum. Since the 1990's she is not outside of the institution anymore. She wrote 2005 in "From the Critique of Institutions to an Institution of Critique" that 'it's not a question of being against the institution. we are the institution." This recognition of the pre-condition of the art production in the capitalist bourgeois society distinguishes her from the Neo-avantgarde in terms of Peter Bürger. She arrived this recognition through the influences of the French sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu whom she 'encountered' 1984 with his book La Distinction - critique sociale du jugement which was written 1979, but translated in English 1984. She confessed often that she came to self objectifying through his reflective sociology. She argued that the art institution is not outside of an artwork and the former is an unreducible condition for the latter to exist as artwork. She showed 2001 in her performance Official Welcome how and with whom an art practice is produced. Fraser showed this unresistable condition of art production as institution in many ways and methods. 1994 she called with German artist Helmut Draxler the art practice as 'service provision' because they thought that the project work is possible through the financing sponsorship. 2003 she showed in Exhibition the unescapable condition of art field from the capital through 'prostitution'. She took from a male unknown collector $20,000, made love with him in a hotel room for 60 minutes, made video with the camera on the ceil and gave him an edition of the video tape. In this video-performance her naked body performing literally prostitution is not an art object, but art, therefore art institution. 'Art as prostitution' is associated with the poem of Bertolt Brecht <Hollywood> and the Brechtian movies of Jean-Luc Godard as <Contempt>(1963) and <Tout Va Bien>(1973). In this context her naked b... The American woman artist, Andrea Fraser began her artistic career in the middle of the 1980's with two works which prognosticated her later artistic practices very concretely. She published in June 1985 an article titled "In and Out of Space" in Art in America. and 1984 a small Artist Book with the title Woman 1/Madonna 1506-1967 for an fictional exhibition. Fraser reviewed in her first published article the feminist and institutional critic artist Louise Lawler and showed her interests in the institutional critic which was practised by the marxist orientated artists as Hans Haacke, Daniel Buren, Michael Asher and Marcel Broothaers since the beginning of the 1970's. Her feminist tendency in this review was visualized with the poststructuralist method, deconstruction in her Artist Book. Two types of woman in the Western phallocentric bourgeois society which were since Renaissance continually represented either as madonna or as femme fatale/prostitute were deconstructed and disclosed as the positive and negative images of the same desire and phantasy of man as doppelgänger. The poststructuralist methodology characterizes the second generation of the feminism which was developed in the 1980's in which Fraser came into the art field. She was born 1965 and her generation belongs to the 'Third Wave' of feminism of the 1990's. In the artistic practices and theories of the third generation in the feminism, the dualistic distintion between man and woman became opaque. Their mother generation 'accused' them with "sins of cynicism, complacency, and compromise." This antagonism between the 'mother' and 'daughter' in feminism was escalated not only in academy, but also in mass media and the latter became called as the postfeminist. For the third generation of feminism the conditions that capital proposed, took the precedence over the gender problem, therefore it was called as postgender. The postfeminist characteristics can be found by Fraser from the end of the 1980's in which she showed 1989 the institutional critique performance Museum Highlights: A Gallery Talk in the Philadelphia Museum. Since the 1990's she is not outside of the institution anymore. She wrote 2005 in "From the Critique of Institutions to an Institution of Critique" that 'it's not a question of being against the institution. we are the institution." This recognition of the pre-condition of the art production in the capitalist bourgeois society distinguishes her from the Neo-avantgarde in terms of Peter Bürger. She arrived this recognition through the influences of the French sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu whom she 'encountered' 1984 with his book La Distinction - critique sociale du jugement which was written 1979, but translated in English 1984. She confessed often that she came to self objectifying through his reflective sociology. She argued that the art institution is not outside of an artwork and the former is an unreducible condition for the latter to exist as artwork. She showed 2001 in her performance Official Welcome how and with whom an art practice is produced. Fraser showed this unresistable condition of art production as institution in many ways and methods. 1994 she called with German artist Helmut Draxler the art practice as 'service provision' because they thought that the project work is possible through the financing sponsorship. 2003 she showed in Exhibition the unescapable condition of art field from the capital through 'prostitution'. She took from a male unknown collector $20,000, made love with him in a hotel room for 60 minutes, made video with the camera on the ceil and gave him an edition of the video tape. In this video-performance her naked body performing literally prostitution is not an art object, but art, therefore art institution. 'Art as prostitution' is associated with the poem of Bertolt Brecht <Hollywood> and the Brechtian movies of Jean-Luc Godard as <Contempt>(1963) and <Tout Va Bien>(1973). In this context her naked body ...

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        國家賠償法의 營造物責任의 배분을 위한 試論

        金明吉(Kim Myung-Gil) 부산대학교 법학연구소 2007 법학연구 Vol.47 No.2

        국가배상법 제5조는 공공의 영조물의 설치 또는 관리의 하자로 인한 국가 또는 지방자치단체의 배상책임을 규정하고 있다. 전통적 견해에 의하면 국가배상법 제2조가 공무원의 고의 · 과실을 국가배상의 요건으로 하여 과실책임의 원칙에 근거하고 있다. 그러나 국가배상법 제5조는 무과실책임에 근거하고 있다. 즉,① 영조물의 물적 안전성의 결여,② 無過失責任,③ 財政的 理由가 免責事由가 되지 않는 것 등의 三原則이 국가배상법 제5조의 배상책임에 관한 기본원칙으로서 확립되었다. 이려한 전통적 견해와는 달리, 오늘날 학설과 판례는 다양한 견해를 보이고 있으며, 전통적 견해와 가장 큰 차이를 보이고 있는 학설이 주관설과 절충설이다. 그러나 현재의 다양한 학설과 판례의 견해도 국가배상법 제5조의 국가 또는 지방지치단체의 책임의 성립 여부에 때하여 하자를 인정한다. 그리하여 국가배상책임을 인정하거나 아니면 불가항력으로 보아 국가배상책임을 부정하는 견해를 취하고 있는 점에서는 동일하다. 결과적으로 영조물책임은 국가나 지방자치단체가 영조물에서 발생한 위험에 대하여는 책임을 져야 한다는 위험책임을 반영한 것이라고 할 수 있다. 영조물 책임은 기본적으로는 영조물의 하자, 즉 물적 결함의 유무가 관건이 된다. 영조물책임을 결정짓는 요인으로는 영조물이 갖추어야 할 안전성의 정도, 영조물을 이용하는 이용자의 이용방법 및 영조물의 안전성에 영향을 주는 집중호우 등의 자연현상 등을 들 수 있다. 그것들은 국가배상책임의 유무에도 관련이 있지만, 책임의 배분이라는 관점에서 보면 국가배상책임의 정도에도 관련이 있다고 하겠다. 특히 자연재해 등이 원인이 되어 영조물의 하자 여부가 다투어지는 경우, 영조물 하자책임이 인정되는 경우에는 국가배상책임으로 해결하기에는 그 손해액이 매우 방대하다. 그러므로, 국가배상법 제5조를 통해 不法行爲責任을 추궁하기 보다, 영조물의 이용자가 이용에 따르는 위험을 국가나 비방자치단체가 연대하여 전보하는 사회보장적 의미를 가진 이른바 `不法行爲의 형식 을 빌린 社會保障′책임으로 인식을 전환할 필요도 있다. 따라서 이 논문은 영조물책임의 성립과 관련된 법리, 그리고 지금까지 학계의 관심이 전무하다고 할 수 있는 국가배상책임의 배분에 관한 법리를 제안하고자 한다. The State Tort Liability Act article 5 is prescribing that is liability for reparation of country or local government by defect of public institution or administration of public institution. According to traditional opinion, The State Tort Liability Act article 2 is based to fault liability’s principle because public official’s deliberation · fault on essential factor of reparation by the state. But, The State Tort Liability Act article 5 is based to liability without fault. That is, three of principle ① deficiency of physical safety of public institution ② liability without fault ③ financial reason not became evasion of responsibility ; It was established to basis principle about liability for reparation of the State Tort Liability Act article 5. Unlike traditional opinion, theory and precedent of today are looked various opinion. It is the eclectically theory and the subjective theory, that is shown the biggest difference as compared with traditional opinion. But, current various theory and precedent recognize defect about country or local government’s liability of The State Tort Liability Act article 5. So, that is adopting opinion which is to recognize liability for reparation of country government or to deny liability for reparation of country government that see as inevitability is same at point. As a result, public institution liability reflects which is danger responsibility that must take responsibility about danger that country or local government bring about public institution. Public institution liability becomes pivotal point basically defect of public institution, that is, existence and nonexistence of physical defect. Decision factor for public institution liability is safety, utilization of user, natural phenomenon such as localized downpour for public institution. Those connect in existence or nonexistence of liability for country government, and degree of liability for country government, within the framework of distribution of responsibility. Specially, when it is recognized blemish of public institution, in relation to occasion that defect availability of public institution is quarreled because natural disaster, was extended the amount of damage. Therefore, user of public institution would rather seek social security responsibility that country or local government make reparation for collectively illegal responsibility than seek illegal responsibility through the medium of The State Tort Liability Act article 5. Accordingly, this treatise wish to suggest principle connected with realization of public institution liability and law principle about distribution of liability for country government, that interest of academic circle has not existed.

      • KCI등재후보

        공공기관 혁신방향에 관한 연구 : 新정부의 공공기관 정책방향과 우수사례를 중심으로

        정진호(Jinho Jung),강우성(Wooseong Kang) 동국대학교 경영연구원 2014 경영과 사례연구 Vol.37 No.2

        공공기관 혁신은 공공서비스 품질을 향상시켜 국민의 공공 서비스 만족도를 높이는 것이 목적이라는 점에서 일반 기업의 혁신과 다르다. 또한 공공기관은 정부정책에 따라 혁신활동이 영향을 미친다는 커다란 특징이 있다. 일반적으로 공공기관은 국민경제에서 차지하는 비중이 높고, 국민생활에 필수적인 서비스를 제공하고 있기 때문에 중요한 역할을 담당하고 있지만(한국조세연구원, 2013), 공공기관 혁신에 대한 연구가 많지 않은 것이 사실이며, 더욱이 공공기관 혁신모델에 대한 연구가 그동안 거의 이루어지지 않았다. 이에 본 연구는 정부의 공공기관 정책방향과 우수 혁신 사례들을 중심으로 공공기관 혁신의 방향을 제시하고자 하였다. 특히 Oslo manual의 혁신유형에 관한 모델을 중심으로 공공기관에 적합한 혁신모델을 제시하고자 하였다. 우선 Oslo manual에서 ‘기술’과 ‘시장’을 중심으로 4가지 혁신유형을 소개하였는데, 공공기관의 특징을 고려하여 ‘정부정책’과 ‘서비스’를 중심으로 정책 기반 혁신,프로세스 혁신, 서비스 혁신, 선도적 혁신으로 공공기관의 혁신유형을 4가지로 재분류하였다. 또한 각각의 혁신 유형에서 요구되는 혁신역량을 제시함으로써 공공기관 혁신활동의 성공요인을 제시하였다. 또한 새정부 출범이후 공공기관 혁신 우수사례로 선정된 25개의 사례를 분석하여 혁신활동의 방향을 모색하였다. 공기업(시장형, 준시장형), 준정부기관(기금관리형, 위탁집행형), 기타 공공기관으로 분류되는 공공기관의 사업 및 조직특성을 고려하여, 각 유형 별 대표적인 사례를 분석하였으며, 이를 통해 공공기관 유형에 적합한 혁신방향을 제시하였다. 그 결과 공기업은 치열한 시장경쟁 및 전 국민을 대상으로 사업을 추진한다는 점에서 혁신활동이 매우 다양하다. 반대로 준정부기관은 정부를 대신해서 특정 사업을 위탁 또는 관리해 나가고 있기 때문에 서비스 혁신 또는 프로세스 혁신을 통해 안정적이고 지속적인 혁신활동을 추진해 나가고 있다. 마지막으로 기타 공공기관은 일반적으로 조직 규모가 작기 때문에 프로세스 혁신과 정책 기반 혁신을 주로 추진한다는 차이를 보이고 있다. 본 연구는 정부정책과 공공기관 유형을 고려하여 공공기관 혁신활동의 방향성을 어느 정도 짐작할 수 있다고 주장하고 있다. 향후 사례연구 이외에도 가설 설정을 통한 면밀한 분석 및 지속적인 데이터 분석을 통해 공공기관 혁신방향에 대한 보다 면밀한 연구를 추가적으로 제시하고자 한다. The innovations of public institutions are different from a company s innovation, since its purpose is to enhance the service satisfaction for the public by increasing public service quality. Also it is important to note that a public institution s innovation is influenced by the government policy. Although public institution plays an important role in national economy and it provides essential service for the public life, there is few research on public institution s innovation and innovation model. The purpose of this research is to suggest innovation direction for public institution by studying the government s policy direction and excellent innovation cases. Specifically, this research attempts to suggest the appropriate innovation model for public institution by examining the model for innovation type of Oslo manual. Oslo manual introduces four innovation types based on technology and market , but this research reclassifies public institution s innovation into four types (policy-based innovation, process innovation, service innovation, leading innovation) based on the government s policy and service . Also this research suggests critical success factors of public institution innovation by examining innovation capabilities, required by each innovation type. Also we seeks for innovation direction by analyzing 25 successful innovation cases for Korean public institution in 2013. This research analyzes public institutions typical cases with consideration of business and organization characteristics. They are generally classified into three types: public corporation(market type, semi-market type), quasi non-government institution(trust type, fund type), and other public institutions. This research offers the innovation directions for each public institution types. We finds that the innovation activities of public corporations are extremely diverse, because they face intensive competitive environment and serve the whole nation. On the other way, quasi non-governments maintain stable and sustainable innovation activities via service innovation and process innovation, because they supervise certain businesses and work consignment basis on behalf of the government. Finally other public institutions are generally small in size, so that their innovation directions are usually process innovation and policy-based innovation. This research suggests that we can predict the direction of public institution s innovations by considering government policies and public institution s types. In addition to the case study, we would like to propose future research direction, including more rigorous empirical data analysis and longitudinal analysis.

      • KCI등재

        북한의 비공식 송금제도 ‘이관(移貫)’의 작동 패턴에 관한 연구: 공식 및 비공식 제도의 상호작용을 중심으로

        백명숙,서문기 한국제도∙경제학회 2024 제도와 경제 Vol.18 No.2

        주민들에 대한 통제가 지속되고 있는 북한 사회에서 시장이 작동할 수 있는 원리는 무엇일까? 본 연구는 북한 시장의 발전에 있어서 핵심적 역할을 하고 있는 비공식 송금제도인 ‘이관(移貫)’의 작동 패턴을 분석했다. 분석 틀로 Helmke와 Levisky(2004)의 이론을 활용한 ‘공식 송금제도(계획경제의 작동)와 비공식 송금제도(사적 재산의 축적)의 상호작용 유형’을 제안하고 실증 사례의 패턴을 분석했다. 분석 결과, 북한의 비공식 송금제도 이관은 세 가지 패턴으로 공식 송금제도와 상호작용을 하고 있었다. 첫째, 상업은행의 기능이 미비한 북한에서 이관은 상인 간 반복된 거래를 통해 형성된 신뢰, 인맥 관계, 평판, 명성, 정(精), 상부상조 메커니즘 등을 통해 작동하며, 공식 송금제도를 ‘대체’하고 있다. 둘째, 이관의 작동은 북한에서 체신소가 수행하는 공식 송금제도를 ‘보완’하고 있으며, 최근 휴대전화 사용이 증가함에 따라 비공식 송금제도의 작동은 더 강화되고 있다. 셋째, 국영은행에 대한 신뢰가 높지 않은 상황에서 북한 당국은 전성카드와 휴대폰 어플리케이션 ‘울림’ 등 디지털 기술을 활용하여 공식 송금제도를 발전시켰으며, 이는 편리성과 수수료의 측면에서 이관과 ‘경쟁’ 관계에 있다. 본 연구의 실증분석 결과에 따라 공식 및 비공식제도가 4가지 유형으로 상호작용한다는 Helmke와 Levisky의 주장이 북한 사회에도 적용이 가능함을 알 수 있었다. 이와 더불어 본 연구는 비공식 송금제도 이관의 작동 메커니즘은 북한 시장이 제도적 기반의 미비하며 경제거래의 단위가 넓지 않고 폐쇄된 곳임에도 불구하고 어떻게 활발히 작동할 수 있는지 그 원리를 보여준다. 끝으로 본 연구는 향후 북한에서 시장을 통한 사회변화가 기능하려면 비공식 송금제도를 포함한 사금융이 공식제도로서 지위와 권한을 획득해야 함을 시사한다. What are the principles by which the market operates in North Korean society, where control over residents continues? This study analyzed the operating pattern of Lee-Kwan(移貫), or an informal remittance system, that plays a key role in the development of the North Korean market. Using the theory of Helmke and Levisky (2004) as an analytical framework, we proposed ‘the type of interaction between the formal remittance institution(operation of planned economy) and the informal remittance institution(accumulation of private wealth)’ and analyzed the patterns of empirical cases. As a result of the analysis, North Korea’s informal remittance institution “Lee-Kwan” was interacting with the formal remittance institution in three patterns. First, in North Korea, where the function of commercial banks is insufficient, Lee-Kwan operate through mechanisms of trust, personal relationships, reputation, affection, and mutual assistance formed through repeated transactions between merchants, replacing the formal remittance institution. Second, the operation of Lee-Kwan complements the formal remittance institution implemented by the postal office in North Korea, and the operation of the informal remittance institution is being strengthened as the use of mobile phones has recently increased. Third, in a situation where trust in state-run banks is not high, North Korean authorities have developed a formal remittance institution using digital technologies such as Jeonseong Card and the mobile phone application Ullim, which is in competition with Lee-Kwan in terms of convenience and fees. Additionally, based on the empirical analysis results of this study, it was found that Helmke and Levisky’s argument that formal and informal institutions interact in four types can be applied to North Korean society. In addition, this study shows how the operating mechanism of the informal remittance institution can operate actively despite the North Korean market having a weak institutional foundation and a small and closed economic transaction unit. Lastly, this study suggests that for social change through the market to function in North Korea in the future, private finance, including the informal remittance institution, must acquire status and authority as an formal institution.

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