조선전기 洪任의 관직 활동

임선빈 ( Yim Seonbin ) 한국계보연구회 2023 한국계보연구 Vol.13 No.0

This article examines about Hong Im, who served as a bureaucrat from the mid-15th century to the early 16th century, in the field of his family tree, his early governmental job, his activities as a Mokmin-gwan during King Seongjong's reign, and his life as a public servant during political upheaval in Yeonsan-gun and Joongjong periods. Hong Im’s predecessors played a lot of political roles as a high office during the middle and late Goryeo Dynasty, but their prestige collapsed with the end of the Goryeo Dynasty. Hong Im’s father and grandfather, who were figures of early Joseon Dynasty, were not found in any historical records. Hong Im held a government post by benefiting from ancestors’ virtue system(Um-suh system). He had outstanding abilities both in martial arts and governing people, so he gradually incorporated himself into the new bureaucracy of the Joseon Dynasty while he worked as Surban-jik and Mokmin-gwan during King Seongjong’s reign. In particular, when his son Hong Kyung-ju, who had passed the civil service examination in the background of his father’s governmental post, was awarded as Prime Jooonggook Gongshin for participating in the Joongjong Rebellion, Hong Im, as a father, was elevated to higher position in public office in a way called Umjik-Gajah. As a result, he held a role high as a prime minister and participated in policy discussions on central coordination. Hong Im’s activities as bureaucrat can help understanding not only in the way of studying the Namyang Hong Family, but also in the way of how once-decreased family in early Joseon can regain its power back by using Hong Im and Hong Kyung-jus’ governmental power. Furthermore, it helps in understanding the aspects of Joseon Dynasty’s bureaucratic society.

조선후기 시화집 『양파담원』의 구성과 의미

임보연,권기성 배달말학회 2019 배달말 Vol.65 No.-

This paper is aimed at the general secretary of Shi-hwa in the late Joseon Dynasty, 『YangPa-damwon』, and examines the overall aspect of the work and the significance of its history. 『Yangpa-damwon』 was compiled by Im-ryum in 1824, and showed strong determination to succeed Hong Man-jong’s 『Shihwa-Chonglim』. The fact that the list of actual works is based mostly on the 『Shihwa-Chonglim』’s book, and that the legend section is almost similar to that of the 『Shihwa-Chonglim』’s book. However, Im-ryum wanted to update its composition with eight books, and to be more perfect by adding an additional copy of his work, known as 『Seomchun-Manrok』, to supplement various materials in the insufficient parts. It can be seen that the data added actively included not only poetry but also anecdotes and stories, while the vast data of 『Sohwa-Shipyeong』 or 『Cheongbi-rok』 were included without any changes in the wording. In particular, he intended to make up for his lack by actively drawing stories of poems and materials from the Goryeo Dynasty, which were not included in the 『Yangpa-damwon』. Such attempts by Im-ryum are understood in the fashion of the compilation of the poetry books of the nineteenth century, but on the one hand they have three meanings: First, Im-ryum was the family of the Poongcheon Im’s family, which was the basis for the Man-rok writing, which was written by his grandfather and grandfather, and continued the characteristics of the family writing. Second, it is not just a warrior but a supplement to and modify the Sihwa General Assembly of the late Joseon Dynasty. Third, I have inherited Hong Man-jong’s intention to emphasize that our writers are not inferior to Chinese poets, while trying to establish a self-reliant critical consciousness, such as 『Shihwa-Chonglim』. 본 논문은 조선후기 시화총서인 『양파담원』을 대상으로, 해당 작품의 전반적인 양상과 시화사적 의의를 살핀 것이다. 『양파담원』은 임렴이 1824년편찬한 것으로, 홍만종의 『시화총림』을 잇고자 하는 의지를 강하게 드러냈다. 실제 작품의 목록을 『시화총림』에 대부분 근간을 두고 있으며, 범례 부분 역시 『시화총림』의 것을 거의 비슷하게 수록하고 있다는 점에서 알 수있다. 다만 임렴은 8책으로 구성을 새롭게 하고, 미흡한 부분에는 여러 자료들을 보완하는 한 편 자신의 저작으로 알려진 『섬천만필』까지 추가로 덧대면서 좀 더 완벽을 기하고자 했다. 추가된 자료는 시화 뿐 아니라 일화나 야담까지 적극 수록하였고, 방대한 자료인 『소화시평』이나 『청비록』의 경우자구의 변화 없이 그대로 수록하였음을 볼 수 있다. 특히 자신이 편찬한 『섬천만필』의 경우 『양파담원』에 수록되지 않은 고려시기의 시화나, 개인 문집소재 이야기를 적극 끌어오면서 부족한 부분을 보완하고자 했다. 이 같은임렴의 시도는 19세기 당대의 시화집 편찬의 유행에서 이해되며, 다음과 같은 세 가지 의미를 가진다. 첫째, 임렴은 풍천 임씨 가문으로, 조부와 고조부가 저술했던 만록 글쓰기의 대를 이었으며, 이를 통해 가문 글쓰기의 특징을이어갔다. 둘째, 우리나라의 시화를 집대성한 『시화총림』을 단순히 전사하는 데 그치는 것이 아니라, 이를 보완하고 수정한 조선후기의 시화총서로서의미를 갖는다. 셋째, 『시화총림』과 같이 주체적인 비평의식을 확립하고자노력했으며, 우리 문인들이 중국의 시인들에 비해 뒤떨어지지 않는다는 사실을 강조하려 했던 홍만종의 뜻을 물려받았다.

한국의 그림책 인식과 형성과정

정진헌 ( Jin Heon Jeong ),박혜숙 ( Hye Sook Park ) 건국대학교 동화와번역연구소 2013 동화와 번역 Vol.26 No.-

This study discusses people`s perceptions of picture books and the development process through analysis of newspapers and periodicals such as magazines at that time based on understanding the lack of research done on picture books from the enlightenment period to the end of Japanese colonial period. The results of the analysis were compared to today`s picture books. The development of printing through old-print publications since the enlightenment period formed a community of children readers and brought a turning point to introduce diverse visual elements to children`s literature. Under these circumstances, it was Choi Nam-seon who made a great contribution to the birth of picture books for children. He often used pictures (illustrations) to complement narrative stories in children`s magazines titled ‘Red Jeogori’ and ‘Children & Boy.’ He illustrated the development of a story using pictures. In terms of the driving force for the publication of picture books, this study points out the promotion of publications through the introduction of typography, dramatic increase in publications for children and wishes for the publication of picture books from all fields. Entering the 1920s, illustrations started to be used in newspapers and magazines to enhance visual effects. Among them, ‘Half Brothers,’ published from May 8 to 20, 1927 is very similar to today`s picture books. It is a counterpointing picture book which narrates a story with writing and pictures in three pages and writing only at both the top and the bottom for 13 publications in total. In the 1930s, there were many voices lamenting the absence of picture books for children in Joseon from parents to literary circles. In these situations, it was Jeon Bong-je and Im Hong-eun who attempted to make picture books for Korean children. Both participated in Joseon Art Exhibition and focused on picture books for children, which were similar in verse to today`s children`s picture books. The two writers collected their publications in newspapers and magazine and published ‘Collection of Picture Books for Children (1931)’ and ‘Baby`s Hill (1938).’ In particular, they added sophisticated paintings, not just simple illustrations, to picture books. In the picture book ‘Kkotdongni’ added at the end of ‘Baby`s Hill (written by Im Hong-eun),’ writings were compiled with 14 paintings, and both writings and paintings were numbered. This kind of picture book can be equivalent to a complementary picture book from today`s perspective. As stated above, Korea`s modern picture books created a variety of narratives from children`s picture books to newspapers and magazines with a mixture of pictures and words. Professional painters` participation was a turning point to enhance the artistic value of picture books and help them settle as children`s literature genre.

성종·연산군 시기 임사홍과 대간 언론 대립의 의미

이윤복 한국언론정보학회 2022 한국언론정보학보 Vol.115 No.-

Many of the victims of the Joseon Dynasty’s largest literati purges of 1504, the Kapcha Sahwa(甲子士禍), were Daegan (affiliated officials of Saheonbu and Saganwon, 臺諫), and one of the leaders of the Kapcha Sahwa was Im Sa-hong (任士洪). In this article, the relationship between Im Sa-hong and the Daegan was reviewed by dividing it into Im Sa-hong’s exile, the attempt of a reinstatement at the end of King Seongjong’s reign, and the reinstatement during the Yeonsan-gun period. First, in the process of Im Sa-hong’s exile, Daegan argued that Im Sa-hong should be punished because he was a soin (a mean and disloyal person, 小人) who tried to form a political faction, but this claim was not based on sufficient evidence. In the process of attempting a reinstatement at the end of King Seongjong, and the reinstatement during the Yeonsan-gun period, Daegan continued to make no compromise on the grounds that Im Sa-hong was a soin, and thoroughly opposed Im Sa-hong. These facts indicate that the Daegan’s claim that Im Sa-hong was a soin was actually a justification of their actions. At that time, Im Sa-hong was a person in power, so Daegan tried to reject and check Im Sa-hong. Yeonsan-gun also regarded the Daegan’s remarks as an insult to the king. The Daegan failed to check Im Sa-hong, which eventually became a major cause of the Kapcha Sahwa, The results of this study suggest that, as Im Sa-hong was Kwonsin(the most powerful man of the time, 權臣). damage to the Daegan in the Kapcha Sahwa was significant. In addition, in our modern society, when people brand someone as "red" or "pro-Japanese," for example, they tend to deny the person completely without considering his merits. The results of this study strongly suggest that the branding by the Daegan of Im Sa-hong Soin as a soin could be the origin of this "stigma culture" in our society.

윤행임尹行恁(1762~1801)의 정치 활동과 학문 성향

노대환(盧大煥) 한국국학진흥원 2011 국학연구 Vol.0 No.19

윤행임은 조선의 대표적인 충절 가문 출신으로 정조의 돈독한 신임을 받았던 인물이다. 정조는 윤행임 가문의 충절을 높이 평가하였으며, 윤행임의 학문적 잠재력을 인정하여 그를 근신으로 양성하였다. 윤행임은 정조의 관심과 지도를 받으며 관료로서의 자질을 갖추고 학문을 연마하였다. 윤행임은 자신의 가문과 학문을 인정했던 정조에게 충성을 다하였다. 정조가 세상을 떠난 후 윤행임은 정조의 유지를 실천하는 것을 정치적 목표로 삼았다. 자파 중심으로 정치 구도를 재편하려던 벽파에게 이러한 윤행임의 태도는 위험한 것으로 받아들여졌다. 벽파가 본격적으로 권력 장악에 나서면서 양측의 갈등은 증폭되었고 윤행임은 결국 정조의 유지를 빙자하여 권력을 농단한 역신으로 몰려 40세의 나이에 비참한 최후를 맞고 말았다. 윤행임을 제거했던 벽파 정권은 순조 초반에 무너졌지만 그의 관작은 쉽게 복구되지 못하였다. 복관 반대론자들은 윤행임이 벽파를 도와 일을 꾸민 자라고 지목하면서 복관을 강력히 반대하였다. 그로 인해 복관은 그가 세상을 떠난 지 26년이 지난 1835년(헌종 1)나서야 이루어질 수 있었다. 벽파로부터는 자파 세력을 위협하는 인물로 배척받아 목숨을 잃고 벽 파가 무너지자 이번에는 거꾸로 벽파에 동조한 인물이라는 비난을 받아야 했던 윤행임의 정치적 행보는 여전히 안개에 싸여 있다. 그의 학문적 성향 역시 해명되지 못한 부분이 적지 않다. 그는 기본적으로 호론을 지지하였지만 정책 추진 과정에서는 서얼 허통 주장처럼 낙론과 연결되는 부분이 있다. 이러한 문제는 차후 새로운 자료의 발굴과 관련 연구의 진척에 따라 해결될 수 있을 것이다. Yoon Haeng-im’s family was well known for being allegiant to the country and he gained King Jeongjo’s sincere trust. The King highly appreciated Yoon Haeng-im’s family for its royalty and also recognized his academic potential. Therefore the King trained Yoon Haeng-im to be his entourage. Under the guidance and concern of the King, Yoon Haeng-im devoted himself to his studies and became well qualified as a government official. Yoon Haeng-im was loyal to the King Jeongjo who recognized his family and academic ability. After the King’s death, his political goal was to realize the later king’s will. To the Byeokpa(벽파) faction, however, a group of politicians who tried to re-organized political structure centering on them, such political attitude of Yoon Haeng-im was threatening. As the Byeokpa faction started to take power, the conflict between this faction and Yoon Haeng-im’s party became amplified. And as a result of this power struggle, Yoon Haeng-im fell under suspicion of exercising authority in the name of the later king and was accused of treason. He was finally executed at the age of forty. Even though the Byeokpa faction, which purged Yoon Haeng-im from the government, was crumbled away in the early part of King Soonjo’s era, his reinstatement was far from realization. A group of people accused him of being an assistor of the Byeokpa faction and strongly opposed against his reinstatement. Thus, it was the first year of King Heonjong(1835), 26 years after his death, when he was finally reinstated. Yoon Haeng-im was ostracized by the Byeokpa faction for he was a threat to them. But when the Byeokpa faction was collapsed, he was ironically criticized for being a helper of the failed faction. For such reason, his political course is still remained indefinite and his academic views have not been completely elucidated. He basically supported the doctrine of hau, but his politics also had some resemblance with the doctrine of lak such as the claim of abrogation of the discrimination against the child of a concubine. These unsolved issues will be elucidated as a new historical material is continuously discovered and relevant researches continue. I hope there will be more studies on Yoon Haeng-im and they will broaden the understanding about the history of politics and thoughts of the 19th century.

『御定洪翼靖公奏藁』의 편찬과 간행 및 반사에 관한 연구

강순애 한국서지학회 2020 서지학연구 Vol.81 No.-

This paper studies the records, existing studies and existing copies of Eojeonghongikjeonggongjugo which appears in King Jeongjo’s letters in order to throw light on the compiler and the compilation process. The paper also examines the records and existing copies of Sunjo Sillok and Naegak Illyeok and analyzes their publication and distribution with the aim of analyzing the processes of compilation, publication and distribution of Eojeonghongikjeonggongjugo in a systematic way. The results of the study as follows. Eojeonghongikjeonggongjugo is a book that collected Ik Jeong-gong Hong Bong-han (1713∼1778)’s petitions for King Yeongjo’s state affairs administration and Yeongjo’s answers to those petitions. In the 24th year of his reign, King Jeongjo along with Hong Nak-im imitated Zhu Xi’s Chukgongyusa by collecting Hong Bong-han’s yeondaejaeju and Yeongjo’s answers to them and compiling them into 35 books of 6 types, 59 categories and 1 separate edition. The compilers of this work were Jeongjo and Hong Nak-im. Hong Nak-im’s son Hong Chui-yong and Jeongo’s great-uncle Hong Yong-han participated in the process of compilation, and the translation of the written and spoken languages reflected the intentions of Queen Hyegyeonggung. Queen Jeongsun ordered the Naegak to publish Eojeonghongikjeonggongjugo on August 11 in the year 1800 when Sunjo ascended the throne, but the publication was postponed due to the opposition of the Byeokpa retainers on August 20 of the same year. It is estimated that another discussion for the publication took place after the 12th year of Sunjo’s reign, and that the Naegak released it in the jeongritype cast on March 6 in the 15the year of Sunjo’s reign. Eojeonghongikjeonggongjugo was distributed on March 6 in the 15th year of Sunjo’s reign (1815). The distributed editions were imprinted with the word ‘Kyujangjibo’ and printed in Baekmyunji with one edition each distributed to Ocheosago, Kyujanggak, Naegak, Okdang and Chunbang. A copy printed in baekji each was also given to 20 retainers including Wonimjaehak Yeonguijeong Ki Jae-chan. Some of the copies distributed at the time still exist. We can tell that the Gyu1146 edition was distributed to the Naegak because it is stamped with ‘Kyujangjibo’ and ‘Naegak.’ Similarly, the Gyu3915 edition is stamped with ‘Kyujangjibo’ with ‘Jeongjok’ in ink letters on the reverseside of the coverpage, while the Gyu 1924 edition is stamped with ‘Kyujangjibo’ with ‘Taebaek’ in ink letters on the reverse side of the coverpage, showing that they were distributed to Jeongjoksan Archives and Taebaeksan Archives respectively. The Gyu1173 edition is stamped with ‘Kyujangjibo’ and ‘Kyuseojinjeok’ showing that it was distributed to the Kyujanggak. 본 연구는 정조의 어찰에 나타난 『어정홍익정공주고』의 기록들과 기존 연구 및 현존본을 조사하여 편찬자 및 편찬과정을 밝히고, 『순조실록』, 『내각일력』의 기록 및 현존본을 조사하여 간행 및 반사에 대해 분석함으로써 『어정홍익정공주고』의 편찬, 간행 및 반사에 이르는 과정을 체계적으로 분석하는 것이 목적이다. 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 『어정홍익정공주고(御定洪翼靖公奏藁)』는 익정공 홍봉한(洪鳳漢, 1713∼1778)의 영조조 국정운영에 대한 상소와 영조의 비답을 모은 책이다. 정조는 24년(1800)에 홍낙임과 함께 주자의 『축공유사(祝公遺事)』를 모방하여 홍봉한의 연대제주와 이에 대한 비답을 모아 35권 6류, 59목, 별고 1편으로 편찬하였다. 이 책의 편찬자는 정조와 홍낙임이고, 편찬과정에 홍낙임의 아들 홍취영과 정조의 작은 외할아버지인 홍용한도 관계하였으며, 언문의 번역에는 혜경궁의 뜻이 반영되었다. 『어정홍익정공주고』의 간행은 순조 즉위년(1800) 8월 11일 정순왕후의 명으로 내각에 간행을 지시했지만, 그해 8월 20일 벽파 신료들의 반대로 미루어졌다. 순조 12년(1812) 이후에 재논의가 이루어졌을 것으로 추정되며, 순조 15년(1815) 3월 6일 내각에서 정리자로 인출되었다. 『어정홍익정공주고』는 순조 15년(1815) 3월 6일 반사되었다. 반사본에 ‘奎章之寶’를 찍어 오처사고, 규장각, 내각, 옥당, 춘방에 백면지로 찍은 책이 각각 1건씩 반사되었고, 원임제학 영의정 김재찬을 포함하여 20명의 신하에게 백지로 찍은 책이 각각 1건씩 사급되었다. 반사본 중에는 현존본들이 남아 있다. 규1146 본에는 ‘奎章之寶’와 ‘內閣’ 장서인이 찍혀 있어 내각에 반사된 것임을 알 수 있고, 규3915 본에는 ‘奎章之寶’ 장서인과 표지 이면에 ‘鼎足’의 묵서기가 있고, 규1924 본에는 ‘奎章之寶’ 장서인과 표지 이면에 ‘太白’의 묵서기가 있어 각각 정족산사고와 태백산사고에 반사된 것임을 알 수 있으며, 규1173 본에는 ‘奎章之寶’와 ‘奎書珍籍’ 장서인이 찍혀 있어 규장각에 반사된 것임을 알 수 있다.

한‧월 여성 문인의 인물평 비교 연구 - 『윤지당유고(允摯堂遺稿)』와 『홍하부인유문(紅霞夫人遺文)』을 중심으로

최빛나라 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2023 아시아여성연구 Vol.62 No.1

This article compares characterizations of women writers in Korea and Vietnam, focusing on the posthumous collections of Im Yunji-dang (任允摯堂, 1721~1793) and Hong Ha phu nhan (紅霞夫人, 1705~1749). In 18th-century Korean and Vietnamese society, women were typically isolated from the world outside their homes However, Im Yunji-dang and Hong Ha phu nhan actively engaged with the outside/male sphere through their literary activities. Yunji-dang harshly criticized even those praised as martyrs and loyalists; only Yan Hui(顔回) and the three Joseon women were evaluated positively. Hong Ha phu nhan was an unmarried woman who pursued both economic and literary activities for an extended period, which was not acceptable in the society of her time. It is noteworthy that, unlike Yunji-dang, Hong Ha phu nhan's character evaluation is not focused on Chinese historical figures but only on domestic (Vietnamese) ones, praising their real and unreal existence. As seen in the texts of Im Yunji-dang and Hong Ha phu nhan, women's interests were not simply limited to domestic affairs. Although their education level and sphere of activity were minor compared to men, their interests in the “outside” and literary activities made them persistent. This was not the usual pattern of women's literary activities during this period. However, some figures clearly expanded women writers’ sphere of activity during the 18th century. 본고에서는 임윤지당(任允摯堂, 1721~1793)과 홍하부인(紅霞夫人, 1705~1749)의 글을 중심으로 한ㆍ월 여성 문인이 작성한 인물평의 특징을 비교하고자 하였다. 18세기 한·월 사회에서 여성이 담당한 역할은 외부 세계와 단절된 것일 수밖에 없었다. 그러나 임윤지당과 홍하부인은 문학 활동을 통해 외부/남성의 영역에 적극적으로 접촉하였다. 조선의 임윤지당은 부덕(婦德)을 몸소 실천한 인물이었으나 글에서만큼은 대상에 대해 과격하다 할 정도로 신랄한 논평을 가하여 부덕유순(婦德柔順)과 상반된 면모를 보인다. 임윤지당은 역대 의사(義士)ㆍ충신(忠臣)으로 칭송받았던 인물들도 거세게 비판하는 한편 안회(顔回)와 조선 여인 3명만을 긍정적으로 평가하였다. 대월의 홍하부인은 오랜 기간, 당대 사회에서 용인이 어려웠던 미혼의 상태로 경제 활동과 문학 활동을 병행하였던 인물이다. 임윤지당과 달리 홍하부인의 인물 평가는 중국 역사 인물이 아닌 오직 국내(대월)에 집중되어 현실/비현실 존재를 칭찬하고 있는 점이 주목할만하다. 임윤지당과 홍하부인의 글에서 살펴본바, 여성의 관심 영역은 단순히 가정사(家庭事) 범위에만 국한되지 않았다. 교육의 수준, 활동의 영역이 남성에 비해 축소되었던 것은 사실이나 ‘외부’를 향한 관심과 문학 활동을 그치지 않았던 것이다. 이것을 여성 문학 활동의 일반적인 양상이라고 할 수 없겠으나 여성 문인의 활동 영역을 확장시킨 인물이 18세기 동시기에 한국과 월남에 존재하고 있었음은 분명하다.

노은(老隱) 임적(任適)의 유기(遊記) 연구 -1709년 유람 관련 작품들을 중심으로-

유정열 국문학회 2020 국문학연구 Vol.0 No.42

This paper focused on the literature of Im, jeok, which has not been fully illuminated yet, based on the 1709 tour. He became interested in a landscape tour under the influence of his cousin Hong, Tae-Yu. Hong, Tae-yu's proposal and Kim, Chang-hup's newly built a new house seem to have led Im, jeok to a tour of Mt. Seorak and other areas in the fall of 1709. As a result of examining the related works, it was able to reveal that Im, jeok's travelog had the following characteristics. First, Im, jeok tried to promote the beauty of the mountain, which was never illuminated before, such as Sibipokdong at Mt. Seorak and Naksuam nearby Hongcheon. Second, it tried to highlight a beautiful scenery with its cultural value and landscape beauty; in the case of Samyeonjeongsa, which has just been built and has yet to be illuminated on the Im, Jeok's works. 본고는 아직까지 본격적으로 조명되지 못한 임적(任適)의 문학을 1709년 유람을 바탕으로 창작된 유기들을 중심으로 고찰했다. 임적은 이종사촌 형 홍태유(洪泰猷)의 영향 아래 산수유람에 관심을 갖게 되었다. 그리고 홍태유의 제안과 김창흡(金昌翕)이 새로 건립한 설악산 정사(精舍)에 대한 관심 등으로 인해 1709년 가을에 설악산 등지를 유람하게 된 것으로 보인다. 관련 작품들을 고찰한 결과 임적의 유기가 다음과 같은 특징들을 지닌 사실을 밝힐 수 있었다. 첫째, 임적이 설악산의 십이폭동(十二瀑洞)과 홍천(洪川) 부근에 있는 낙수암(落水巖)처럼 당시까지 제대로 조명되지 못한 곳의 경우 그곳들의 산수미를 알리기 위해 노력했다는 점이다. 둘째, 막 건립되어 아직 조명되지 못한 삼연정사(三淵精舍: 영시암永矢菴)의 경우 산수미는 물론 문화적 가치까지 갖춘 승경으로 부각시키려 노력했다는 점이다.

정조가 홍낙임에게 보낸 어찰에 나타난 어정서 편찬․간행 및 반사 내용과 관련 기록 연구 - 두보, 육유 및 주자 저술의 선집을 중심으로 -

강순애 한국서지학회 2019 서지학연구 Vol.77 No.-

This paper briefly outlines the contents of Eojeongseo compiled and published by King Jeongjo and examines in detail the process of compiling, publishing, and distributing the anthologies of Du Fu, Lu You and Zhu Xi described in Jeongjo’s letters to Hong Nak-im; the process of connecting related records and compiling, publishing, and distributing them; and the actual correlation between these records. The results of the study showed firstly that Jeongjo’s Eojeongseo was compiled and published by order of the king, with 20 selections (御選) and 10 compilations (御編) by Jeongjo. Secondly, with regards to the compilation and publication of the 5 volume 2 book Eojeongduyulbunun and the 39 volume 13 book Eojeongyukryulbunun, I analyzed Gunseopyogi’s records of the compilation and publication and the records of the distribution and gifting of Ilseongrok and the existing copy since Jeongjo’s letter sent to Hong Nak-im on the 11th of October in his 23rd year of reign contains only a brief content. Thirdly, for the 8 volume anthology of Eojeongduryukcheonseon I examined the letters written on August 11, August 12 in the morning, August 12 at lunch, August 13, August 14, August 15 in the morning, August 15 in the morning as an attachment, August 18, August 22 in the evening, and December 23 in order to analyze Eojeongduryukcheonseon’s anthology, edition, publication and distribution. I also looked into the “Gyu 2200” and “Gyu 2057” which seem to have been given in advance to Hong Nak-im. Fourth, for the 8-volume-4-book of the Eojeongahsong I analyzed Ahsongchaek from Jeongjo’s letter of September 25 in the 23rd year of Jeongjo’s reign and also the related records to comfirm that it was distributed to gyeongyeon and juyeon for the purposes of jingang (進講用), to Jongyeonggak and yuseng for wolgang, and to hyanggyos and sowons throughout many towns for wolgang.

任義伯(1605~1667)의 활동과 『今是堂燕行日記』

김철웅 ( Cheol Woong Kim ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2011 영남학 Vol.0 No.19

Im Uibaek((1605~1667) was a Neo-Confucian scholar and politician of Joseon dynasty in 17th century. He had many relations with politicians and acted as an effective politician. He was so good scholar and has an encyclopedic knowledge of Sohak, one of Neo-Confucianism books. In the period of Qing dynasty Joseon``s envoys were entitled Yeonhaengrok, the diary of journey to Beijing, the capital of Qing. Im Uibaek``s diary is one of these. Im Uibaek``s Yeonhaeng Ilgi is a diary of journey to Qing china in 1664. His diary is a very remarkable record which Joseon dynasty sent to Qing china under the early years of Kang Hsi``s reign. It is one of the rare records written during the mid-seventeenth century which included a lot of interesting historical informatiom. Im Uibaek was appointed as a vice ambassador in 1664. He started the journey from Seoul on February 13, and arrived at Beijing. He returned from Qing china on June 13. Yeonhaeng Ilgi is the record of the 4 month journey. It shows the vivid diplomatic system between Joseon dynasty and Qing china. It described the routes and itineraries of the embassy, the board and the lodging on the journey, the traffics and the guard, the official ceremonies. And it recorded the security and the defence situations in the regions of north china. This diary gives us a lot of useful information about the Qing china in the mid-seventeenth century. Im Uibaek``s Yeonhaeng Ilgi is an excellent material resource for the study of relational history between Joseon dynasty and Qing china, and the political history of Qing china in the mid-seventeenth century.