남북한의 민족 개념 비교연구 -김정일 시기(1995~2010)를 중심으로-

권지민 대한정치학회 2020 大韓政治學會報 Vol.28 No.4

The purpose of this study is to analyze the gap between the meaning of ‘ethnic’ understood by the two countries by analyzing the discourse centered on the official speeches of the supreme leader in understanding the concept of ‘ethnic’ understood by the Republic of Korea and North Korea. In the process of preparing for “unification,” understanding the meaning of the word “ethnic” used by the two countries is essential. Also, it is too difficult to understand the words used in North Korea simply as the meaning of the words we think, because there are many words that the two countries interpret in different meanings. Since the intuitive understanding of the dictionary definition is limited to how the Republic of Korea and North Korea actually understand ‘ethnic’, I used the first source of public trust in each country to analyze the discourse on major documents with the word “ethnic” written. The analysis shows that while the meaning of ‘ethnic’ in North Korea is used as the meaning of the “Chosun ethnic” and “socialist ethnic” and “military-first ethnic”, South Korea recognizes the people of the two Koreas as “Han ethnic” and has differences toward globalization of ethnic. 본 연구는 대한민국과 북한이 이해하고 있는 민족에 대한 개념을 이해하는데 있어서, 최고지도자의 공식연설을 중심으로 담론을 분석하여 두 국가가 이해하는 민족의 의미의 간극을 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. ‘통일’을 준비하는 과정에서 두 국가가 사용하고 있는 ‘민족’이라는 단어의 의미의 이해는 필수적이다. 또한 같은 단어이지만 양국이 서로 다른 의미로 해석하고 있는 단어가 많기 때문에 단순히 우리가 생각하는 단어의 의미 그대로 북한에서 쓰는 단어를 이해하는 것은 무리가 있다. 사전적 정의의 직관적인 이해로는 실제 대한민국과 북한이 민족을 어떻게 이해하고 있는지 한계가 있기 때문에, 각 국가의 공신력 있는 1차 사료들을 활용하여 ‘민족’이라는 단어가 쓰인 주요 문서상의 담론을 분석하여 의미파악을 하였다. 대한민국은 김영삼 대통령부터 이명박 대통령 시기까지의 공식연설문(신년사, 기념사 등) 상에 민족을 어떤 의미로 사용하였는지 분석하였으며, 북한은 김정일 시기 공식 연설문 및 담화문, 조선중앙년감 등의 사료를 활용하여 분석하였다. 분석결과 북한에서는 민족의 의미가 ‘조선민족,’ ‘사회주의민족,’ ‘선군민족’ 등의 의미로 사용되는 반면, 대한민국에서는 남북한 주민들을 통틀어 ‘한민족’으로 인식하고 있으며, 민족의 세계화를 지향하는 차이점이 있다는 것을 알 수 있었다.

Contentious Politics in the Nascent Formation of Ethnic Communities in Korea

김혁래 한국학술연구원 2017 Korea Observer Vol.48 No.3

Increasing flows of migrant workers and foreign brides, and their residential settlement have become an important component of the social fabric of Korean society, challenging the myth of ethnic homogeneity. I investigate the nascent formation of ethnically concentrated residential communities both in the city of Seoul and across the country, most notably in Kyŏnggi Province. At the national level, ethnically concentrated residential communities have been shaped around two main spatial zones: industrial complex areas and cheap segregated residential areas. They are mostly in an early formation of ethnic communities with the characteristics of ethnic diversity due to the relatively scattered geographic dispersion of any ethnicity. However, ethnic concentration at the local level has been coalescing on the basis of ethnic nationality and further shows a distinctive pattern of ethnic communities and even ethnic enclaves particularly for Chinese ethnicity, including Korean Chinese of Chosŏnjok. A few local ethnic communities are being concomitantly shaped both by socio-ethnic segregation and spatial residential exclusion. Policy proposals for residential settlement reveal both ambiguity and contentious politics between national and local administrative levels. The policy focus at the national level has tended to remain basically on maintaining the principle of enforced assimilation, displaying top-down policies based on administrative convenience, being squarely aimed at providing one-sided service provisions for targeted migrants, but resulting in de-empowering migrants and weakening autonomy of local organizations. We should thus facilitate a distinctive local governance mode with all stakeholders and take a step forward to realize a cultural strategy for mutually beneficial multicultural co-existence as well as for the vitality

A Critical Review of Approaches to Ethnicity

설병수 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2008 International Area Studies Review Vol.11 No.2

This article attempts to critically review established approaches to ethnicity and to suggest a new term to it. Most researchers on ethnicity have located their own work conceptually in either the primordial perspective or the circumstantial perspective. However, the dichotomy has been overdrawn. At an analytical level, one the one hand, the synthesis of these two approaches has been emphasized. Ethnic groups form, persist and are related to the wider society because of many factors; some factors derive from cultural heritage and others are of a situational or circumstantial nature. On the other hand, a large number of empirical studies have demonstrated that an ethnic group can be understood in terms of both the primordial dimension and the circumstantial context. In short, any theory or empirical study of ethnicity should take into account not just the instrumental functions of ethnicity in the pursuit of social interests, but also the cultural formulations and the shared sense of descent that people derive from their ethnic identities. Viewed in this way, ethnic expression changes and primordial ties of ethnicity can be transformed into rational and instrumental interests. I also maintain that an ethnic group should be understood in terms of both the expressive dimension and the instrumental aspect, and both aspects should be understood in dialectical relationship with one another. In this paper, I suggest the term ‘mediating reference point’ to help overcome the theoretical limitations of the primordial-circumstantial dichotomy and to provide a richer interpretation of ethnicity. In my view, ethnicity, which mediates between diverse human relations and between different values and norms, is expressed and utilized differently at both the individual and collective levels, whether it influences the life process of ethnic groups either positively or negatively.

보문 : 현대 패션에 나타난 에스닉(Ethnic) 특성 분석에 관한 연구 -2005년 S/S부터 2010년 F/W까지 파리,밀라노 컬렉션을 중심으로-

김영삼 ( Young Sam Kim ) 한국의류학회 2010 한국의류학회지 Vol.34 No.11

Ethnical tendency follows the current political, economical, and cultural influence eastwards, highlighting films, architecture and interiors as well as fashion. With this tendency, the ethnic outfits are expressed by various styles. This study analyzes the features of current ethnic styles with 1,535 ethnic image pieces from 2005 S/S to 2010 F/W of Pret-a-Porte in Paris and Milan. First, ``ethnic`` is to refer to the distinct features of an ethnic group or a country. ``Ethnic look`` refers to the adaptation or re-arrangement of various ethnic group`s traditional costumes, dying, textile, patterns, color, silhouettes, and accessories. Second, the most popular ethnics in the modem fashion is the African style, followed by India, Japan, China, and Latin America in both collections. Third, the proportion of ethnics decreased, 2005 (14.9%), 2006 (12.8%) and 2007 (8.2%). In 2008 the proportion increased again. 2010 (27.3%) and compared 2010 to 2007, it increased by 20%. By season, S/S had 1.4 times more ethnic styles than F/W with the prevalence of African and Indian styles. Fourth, as of 2005, the ethnic style became colorful and went through changes to combine various images. This is from the polycentric tendency of co-existing various styles with a prevalence of low tone and various colors. It also shows warm colors in front to show a sense of nature.

에티오피아의 종족 연방주의와 종족 갈등

설병수(Seol, Byung-Soo) 한국아프리카학회 2014 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.43 No.-

The purpose of this article is to examine ethnic federalism in Ethiopia and ethnic conflicts. More concretely, the present paper explores the historical development of ethnic federalism and the ethnic conflicts under it, after reviewing its bases such as ethnic and religious diversity, linguistic pluralism and administrative autonomy. Modernization of Ethiopia was begun by Emperor Menelik Ⅱ who expanded its territory to the south in the late 19th century. Both Menelik Ⅱ and Haile Selassie Ⅰ forced other ethnic groups to adopt the dominant culture of the Amhara. The military government, came to power in 1991, did not properly deal with the ethnic right to self-determination and rather made worse the issue by depending on extreme violence. It was in 1991 when the Tigray People’s Liberation Front-led Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front came to power. The new government adopted ethnic federalism to manage linguistic and cultural diversity and to resolve ethnic conflicts. Ethnic federalism in Ethiopia is based on ethnic and religious diversity, linguistic pluralism and administrative autonomy. Concerned with ethnic federalism under the democratic government, there have been two contrary views. Some scholars argue that ethnic federalism has been comparatively successful because unlike the past days, large scale civil wars or ethnic movements are little found nowadays. However, others contend that ethnic federalism has not been worked because ethnic conflicts or struggles are still happening frequently. The reasons why ethnic conflicts have continuously occurred under ethnic federalism can be explained by the following five factors. First, ethnic-based federalism instigates competition among ethnic groups over land (territory), ethnic identity, political power and administrative dominance. Second, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front-led Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front government has an inherent limitation which can bring out inequalities in carrying out diverse state policies related to ethnic groups. Third, even though ethnic federalism recognizes cultural and linguistic rights, the federal government does not take responsibility for the ethnic conflicts at the local level. Fourth, there are the imbalances of power and sources between the federal and regional governments. Finally, there are the diverse imbalances among different regional states as well.

민족, 종족, 디아스포라의 자아의식

김게르만 ( Kim German ) 배재대학교 한국-시베리아센터 2012 한국시베리아연구 Vol.16 No.1

최근 디아스포라에 대해 집중된 관심에는 몇 가지 이유가 있다. 첫번째는 개념의 본질 자체가 바뀌었다는 것이다. 두 번째는 디아스포라 연구의 현실성은 시공간적 범주에서의 전면적인 연구를 필요로 한다. 세 번째는 디아스포라는 국가의 대내, 대외정치간 일관되는 국제관계에서의 주체와 대내정치의 객체가 되었으며, 이로 인해 현재 정치학에서는 국제관계에 디아스포라 영향의 문제 연구들은 특히 큰 관심을 보이고 있다. 마지막으로 디아스포라 패러다임은 체코슬로바키아, 유고슬로비아, 구소련의 몰락과 동방연합의 붕괴 후, 단일국가의 이전 시민들의 수천만 사람들이 급격히 디아스포라의 상황에 놓이게 되었을 때 고유한 음성을 만들어 내었다. 이에 대한 디아스포라 문제에 관한 현재의 연구 그룹은 다음과 같이 분류된다: 첫 번째 그룹은 ‘디아스포라’ 연구들을 위해서 현재 기초를 이루고 있는 이론적이고 방법론적인 설계의 어려움들이다. 두 번째 그룹은 특정한 종족-사회적 현상과 같은, 디아스포라의 구체적인 특수성과 다양한 관점들의 연구들이다. 세 번째 그룹은 지금보다 더 큰 관심을 끈 다양한 원인의 결과 중에 종족 디아스포라의 기능의 종족문화적, 사회-경제적, 법률적이고 국제적인 관점들의 연구들이다. 네 번째 경향은 국외에서의 러시아 디아스포라 문제에 관한 연구들이다. 디아스포라의 종족적 자아의식 특징들의 의미와 역할은 역사적-정치적인 상황과 종족적 환경의 특성과 강화에 따라 변화한다. 오랜 역사 동안 종족적 특징들의 구성에서 디아스포라의 본질이 의식, 관습과 전통으로 바뀌었다는 주장은 어느 정도 연역적이며, 이러한 연역법은 그 주장의 사실을 포함하고 있다. 실제로 오랜 민족명절에 디아스포라인들은 다른 이들과 완전히 구별되고 다르다고 느끼고 있다. 선구 이주자들을 시작으로 그 다음 세대를 확인하는 핵심과 같은 디아스포라 이념은 디아스포라 자아의식의 중요한 위치를 차지한다. 이 이념을 기초로 자신의 역사적인 운명의 특별함이 인식된다; 모친의 종족과 다른 나라에 있는 그 일부들과의 유사점과 차이점; 역사적 모국과의 관계 수단의 성립과 유지의 필요성; 거주국의 내부 디아스포라의 강화와 종족 간 통합 지향. 수용국가에 뿌리를 내린, 동요된 이주 종족 집단과는 달리, 디아스포라는 그들의 삶과 후손들의 삶이 새로운 모국과 관계를 갖는다는 것을 인식하고 있다. The concept of “diaspora” has changed, there are now new criteria according to which we relate to diasporas and other groups of people forming a community, though this may not be solely based on the notion of homogenous ethnic origin. The last decade has seen a drastic broadening of political, socio- economic and ethno-cultural problems, all of which include a key definition of “diaspora”. Diaspora self-consciousness is often mixed with the ethnic and the national, yet does not coincide with them completely and also does not find itself in the relationship between the part and the whole due to the various social lives of its bearers - the nation and ethnic group. This kind of blend and overlap in understanding, however, can be attributed to that fact that all three communities of people, differing in many respects from each other, share with each other the core of “ethnicity.” Ethnic self-consciousness, on the other hand, is a stable system of conscious perceptions and assessments of actual ethno-differentiating and ethno-integrating signs of ethnicity. That is, the understanding of ethnic consciousness is voluminous and multi-faceted and is reflected in the various manifestations of life of an ethnos. The most significant and peculiar of ethnic characteristics include ethnonym (self), the origin and historical background of the members of an ethnos, ethnicity, territory, language, religion, culture and the economy, all representing the elements of various subsystems and spheres of ethnic culture. Furthermore, culture and ethnicity is represented in the media as anthropological and psychological reflective of the members of an ethnic group. National consciousness, as is known, presents a reflection of being a nation, its place and role in the life of society, its relationship to other national communities. National consciousness develops in parallel with the formation of national life. Long-term residence in another country transforms the generation of immigrants into a subethnos, a Diaspora, a splinter broken away from the main ethnic core, with a culture, lifestyle and language that differs from the original. The representatives of this kind of subethnos (Diaspora) usually have dual ethnic identity, with a consciousness of belonging to the larger ethnos, and a consciousness of belonging to the Diaspora. One of the keys to understanding the essence of Diaspora consciousness is understanding that the Diaspora does not generate Diaspora consciousness, but that, on the contrary, Diaspora consciousness creates the Diaspora. The genesis of the Diaspora, on the whole, is objective, but to argue that the processes of Diaspora formation have ended is possible only with the formation of Diaspora consciousness.

다문화사회 토론토의 다양한 민족경관

류주현 ( Ju-hyun Ryu ) 한국사진지리학회 2016 한국사진지리학회지 Vol.26 No.2

토론토는 다문화 역사적 배경을 기반으로 다양한 민족경관들이 공존하고 있다. 본 연구는 다문화주의를 정책에 도입한 최초 도시인 토론토를 사례로 하여, 지역상인과 시 정부 간의 협업기구인 에스닉 BIA(BusinessImprove Area) 개념을 통해 ``민족성``을 전면에 내세워 상업지구 활성화를 꾀하고자 하는 8개 BIA의 특징적 민족경관을 살펴보고자 한다. 따라서 에스닉 BIAs의 독특한 특징들이 무엇이며, 이를 어떻게 도시 문화자산으로 사용하는지를 다루고 있다. 결론적으로 에스닉 BIAs의 세 가지 역할을 수행하고 있는데 첫째, 에스닉 자체의 육성을 위한 기능. 둘째 보다 광범위한 지역비즈니스 활성화를 위한 기능. 마지막으로 다양한 에스닉 타운 공존으로 인해 창조산업과 도시관광을 위한 환경조성을 이루고자 한다. 이처럼 토론토는 정책을 기반으로 한 다양한 민족경관의 조화로운 공존을 통해 가장 잠재력 있는 도시라고 생각한다 Multiple Ethnic Landscapes coexist with the historical background of Multiculturalism in Toronto. This article is a case study of Toronto to announce a multicultural policy for the first time. This article is purposed to introduce the concept ``Ethnic BIAs`` cooperating local businesses with city government, to investigate distinctive Ethnic Landscapes of 8 Toronto Ethnic BIAs. Therefore, this article mainly covers what are the cultural features of Ethnic BIAs and how to be sought as a cultural resource in a city. And as a result, I propose three kinds of Ethnic BIAs`` roles to improve business area through the ethnicity. First, Ethnic BIAs promote Ethnic town by priority. Second, Ethnic BIAs promote activation of businesses community including non-ethnic group. Finally, the creative industries and urban tourism are formed by foundation built on harmonious coexistence of multiple ethnic town landscapes. So I think Toronto is the most potential through the harmonious coexistence of multiple ethnic town landscapes.

에티오피아 종족성 정치의 성격: 에티오피아 반(反)정부 시위(2015∼2018년)의 요인과 동학을 중심으로

서지현 국립부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2024 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.8 No.1

In Ethiopia, a multi-ethnic country, ethnic politics have held an important place in its history. The People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front(EPRDF) regime, which ruled Ethiopia from 1991 to 2018, adopted ethnic federalism as a way to solve Ethiopia’s long-standing problem of ethnic conflict. However, the ethno-federalism of the EPRDF regime has led to the reinforcing of regionally-based ethnonationalism rather than the successful task of uniting a multi-ethnic nation-state. Thus, even after the EPRDF came to power, ethnic issues continued to be a source of conflict in Ethiopia. Against this backdrop, this study aims to understand the nature of ethnic politics in Ethiopia through the analysis of the causes and dynamics of the anti-government protests that unfolded in Ethiopia between 2015 and 2018. In order to secure the legitimacy of the political elite of the EPRDF in their rule, they advocated ethnic federalism and formed the “ethnisation of politics.” However, the EPRDF’s ethnic federalism was in fact implemented under a centralised political decision-making structure based on links between the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the region’s satellite parties, which led to a crisis of its legitimacy as the opposition demanded redress. Development projects were carried out to overcome the crisis of legitimacy of the ruling party that became visible during the 2005 general elections, but in the process of deepening the development projects, the centralised decision-making structure, which differs from nominal ethnic federalism, and the authoritarian control of the government has been strengthened, leading to widespread anti-government protests against the hegemony of the EPRDF regime. In the end, the EPRDF government’s instrumentalist use of ethnicity by the ruling elite, which sought to secure the legitimacy of its rule through the “ethnisation of politics,” proved to be limited in realising actual ethnic federalism, thus paving the way for anti-government protests through “politicisation of ethnicity.”

The Making of Ethnology and Ethnic Groups in Vietnam

( Yeon Sik Jeong ) 한국세계지역학회 2012 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.30 No.2

The mainstream view on Vietnam`s ethnic policies tends to emphasize the powerlessness of ethnic minorities vis-a-vis the state and supports the proposition that the mainland Southeast Asian countries have basically no difference in their approaches to ethnic minorities regardless of their differences in their political systems and ideologies. Ethnic minorities are invariably viewed as aliens inside to be subjugated and disciplined so as not to pose any threat to the nation-states. As a whole such a view cannot denied with ease, given the political circumstances under which multi-ethnic countries are placed. But it fails to see the potential differences in state approaches to ethnic minorities which may yield different policy outcomes. This article looks in depth and detail at the history of ethnography in Vietnam and dismantles it to show that it was structured by ideological and strategic needs so as to invent Vietnam`s own classification system. The Marxist and nationalist worldview played a significant role in rendering much weight on the survival of ethnicity. The strategic considerations led the ethnology to be responsive to the voices of minority groups. With these variables at play the Vietnamese ethnographers produced the final outcome, which enlists 54 official ethnic groups. As the highly unusual demographic changes of ethnic groups demonstrate, however, the classification contains a serious problem stemming from the very structure. Since ethnic consciousness may have an overriding effect on granting the status of ethnic groups, many minority groups have changed their identities within a short period of time. Another ramification related to ethnic policies is that minority groups have challenged the existing classification and keep demanding for changes in their status. Since the unification the ideological and strategic factors have gradually lost their effects and the new circumstances bred by reform policies seem to make it necessary to overhaul the Vietnamese ethnology. It remains to be seen if it is ready to be restructured in a way to lay a new ground for state approaches to ethnic minorities in Vietnam.

1. The Making of Ethnology and Ethnic Groups in Vietnam

정연식 한국세계지역학회 2012 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.30 No.2

The mainstream view on Vietnam’s ethnic policies tends to emphasize the powerlessness of ethnic minorities vis-à-vis the state and supports the proposition that the mainland Southeast Asian countries have basically no difference in their approaches to ethnic minorities regardless of their differences in their political systems and ideologies. Ethnic minorities are invariably viewed as aliens inside to be subjugated and disciplined so as not to pose any threat to the nation-states. As a whole such a view cannot denied with ease, given the political circumstances under which multi-ethnic countries are placed. But it fails to see the potential differences in state approaches to ethnic minorities which may yield different policy outcomes. This article looks in depth and detail at the history of ethnography in Vietnam and dismantles it to show that it was structured by ideological and strategic needs so as to invent Vietnam’s own classification system. The Marxist and nationalist worldview played a significant role in rendering much weight on the survival of ethnicity. The strategic considerations led the ethnology to be responsive to the voices of minority groups. With these variables at play the Vietnamese ethnographers produced the final outcome, which enlists 54 official ethnic groups. As the highly unusual demographic changes of ethnic groups demonstrate, however, the classification contains a serious problem stemming from the very structure. Since ethnic consciousness may have an overriding effect on granting the status of ethnic groups, many minority groups have changed their identities within a short period of time. Another ramification related to ethnic policies is that minority groups have challenged the existing classification and keep demanding for changes in their status. Since the unification the ideological and strategic factors have gradually lost their effects and the new circumstances bred by reform policies seem to make it necessary to overhaul the Vietnamese ethnology. It remains to be seen if it is ready to be restructured in a way to lay a new ground for state approaches to ethnic minorities in Vietnam.