조선시대 출토복식 중 포류(袍類)의 바대 연구

신경희,최연우 한국복식학회 2024 服飾 Vol.74 No.1

Ba-dae is a patch sewn on areas of clothing worn out from friction or force. Excavated clothing exhibits several types of Ba-dae, but few studies focus on Ba-dae. Therefore, this study analyzes the shapes of Ba-dae from excavated clothing, specifically traditional robes(袍類) from the Joseon Dynasty. It considers 1,062 items categorized as robes from 79 graves (56 men and 23 women) from the 1400s to the 1800s. Among the items were 101 Dan-ryeong (an official’s robe and women’s robe), 117 Jik-lyeong (men’s robes), 73 Dap-ho (men’s robes), 236 Cheol-lik (men’s robes), 60 Do-po (men’s robes), 44 Aek-jureum (men’s half-robes), 124 Jang-ot (men's and women’s robes), and 307 Chang-ui-type clothes (Dae-changui, Jung-chi-mak, and So-changui). Ba-dae is visible on 378 of these items. The analysis categorizes the Ba-dae according to its sewn location, the type of Ba-dae, and the details of its shape. Next, the study investigates the type of clothing to see the differences in the Ba-dae type, shape, and changes to the Ba-dae shape over time. The Ba-dae's types and changes are as follows: The 15th century used the So-yo type Ba-dae and square Ba-dae. The 16th and 17th centuries featured various types of Ba-dae: Hook type, star type, trapezoid type, So-yo type, and ellipse type. In the 18th and 19th centuries the Ba-dae become a simplified square. The trapezoid variant appears on items from the 16th century, and the star type on items from the 17th century.

환수된 대군주보와 개화기의 국새 어새 제도

박성호(Park Sungho) 국립고궁박물관 2020 古宮文化 Vol.- No.13

개화기에 접어들어 조선은 종래에 명·청을 상대로 유지해 온 사대事大에서 벗어나서 독자적인 주권국가로서 다른 나라와 대등한 국가 관계를 형성하고자 하였다. 이러한 변화는 국새國璽의 변화를 통해서도 확인된다. 2020년 재미교포의 기증을 통해 <대군주보大君主寶>가 국내로 돌아왔다. 이 논문에서는 선행연구를 통해 밝혀진 성과를 토대로 개화기에 제작된 ‘대군주보’의 성격을 규명하고자 하였다. 우선 1882년(고종 19)에 새로 제작한 ‘대군주보’, ‘대조선대군주보’, ‘대조선국대군주보’에 관한 문헌 기록과 1894년(고종 31) 및 1895년(고종 32)에 반포된 공문식을 살펴보았다. 이를 바탕으로 개화기에는 국새와 어새를 용도에 따라 구분하여 운용한 사실을 확인했다. 그리고 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원과 한국학중앙연구원 장서각에 소장된 개화기 고문서를 조사하여 ‘대군주보’, ‘대조선국대군주보’, ‘대조선국보’가 실제로 사용된 사례를 확인하였다. 그 결과 ‘대군주보’는 관원의 임명문서, 국내에 반포한 칙령, 왕에게 상주된 주본의 여백 등에 찍힌 사례를 확인했고, ‘대조선국대군주보’와 ‘대조선국보’는 각각 1887~1888년, 1894~1897년 사이에 외국으로 보낸 국서에 찍힌 사례를 확인하였다. 이를 통해 ‘대조선국대군주보’와 ‘대조선국보’는 타국과의 외교 관계에서 주고받는 국서에 ‘국새’로 사용되었고, ‘대군주보’는 고위 관원 임명문서와 국내에 반포된 법령 등의 문서에 ‘어새’로 사용되었다고 보았다. In the enlightenment period, the Joseon Dynasty aimed to form equal state relationships with other countries as an independent sovereign country after rejecting the suzerainty of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in the past. This transformation could be seen in the changes to the seal of state. In 2020, the Dae-gun-ju-bo was returned after a Korean-American’s donation to Korea. Based on the preceding researches, this thesis aimed to examine the nature of ‘Dae-gun-ju-bo’ produced in the Korean enlightenment period. First, this thesis examined the literature records about ‘Dae-gun-ju-bo’, ‘Dae-jo-seon-Dae-gun-ju-bo’, and ‘Dae-jo-seon-guk-dae-gun-ju-bo’ newly produced in 1882(the 19th year of King Gojong’s reign), and also the official document laws proclaimed in 1894(the 31st year of King Gojong’s reign) and 1895(the 32nd year of King Gojong’s reign). Based on this, this thesis verified that the seal of state and the seal of the king were separately applied depending on their use in the Korean enlightenment period. Through researching the ancient documents in the Korean enlightenment period, kept by Kyu janggak Institute of Korean Studies in Seoul National University, and Jangseogak Archives in the Academy of Korean Studies, this thesis verified the cases in which Dae-gun-ju-bo, Dae-jo-seon-guk-Dae-gun-ju-bo, and Dae-jo-seon-guk-bo were actually used. Conclusive evidence is provided in this thesis with verified cases of stamping Dae-gun-ju-bo on the appointment documents for government officials, imperial orders proclaimed within Korea, and the margin of letters presented to the king, and also the cases of stamping Dae-jo-seon-guk-Dae-gun-ju-bo and Dae-jo-seon-guk-bo on the credentials sent to foreign countries in 1887~1888, and in 1894~1897 respectively. Through this, Dae-jo-seon-guk-Dae-gun-ju-bo and Dae-jo-seon-guk-bo were used as ‘the seal of state’ for credentials in diplomatic relations with other countries, and Dae-gun-ju-bo was used as the seal of the king for documents such as appointment documents for high-ranking government officials and ordinances proclaimed in Korea.

대한제국기 진위대 증설의 재정적 영향

김기성(Kim, Ki-Sung) 한국역사연구회 2013 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.90

The Dae’han Empire(大韓帝國) was faced with diplomatic conflicts affected by the Quelling War of the Yihetuan Movement(義和團運動) after 1899. To make it worse, the Dae’han Empire’s internal security was endangered after a series of severe bandit(火賊) attacks. As a way of trying to find a solution to domestic and foreign problems, the Dae’han imperial government pushed forward with organizing additional troops of Jinwi-dae(鎭衛隊), rather than the Central armies(中央軍). The rapid expansion of Jin’wi-dae(鎭衛隊) forced the government to implement increased military spending. The percentage of total military budget soared to about a third of the entire governmental spending. The largest part of the increased defence budget was because of Jin’wi-dae(鎭衛隊), used in expenditure on salary, food and clothing for Jin’wi-dae(鎭衛隊)-affiliated soldiers. The Financial Department(度支部) issued an order named “Oe-hwek(外劃),” which meant the central government devolved(delegated) tax-raising powers to the authorities of Jinwi-dae(鎭衛隊). This devolution to Jin’wi-dae(鎭衛隊) caused nation-wide chaos, like encouraging regional authorities(郡) to evade payment of taxes. In some cases, the conflicts between the regional authorities(郡) and Jin’wi-dae(鎭衛隊) led to illegal collection of taxes through military forces. Such unstable situations in the regions forced the Financial Department to employ a new policy named “Yeongjeong-gun(永定郡),” which meant designating some regions for alloted taxation for the Jin’wi-dae(鎭衛隊). However, this new system led to more confusion, like outbreaks of widespread looting by the Jin’wi-dae(鎭衛隊)-affiliated soldiers. In the end, despite all these measures the taxation system for Jin’wi-dae(鎭衛隊) never returned to normal until the fall of the Dae han Empire. The government failed to respond more effectively to running new forces. With the expedient measures of the Financial Department(度支部), which resulted in unexpectable interferences by the military, the vulnerable financial system of the Dae’han empire became even worse.

고려시대 臺工의 結構방식에 관한 硏究

柳成龍,朱南哲 대한건축학회 2003 대한건축학회논문집 Vol.19 No.6

We know that Dae-gong has two major functions. One function is to transfer weight of roof to the beam while the other is to play a role fix the highest purlin in order not to bread away move off. It is easy to mention the definition and function of Dae-gong, but it is hard to decide the sort of Dae-gong. Because the sort of Dae-gong is different according to one's viewpoint. That is variable sorts of Dae-gong makes easy to classify Dae-gong to into orders, but makes hard to look at Dae-gong coherently in the current of the times. Therefore it is necessary that we set a new standard is not put emphasis on the shape of board, but on unchanging attribute of assembly. In this study, the new standard is construction method. Because Dae-gong is composed of several constituent element. In construction, there is several basic principles on the construction method of Dae-gong in Korea Dynasty period building. ① There are always So-seul-jae in Dae-gong. ② Po-dae-gong is more than 3 layer, if Po-dae-gong should have chum-cha.③ There are 2 types timber elements towerd Bo(Beam) under So-seul-jae. ④ On the 1st layer of Dae-gong is placed only timber element towerd Bo(beam). ⑤ In the basis of Dae-gong of Korea Dynasty period, the Timber toward-Dori(purlin) and the Timber toward-Bo(beam) have the each shape of Receiving board(凹) and the Covering board(凸). Also these two boards are exactly adjusted with the shape crossed, facing one to one(1:1). These timbers are put together one after another. Between the upper-timber and the down-timber, the chink lies due to Ne-gal-so-ro.

맥락으로 본 황금대(黃金臺) 기사의 주제 의식과 그 의미

박수밀 ( Su Mil Park ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2012 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.52 No.-

본고는 연암의 황금대 관련 기사를 구성하는 외부 맥락에 주목하여 「황금대」와 「황금대기」의 주제의식을 살펴보고 그 의미에 대해 생각해 본 것이다. 먼저는 황금대의 관습성과 장소 신화에 대해 살폈다. 황금대는 유교적 치도(治道)와 복수설치(復讐雪恥)를 실현한 상징적 공간이었다. 황금대 앞에서 후례초현(厚禮招賢)의 임금을 기리거나, 인재가 사라진 현재를 쓸쓸해하거나, 자신을 알아주지 못하는 현실을 슬퍼하는 행위는 조선조 전후기 내내 상투적으로 지속되었다. 황금대는 일종의 성지 순례지의 성격을 갖고 있었으며, 통치 세력의 입장에서는 통치 질서를 유지시키는 기능을 했다. 그런데 연암은 황금대는 없으며 허울좋은 명칭에 불과하다고 한다. 황금대의 역사적 전개를 이해하고 황금대에 대한 인식을 들여다보면, 연암은 장소 신화가 되어버린 황금대의 무장소성을 조롱하고 있었다. 두 번째는 ``노이점``이란 인물의 상징과 소중화주의에 대해 살폈다. 「황금대」를 이끌어가는 중심인물인 노이점은 북벌(北伐)에 집착해 중국[淸]이라면 무조건 배척하고 중화(中華)의 것이라면 무조건 숭배하는 완고한 소중화주의자들을 대표했다. 황금대는 무너지고 그 실체마저 사라져 버렸건만, 노이점은 현재의 실상을 짐짓 외면하고 기를 쓰며 과거의 황금대를 찾아 헤맸다. 연암은 노이점을 내세워 과거의 도그마에 사로잡혀 현재의 실체를 인정하지 못하는 완고한 북벌론자들을 은근히 조롱하였다. 셋째, 황금대의 상징과 복수설치의 허상에 대해 살펴보았다. 연암은 황금대를 둔 목적이 복수설치(復讐雪恥)라고 보았다. 연암은 황금은 인간의 욕망을 채우기 위한 복수의 도구일 뿐임을 증명함으로써 황금대의 신성성을 파괴하였다. 「황금대기」는 겉으로는 황금에 대한 욕망이 불행한 결과들을 낳았으니 재물을 조심해야 한다는, 지극히 교훈적인 주제를 이야기하였다. 그렇지만 이면에서는 조선 사회가 그토록 숭앙해마지 않는 황금대의 실체를 폭로하려는 의도를 담고 있었다. 연암에 의해 황금은 복수의 도구가 되었고, 이는 역사적 맥락 속에서 당시 북벌론자들의 복수설치(復讐雪恥)와 연결되었다. 그리하여 황금의 허망함은 곧 황금대의 숭고성을 퇴색시켰고, 이는 기를 쓰고 황금대를 찾아가 연 소왕을 기리며 지금의 강대국 청나라에 복수할 것을 다짐하는 북벌론자들의 허구성을 꼬집는 데로 나아갔다. 「황금대」, 「황금대기」는 당시 가장 강력한 지배 이념이었던 북벌과 소중화주의의 허상을 은근히 비꼬고 있다는 점에서 문제적 작품이라 하겠다. This study is to find out the subject consciousness of ``Hwang-Keum-Dae-Kee`` in terms of external context containing the articles about it and to consider its meaning. Firstly, the customs and place mythology are researched in it. Hwang Keam Dae is the symbolic space of realizing the politics of Confucianism and Bok Soo Seol Ch`ee. There are typical activities, through the whole beginning and later of Chosun dynasty, of reminding the kings of who were incomparably greater than before of regretting for the lack of the intellectual, of sorrowful mind for the reality not to recognize oneself. Hwang Keum Dae is a kind of holy place, functioning as a tool of keeping the ruling political power for ruling authorities. However, Yeon Am claimed that there was no Hwang Keum Dae and it was just a nominal name. According to him, in deeply reviewing the historical process of Hwang Keum Dae and the appreciation of it, he ridiculed the lack of place in real of Hwang Keum Dae just as a place mythology. Secondly, the symbolic person of ``No Lee Jeom`` and ``Little Sinocentrism`` are reviewed. The key man leading ``Hwang-Keum-Dae``, No Lee Jeom, seems to be very cling to conquer the north, so at any reasons he neglects China(Ch`ong dynasty) and respects Middle Kingdom (Myoung dynasty) as a symbolic person of ``Little Sinocentrism``. Hwang Keum Dae was destroyed and disappeared, but No Lee Jeom did not look at the reality, only searching for the past golden ages. Yeon Am, through No Lee Jeom, looked down on the people who claimed conquering the north, having no appreciation of the reality because of their strong past dogmatism. Thirdly, the symbol of Hwang Keum Dae and the illusion of Bok Soo Seol Ch`ee are revealed. Yeon Am claimed that the purpose of Hwang Keum Dae is Bok Soo Seol Ch`ee. According to him, the gold (Hwang Keum) is just a tool to fulfill human desire, so he destroyed the holiness of Hwang Keum Dae. ``Hwang-Keum-Dae-Kee`` appealed the cautionary tale that human desire for the gold (Hwang Keum) causes the tragedy, so people have to be careful of it. However, inside there is revealed the hidden intention to expose the reality of Hwang Keum Dae to be highly respected by the society of Chosun dynasty. By Yoen Am, Hwang Keum became a tool for vengeance, so in the historical context, it was connected with Bok Soo Seol Ch`ee of the people claiming to conquer the north. Therefore, the emptiness of Hwang Keum made the holiness of Hwang Keum Dae faded, and it led the point of criticizing the emptiness of people claiming to conquer the north who eagerly sought for Hwang Keum Dae, missing king So of Yoen dynasty, intending to revenge the current strong Ch`ong dynasty. ``Hwang Keum Dae Kee`` is a problematic work of criticizing the emptiness of conquering the north and little sinocentrism ruling over those times.

滅亡 이후 大加耶 遺民의 向方

李炯基(Lee, Hyung-ki) 한국상고사학회 2002 한국상고사학보 Vol.38 No.-

대가야는 고령지역을 중심으로 서서히 발전하다가 5세기이래 급격한 성장을 이루었지만, 6세기 중엽 신라에 의해 멸망당하였다. 대가야의 멸망은 곧 가야사회가 역사의 저편으로 사라졌다는 의미를 지닌다고 하겠다. 가야는 잘 알다시피 여러 정치세력으로 나뉘어져 있었고, 멸망과정도 각기 달랐던 것으로 기록되어 있다. 금관가야처럼 신라에 투항하는 경우도 있었고, 기록에 남아있지 않아 그 멸망과정을 전혀 확인할 수 없는 경우도 있다. 또한 신라에 투항한 금관가야의 후손들은 신라의 정권 깊숙이 진출하여 그들 나름대로 기득권을 유지하였음을 기록을 통해 알 수 있다. 그런데 대가야의 경우는 신라에 의해 멸망당하였다는 기록만 남아있을 뿐, 그 이후의 모습에 대해서는 전혀 알 수 없는 실정이다. 중국에 사신을 보내어 작호를 받을 정도로 성장하였던 대가야의 위상에 비추어본다면 쉽게 이해되지 않을 부분이다. 본고는 이러한 의문에서 출발하였다. 대가야가 멸망한 이후, 과연 어떠한 모습으로 대가야가 해체되었는지를 검토해 보고자 하는 것이 이 글의 목적이었다. 6세기 중엽 대가야를 둘러싼 정세와 대가야의 멸망, 추암동고분군을 통해서 멸망 이후의 대가야의 모습에 대해서 간단하게 살펴보았다. 6세기 중엽 대가야는 다른 가야세력과는 달리 끝까지 신라에 저항하였다. 이러한 저항은 결국 신라인들에게 반란을 일으켰다는 인식을 주게 되고, 기왕의 신라인들이 반란세력들에게 가하는 徙民을 당하게 되었다. 이는 동해 추암동 가지구고분군에서 출토되는 다양한 대가야계통의 토기들로서 살펴볼 수 있었다. 특히 형태는 대가야계통의 것이지만 현지에서 제작된 것으로 보여 지는 개배의 존재는 이러한 추정을 더욱 가능하게 하였다. Dae-gaya grew in the Goryeong area, and prospered in the 5th Century. It collapsed in the middle of the 6th Century upon the attack of the Shilla. The fall of Dae-gaya sounded the end of the Gaya society and culture. As you already may know, Gaya was divided into numerous political faction, and each Gaya state collapsed in a different manner. Geumgwan-gaya surrendered to Shilla, whereas there are Gaya states whose history and final days are not documented and therefore cannot be known. The descendants of Geumgwan-gaya later made inroads into the Shilla political society, and maintained their vested rights. But in the case of Dae-gaya, historical documents only tell us that Dae-gaya collapsed upon the attack of Shilla. Records do not tell us what happened to the descendants of Dae-gaya. Dae-gaya was a state that had great prestige, and even sent envoys to China who received 'Bogook-janggun Bongukwang' from the Nam-je Chinese Empire. Considering the prestige Dae-gaya possessed, it is odd that there are no such records. This question is at the core of this study. This study attempts to examine how the Dae-gaya society dissolved after collapsing. A concise examination is performed on the situation Dae-gaya faced in the 6th Century. Through the Chu-am-dong burial mounds, an attempt is made to discover how the Dae-gaya society dissolved. Dae-gaya, unlike the other Gaya states, fought to the end with Shilla. This struggle left a rebel image in the minds of Shilla people. For this, many of the Dae-gaya refugees were sent in exile in retaliation. This can be observed through the earthenware that has been discovered at the Chu-am-dong burial mounds site. The gae-bae, which seems to have been made in the Chu-am-dong area, resembles other artifacts of the Dae-gaya culture. The discovery of such an artifact supports this hypothesis.

강신표 교수의 ‘대대(對待)문화문법’에 대한 비판적 검토

우실하 한국문화사회학회 2007 문화와 사회 Vol.2 No.-

At a meeting of the 〈2005 Sociological Conference for The Korean Sociological Association〉, Prof. Kang Shin-pyo critically reviews my understanding about his ‘The ‘Dae-dae(待對) Cultural Grammar’. This paper is prepared as an answer to his comment. Prof. Kang Shin-pyo examines Korean traditional culture in terms of ‘The Dae-dae cultural grammar’. ‘The Dae-dae cultural grammar’ originated from ancient Chinese socio-cultural traditions. The core of the grammar consist of categorical thinking of yin(陰) and yang(陽). Prof. Kang Shin-pyo suggested ‘The Dae-dae cultural grammar’ as ‘The Cultural grammar of Korean Traditionl Culture’. In this paper, I critically review ‘The Dae-dae(待對) Cultural Grammar’ of Kang Shin-pyo. In many papers and books, I suggested ‘The World view of Trichotomy’ that is spreaded out 1-3-9-81. ‘The World view of Trichotomy’ is unique in North-east Asian Shamanism. The Holy numbers 3, 9 and 81 in North-east Asian Shamanism are already seen in the Neolithic Age ‘Hong-san(紅山) culture’ in North-east Asia. So, I suggest that ‘The World view of Trichotomy’ is ‘the mother’s womb’ of North-east Asian culture and philosophy. ‘The World view of Trichotomy’ and the Holy numbers(3ㆍ9ㆍ81) are also seen in Korean Taoism and Ethnic religions of Korea. I accept ‘The Dae-dae cultural grammar’ as a ‘Cultural grammar of East Asian Traditional Culture’. But I think, that is an just one element of ‘The Cultural grammar of Korean Traditional Culture’. In many papers and books, I suggest ‘The World view of Trichotomy’ as the core element of "The Cultural grammar of Korean Traditional Culture". It origins in the north-eastern Shamanism. I accept the concept of ‘The Dae-dae cultural grammar’ as one element of "The Cultural grammar of Korean Traditional Culture". But it is not enough. Finally, I think that my concept of "The World view of Trichotomy" will escalates his argument. 2005년도 한국사회학회 전기학술대회 동양사회사상분과(충남대학 2005. 6. 17)에서 강신표 교수는 필자를 직접 지목하면서 「‘대대(對待)문화문법’에 관한 이해와 오해(1)」라는 글을 발표하였다. 이 글은 강신표 교수의 글에 대한 답변이다. 강신표 교수는 중국에서 기원한 음양적 이분법에 입각한 ‘대대문화문법’이라는 개념을 통해서 한국 전통문화를 탐구하고 있다. ‘대대문화문법’은 고대 중국의 사회-문화적 전통에서 기원한 것으로, 음(陰)과 양(陽)이라는 이분법적인 범주적 사고로 구성되어 있다. 강신표 교수는 ‘대대문화문법’을 한국 전통문화의 ‘문화적 문법’으로 제시하고 있다. 이글에서 필자는 강신표의 ‘대대문화문법’을 비판적으로 검토한다. 필자는 이미 여러 논문과 책을 통해서 ‘1-3-9-81’로 분화되는 ‘3수 분화의 세계관’을 북방 샤머니즘의 고유한 사유 체계로 제시한 바 있다. 3, 9, 81 등을 성수(聖數)로 삼는 ‘3수 분화의 세계관’은 만주 지역 요하 일대의 신석기시대인 홍산문화 만기(紅山文化 晩期: 기원전 3500~기원전 3000) 유적에서도 확인된다. 그래서 필자는 ‘3수 분화의 세계관’을 동북아시아 ‘모태(母胎) 문화’라 고 부른다. 이런 ‘3수 분화의 세계관’은 한국 전통문화의 기저에 흐르는 선도사상이나 민족 종교에서도 지속되고 있는 것이다. 필자는 강신표 교수의 ‘대대문하문법’을 ‘한국 전통문화의 문화적 문법’의 하나로 수용하다. 그러나 이것으로 충분한 것은 아니라고 본다. 결론적으로, 필자의 ‘3수 분화의 세계관’ 개념은 강신표 교수의 논지를 좀 더 발전적으로 확대하였다고 생각하고 있다.

〈소대성전〉 창작 원천의 역상성명학적 연구

김병권(Kim Byeong-Kweon) 한국문학회 2006 韓國文學論叢 Vol.44 No.-

  The name of Soh Dae-seong(蘇大成) was created in expectation of bringing glory to the royal ancestors. On the premise that Soh Dae-seong was named on purpose, this paper takes a look at the Tale of Soh Dae-seong( 蘇大成傳) from the perspective of the Yeoksang(易象) Onomastics based on the Book of Changes to shed light on the source of creation.<BR>  First, the gwae(卦) produced by the number of strokes in the name Soh Dae-seong in a Chinese character represents “ji-taek-im-gwae (地澤臨卦)” where the upper gwae is “ji”, the earth, and the lower gwae is “taek”, the pond, and the donghyo(動爻) is “sang-yuk(上六).”<BR>  Second, a person whose name is composed of “ji-taek-im-gwae” and “sang-yuk” is destined to be generous in serving the public and broad-minded. This type of person is called “dae-do-jeong-sa(大道正士),” which means a man with generosity and honesty. Soh Daeseong described in the Tale of Soh Dae-seong is very generous in helping poor people and dedicates himself to saving the people from the troubled times. His personality is organically related to the character of “dae-do-jeong-sa,” the interpretation of his name based on the Book of Changes, so the “dae-do-jeong-sa” personality can be seen as the source for creating the character of Soh Dae-seong.<BR>  Third, a man whose name is composed of “ji-taek-im-gwae” and “sang-yuk” tends to study hard and cultivate his mind, lend a helping hand to people in need, overcome difficulties with the help from the heaven and eventually succeed and earn a high reputation. This man practices the “i-ta-ja-ri(利他自利),” which means being altruistic and subsequently benefiting himself. Likewise, Soh Dae-seong in the Tale of Soh Dae-seong is immersed in studying and practicing, helps humble and poor people and saves the people from the distress of the war. In this process, he overcomes a series of crises and ordeals thanks to the help from the heaven and after coming to the throne of the Noh Kingdom, he governs well and the people respects him. These behaviors are organically connected to his name with the interpretation of the “i-ta-ja-ri” based on the Book of Changes, so the “i-ta-ja-ri” behaviors are the source of events described in the Tale of Soh Dae-seong.<BR>  Fourth, a person with the gwae of “ji-taek-im-gwae” and “sangyuk” is supposed to teach, embrace and protect the people. Tale of Soh Dae-seong is about the success and advancement of Soh Dae-seong, but behind the story is the “gyo-sa-bo-min(敎思保民)” enlightenment of providing knowledge and protection to the people. Therefore, the main subject of the Tale of Soh Dae-seong is that a man of virtue should practice the “gyo-sa-bo-min” by educating and protecting the people and this subject stems from the “gyo-sabo-min” enlightenment based on the interpretation of his name.<BR>  This study shows that characters, events and main subject of the Tale of Soh Dae-seong are organically related to the interpretation of his name based on the Yeoksang Onomastics. Therefore, the interpretation of the name Soh Dae-seong based on the Onomastics is presumed to be the source of creation in the Tale of Soh Dae-seong, which chronicles the life of Soh Dae-seong.

고려전기 문산계(文散階)의 실제 운영

이정훈(Lee Joung-hoon) 한국역사연구회 2010 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.76

Examined in this article is the Dae'bu class from the Munsan-gye hierarchy system. What kind of governmental positions usually harbored this Dae'bu class, and what was the relationship between those posts and this class in particular, are issues that are essentially explored here. Positions inside the government which harbored the Dae’bu class of the Munsan-gye hierarchy system included the Jae’shin ministers, the Chu'shin figures, the Sang’seo Jwa·Wu-Bog'ya officials, the Sang’seo Jwa·Wu-Seung officials, Sang'seo figures of the Six Ministries, Shi'rang figures of the Six Ministries, Jwa·Wu San’gi Sang’shi figures, Eosa Jungseung(Jungseung figure of the Eosa-dae office), and other officials such as Pan-Biseo-seong-sa, Pan-Ye’ bin-seong-sa, Pan-Wi’wi-sa, Pan-Sa’je-sa, Pan-Tae’bok-sa, Pan-Tae’eui-gam-sa, Pan-Hab’mun-sa, Pan-Jang’jak-gam-sa, Pan-So’bu-gam-sa, Bi’seo-gam, Jeon’junggam, Ye’bin-gyeong, Wi’wi-gyeong, Sa’jae-gyeong, Dae’bu-gyeong, Tae’bokgyeong, Sa’cheon-gam, Jang'jak-gam, So'bu-gam, Bi’seo-so’gam, Dae’sa- seong & Jwae’ju figures of the Gukja-gam university, Sa'in figure of Jungseo-seong, Sang-Jang’gun and Dae-Jang’gun generals of the Heung’wi-wi guard, Boseung Jang’gun general, Dae-Jang’gun general of the Geum’oh-wi guard, Seob-Jang’gun and Dae-Jang’gun generals of the Jwa·Wu-wi guards, etc. With the exception of few cases, most of the positions that harbored the ‘Dae’bu’ class were either ministers or vice ministers of the Three Secretariats(3省), the Six MInistries(6部), offices in the league of Shi/寺 and Gam/監 levels, and generals in charge of several military guards(衛). So, it would be safe to assume that the Dae'bu class of the Munsan-gye hierarchy system was a class that was harbored by governmental positions mentioned above. During the early half of the Goryeo dynasty, positions like Ji-Mun’haseong-sa, Jeongdang Mun’hak, all low-ranking Jae’shin and Chu'shin positions, were designated as posts that were to be manned by figures who have been attending other posts as well(“Gyeom’jik”). In other words, the posts that were manned as additional duties by low-ranking Jae’shin and Chu’shin figures were the posts that harbored the ‘Dae’bu’ class. So, the Jae'shin & Chu'shin figures, or figures who were eligible for such posts, usually assumed such class. For example, the Gwang’rok Dae'bu class was assumed by officials who were either eligible for the Chu'shin seat or demoted from such seat, while the Eun’cheong Gwang’rok Dae’bu class was assumed by Chu’shin figures and the Geum’ja Gwang'rok Dae'bu class was assumed by Jae’shin figures. Considering the fact that all Jae’shin and Chu’shin figures played important roles in the operation of the Goryeo government, we can say that the ‘Dae’bu’ class was assumed by governmental officials who had huge influences upon the general governance of Goryeo. In the early half of the Goryeo dynasty, posts that shared the same rank inside the government could harbor different classes of the Munsan-gye system. People who were assigned to the same post were not granted the same Munsan-gye class all the time. Even between people who served the same post could have different Munsan-gye classes during their service, as not only the nature of that particular post but also the course of promotion an individual official displayed in his career would differ among a variety of cases. They all differed in terms of their years of service and their achievements. So, the Munsan-gye class held by individuals who were manning the same post were bound to differ, and they also advanced to the next class in their new posts.

홍대용(洪大容)을 둘러싼 오해와 진실

崔植 ( Choi Sik ) 동방한문학회 2019 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.79

본고는 최근 홍대용을 둘러싼 몇 가지 문제를 중심으로 논의하였다. 첫째, 이덕무의 『선귤당농소』 사건이다. 이덕무는 『회성원집』과 「담원팔영」의 시문 창작에 참여하면서 홍대용과 교유가 처음으로 이루어진 듯하다. 실제로 「담원팔영」 이후 홍대용이 소장한 육비와 반정균의 서화에 글을 남기고, 또한 홍대용의 「乾坤一草亭題詠」에도 참여하기 때문이다. 이러한 사실은 이덕무 연보의 내용과도 부합한다. 따라서 이덕무의 『선귤당농소』 사건은 홍대용 관련 문헌을 면밀하게 검토하지 않으면, 이덕무에 대한 홍대용의 이중적 태도로 오해할 수 있는 내용이다. 둘째, 홍대용의 필담으로 『간정동회우록』·『간정필담』·『간정동필담』이 대상이다. 『간정동회우록』의 일부인 『간정록』 2가 학계에 소개된 이후로도 여전히 뜨거운 논쟁거리 가운데 하나이다. 『간정동필담』은 『담헌서』 이전에는 어디에도 그 흔적이 보이지 않고, 18세기 3대 연행록으로 불리는 『연행일기』·『담헌연기』·『열하일기』를 수록하여 널리 유통되고 전승된 『燕彙』에도 수록되지 않은 상황이다. 그런데 유득공의 『중주십일가시선』에는 홍대용이 귀국 후 『간정필담』 2권과 『회우록』 3권을 저술하여 집에 보관하고 있는 상황이 보인다. 이는 1777년 무렵에도 홍대용은 『간정동회우록』 3권을 수정하여 『간정필담』을 완성한 이후로도 『간정동회우록』 3권을 폐기하지 않고 보존한 셈이다. 따라서 홍대용의 필담 연구는 텍스트에 대한 보다 실증적인 작업이 필요한 시점이다. 셋째, 숭실대 한국기독교박물관 소장 홍대용 관련 문헌군이 학계에 알려지면서 새롭게 대두된 사안이다. 유일하게 필사기가 전하는 자료를 소개한 바, 바로 『간정후편』 2의 ‘戊子三月初三日始書. 乾淨後編.’이다. ‘戊子’를 언제로 확정하느냐가 상당한 관심사로, 무자년은 1768년이 아닌 60년 후에 해당하는 1828년이 타당할 듯하다. 이는 홍대용 집안에서 『을병연행록』을 필사한 정황과도 관련이 깊다. 홍대용 사후에 중국 문인들이 홍대용의 시문을 정리하여 보내고, 그 후손이 홍대용의 시문을 수집·정리하여 『간정후편』과 『간정부편』을 필사했다고 추측된다. 지금까지 학계는 『담헌서』를 기본 텍스트로 삼아 연구해 왔으나 『담헌서』는 원문의 오류나 누락된 작품이 적지 않고 체제와 편성이 매우 혼란스럽다. 정인보의 기록에 따르더라도 완벽한 텍스트라고 하기에는 상당히 미흡하다. 따라서 홍대용 관련 문헌군을 망라한 종합적이고 정밀한 텍스트 연구를 바탕으로 『담헌서』 정본을 마련하는 일이 시급하다. 이는 홍대용 연구의 일대전환점이자 새로운 출발을 의미한다. This article has discussed around a number of recent issues surrounding Hong Dae-yong. First, it is the 『Seongyuldangnongso』 incident of Lee Deok-moo. Lee Deok-moo participated in the poetry and literature writing of 『Hoeseongwonjip』 and 「Damwonpalyoung」 to have Hong Dae-yong and exchange to meet each other for the first time. In fact, after 「Damwonpalyoung」, he left writings on the yukbi that was kept by Hong Dae-yong and paintings and calligraphic works of Ban Jeong-gyun and further participated in 「Geongonilchojeongjeyoung」 of Hong Dae-yong. Such a fact is conforming to the contents of the Lee Deok-moo's annual report. Therefore, the 『Seongyuldangnongso』 incident of Lee Deok-moo would be the content that may mislead with the dual attitude of Hong Dae-yong on Lee Deok-moo unless the Hong Dae-yong related literatures are not closely reviewed. Second, 『Ganjeongdong-Pildam』, 『Ganjeong-Pildam』, and 『Ganjeongdong- Pildam』 are the subject of the written communication of Hong Dae-yong. As part of 『Ganjeongdong-Hoewurok』, since 『Ganjeong-rok』 2 was introduced to the academic circle, it is still one of the hottest issues of discussion. 『Ganjeongdong-Pildam』 did not have any traces anywhere before 『Damdeon-seo』, and it was not listed on 『Yeonhui』 that was broadly distributed and handed down as it listed 『Yeonhaeng-ilgi』, 『Damheon-yeongi』 and 『Yeolha-ilgi』 that were referred to as the 3 major Yeonhaeng-roks in the 18th century. However, in 『Jeungjusipilgasiseon』 of Yoo Deuk-gong, it showed the situation where Hong Dae-yong wrote 2 volumes of 『Ganjeong-Pildam』 and 3 volumes of 『Hoewu-rok』 and kept them at his residence upon his return to his country. It is attributable to the fact that, even during the time around 1777, Hong Dae-yong revised 3 volumes of 『Ganjeongdong-Hoewurok』 to complete 『Ganjeong-Pildam』 andhe kept those 3 volumes of 『Ganjeongdong-Hoewurok』 without disposing them. Accordingly, it is the time that the written communication study of Hong Dae-yong requires more empirical work than the text aspect. And third, with the literatures related to Hong Dae-yong that are kept in the Korea Christian Museum of Soongsil University are known in the academic circle, it is the newly emerged aspect. It introduced the only data to convey by a copier as it is the ‘Mujasamwolchosamilsiseo. geonjeonghupyeon.’ of 『Ganjeonghupyeon』2. Significant interests were generated as to when ‘Muja’ would be finalized and it would be reasonable to consider the Year of Muja was not 1768, but 60 years thereafter in 1828. This is profoundly related to the situation with the copy of 『Eulbyeongyeonhaeng-rok』 from the Hong Dae-yong family. After the passing of Hong Dae-yong, it is assumed that the literary men of China summarized the poetry and literature of Hong Dae-yong and his descendents collected and organized the poetry and literature of Hong Dae-yong to transcribe 『Ganjeong-hupyeon』 and 『Ganjeong-bupyeon』. Up to this time, the academic circle has been studies with 『Damdeon-seo』 as the basic text, but 『Damdeon-seo』 contained significant errors and omissions in the original context or works with extremely chaotic system and formation. Even in the record of Jung In-bo, it would be far insufficient to call as a complete text. Therefore, it is urgent to prepare the genuine copy of 『Damdeon-seo』 on the basis of comprehensive and sophisticated text research that encompasses the literatures related to Hong Dae-yong. This is to imply that it is a turning point of the Hong Dae-yong study as well as a new beginning.