South Korea’s Defense Posture against the North Korean Nuclear Threat : Dangerous Reluctance

HWEE-RHAK PARK 이화여자대학교 국제통상협력연구소 2015 Asian International Studies Review Vol.16 No.1

This paper examines South Korea’s defense preparedness against a possible North Korean nuclear attack. It applies three options of nuclear defense: preemptive attack against North Korean nuclear weapons and facilities, interception of airborne North Korean nuclear missiles, and civil defense to reduce casualties from a nuclear explosion. North Korea may have succeeded in developing about 10 nuclear weapons and making them small and light enough to be delivered by its ballistic missiles. It is imperative for South Korea to prepare defenses against a nuclear attack in the case its diplomatic efforts and deterrence measures fail. South Korea needs to be able to conduct a preemptive strike when a North Korean nuclear attack is imminent. It should also build up its ballistic missile defense systems in order to intercept any North Korean nuclear missiles that may survive a preemptive strike. Moreover, South Korea should prepare for its civil defense by constructing blast and/or fallout shelters to help more people survive a possible nuclear explosion.

한국 핵억제전략의 보완: 핵민방위(核民防衛)의 포함 여부를 중심으로

박휘락 세종연구소 2014 국가전략 Vol.20 No.3

One of the deterrence elements for South Korea against North Korean nuclear weapons is the nuclear civil defense. It helps the deterrence by demonstrating South Korea’s determination to retaliate if North Korea uses its nuclear weapons and its preparedness to minimize the possible damage by the nuclear attack. However, the feasibility of the nuclear civil defense in South Korea seems to be not high, even though the desirability of it is very high. South Korean people’s understanding on this nuclear civil defense is not sufficient enough to encourage the political leaders to discuss it. Especially, the National Assembly may not be able to pass the law, which is necessary to support the implementation of the nuclear civil defense,South Korean society should begin to discuss on the nuclear civil defense in order to encourage the administration and National Assembly to seriously consider the option. Military theorists need to conduct researches on the necessity, concept and examples of the foreign countries and implementation strategies of the nuclear civil defense in South Korea. They should try to expand the people’s understanding on this issue through heated discussions on it. At the same time, South Korean government should review the desirability and feasibility of transforming the current civil defense shelters, subway stations and underground spaces of the big building into public nuclear fall-out shelters. It can possibly provide a few incentives when individuals construct the shelters in their apartment buildings and homes. 북한 핵무기에 대한 한국 핵억제전략의 요소로서 한국에서 아직 논의되지 않고 있는 것은 핵폭발 시를 가정한 민방위(civil defense) 조치이다. 이것은 상대가 핵무기로 공격하더라도 피해를 입지않을 태세를 구비함으로써 상대방에게 핵전쟁도 불사하겠다는 의지를 과시하거나 공격해봐야 피해도 끼치지 못할 것이라는 점을 전달하여 상대방의 공격을 억제시킨다. 다만, 이를 소망성과 실행가능성 측면에서 분석해볼 때 한국의 현 상황에서 핵민방위의 실행가능성이 높은 것은 아니다. 이에 관한 국민들의 공감대가 약하고, 국민들을 불안하게 만들 사항을 적극적으로 추진할 정치인도 많지 않기 때문이다. 현재의 민방위 조직과 체제를 핵민방위로 확대할 수 있는 법적인 근거의 제정부터 쉽지 않다. 상황이 이러하기 때문에 한국은 핵민방위에 관한 토론부터 활성화할 필요가 있다. 군사전문가들을 중심으로 핵민방위의 필요성, 개념, 외국의 사례, 개략적인 방향 등을 연구하고, 그 시행 여부를 집중적으로 토론하며, 이로써 국민들의 이해도를 높여야할 것이다. 동시에 한국은 기존의 민방위 시설이나 지하철 및 대형 빌딩의 상가 등을 핵폭발 시를 대비한 공공대피소로 지정 및 보강해나가는 문제를 진지하게 검토하고, 아파트 단지나 가정별로 대피소로 구축할 수 있도록 필요한 방법을 지도하거나 인센티브를 제공하는 문제도 논의해 봐야할 것이다.

국방정책 2011회고와 2012추진 방향

전경만(Jeon Kyong-man) 한국전략문제연구소 2012 전략연구 Vol.54 No.-

한국이 2012년에 국방정책 과제를 선택하여 집행할 수 있는 여건이 그 전년도에 비해 결코 용이하지 않아 보인다. 대외적으로는 북한 김정은 정권이 체제 안정화와 개인적 지도력 강화를 위해 대남 도발과 위협을 적극 이용하고자 의도할 것으로 보이며, 주변국 정치지도부의 변동이 같은 해에 거의 모두 발생하는 매우 드문 상황을 맞게 되어 각국의 대외정책노선이 모색되는 과정에서 국제관계가 쉽게 경색될 수 있기 때문이다. 또한, 대내적으로는 총선과 대선이 7개월 간격으로 있게 되어 정치적 불안정이 있을 수 있고 동시에 복지정책이 확장되는 형국에서 국방부문이 직간접적으로 유리하지 않은 영향을 받을 수 있기 때문이다. 2011년도의 가장 중요한 국방정책 성과는 천안함 및 연평도 사건으로부터 얻은 교훈을 반영하여 국방개혁기본계획2011-2030을 완성했다는 점이다. 그러나 국회에서 개혁관련 법안이 처리되지 않아 핵심적인 국방개혁 사안이 집행되지 않고 있는 점이 아쉬울 뿐 아니라, 2012년도에 국방개혁 추동력이 위축되는 결과가 초래될 수 있을까 우려된다. 2012년에 추진되는 국방정책은 2011년의 추진과제에 부가해서 2012년 및 그 이후의 군사적 위협을 정밀하고 정확하게 평가하고 이에 대응하는 대책을 포함해야 할 것이다. 이런 시각에서, 2012년에 중점적으로 추진할 가치와 필요가 있는 국방정책 과제는 크게 네 구분으로 나누어 식별된다. 첫째, 대북관계에서는 대남 비대칭적 도발가능성을 억제하고 도발시에는 강력하게 응징하는 능력과 의사를 실행차원으로 구비해야 한다. 김정은 정권이 향후 어떤 방향으로 나아갈 것인가에 대해 짧아도 내년 상반기까지는 정보수집과 분석을 예민하게 유지해야 할 것이다. 둘째, 대외관계에서는 한미동맹을 최우선적인 안보수단으로 유지하고 그 차원에서 전작권 전환을 충실히 준비해야 한다. 동시에 적극적 억제전략 개념을 실행 가능하도록 구체화하고 그 구현 가능성을 재검토한다. 동시에 G2체제의 동북아 안보역학에 능동적으로 대응하는 의미에서 한중 군사협력을 질적으로 격상하도록 한다. 한미동맹과 한중 군사협력을 바탕으로 해서 장기적으로 동북아의 복합적 안보네트워크를 조성하도록 해야 할 것이다. 셋째, 대내관계에서는 민군관계를 보다 적극적이고 포괄적으로 발전시킴으로써 국방개혁계획을 효율적으로 추진할 수 있는 여건을 조성하는 한편, 향후 복지정국이 조성되면 국방부문이 받을 수 있는 재정상의 압박을 최소화해야 한다. 또한, 국내 연구개발 기반 강화와 방산수출도 민군협력을 질적으로 강화하는 차원에서 방안을 찾도록 한다. 군 인력관리와 정신전력 강화 문제도 사회발전 및 민군관계 발전 경향에 부응해 군간부의 전문성과 도덕성을 우선 강화하도록 한다. 넷째, 대국민관계에서는 상당히 실추된 신뢰를 최우선적으로 회복해서 국민의 지지를 조속히 회복하도록 해야 한다. 군이 국가안보를 위한 의지를 통해 군내 각종 비리와 안전사고를 과감하게 근절하는 장치를 내재화함으로써 정치민주화와 정보화 시대를 능동적으로 활용할 수 있어야 한다. 이상과 같은 2012년 국방정책 과제들을 중장기적으로 자주국방을 기획하는 개념에 입각해 추진하는 경우에 한국의 국방태세와 국가발전 동력 생성에 더 크게 기여할 것이다. Conditions for South Korea to select and implement its defense policy issues in 2012 look not much favored compared to the previous year. It might be due to not only North Korea’s yo북·중동맹g hereditary leader, Kim Jung-un’s intent to provoke or threaten the South in order to stabilize his regime and strengthen his own leadership, but also the particular stalemates in foreign relations possibly resulted from the almost simultaneous changes of political leadership in the neighboring countries. And domestically, political disputes regarding expansion of national welfare in both general and presidential elections with an interval of seven months could bring about some disadvantageous effect on the defense sector, directly or indirectly. A conspicuous outcome by the defense sector in 2011 was the 2011-2030 plan of defense reform, which was derived from the pile of lessons of the Cheonan and Yeonpyeong Incidents. It is a regret, however, that amendment of the laws supporting the reforms has not conducted in the Parliament and the key reform programs have not yet get started. It is a concern to be added that the enthusiasm for defense reforming would diminish in 2012 and thereafter. The issues of defense policy for 2012 need to cover the leftovers from 2011 policy lists and new alternatives against the military threats that are assessed precisely and correctly this year. Defense policies to carry out in 2012 are identified in four areas. First, both capabilities and willingness for deterring and punishing the North Korean asymmetric military provocations are to be armed with. Because it is uncertain whether the Kim’s regime will be stable and directive until the first half of 2013, it is worth to preserve a stronger system of intelligence gathering and analysis. Second, South Korea can prepare for the transfer of wartime operational control in line with the ROK-US ally relationship. But the concept of positive deterrence needs to be elaborated in terms of feasibility. ROK-China military cooperation needs to be promoted as well, considering the future G2 dynamism in Northeast Asia. This approach could lead South Korea to a complex security network in the region. Third, civil-military relations need to develop comprehensively up to the point of both the execution of the defense reform plan and the minimization of the pressure of welfare expanding policies on defense budgets. Not only defense R&D and exportation but also fighting spirit among the military can be improved as a mean to level up the civil-military relations, too. Fourth, the military can recover nation’s trust in priority, that was lost during the previous years. Wrong doings and safety accidents in the military should be stopped by setting some strict disciplines. Those above-mentioned policy issues, when implemented with a concept of long range self-reliant defense, will contribute definitely to defense posture and state development of South Korea.

Civil-Military Gap and Military Effectiveness: An Empirical Analysis on the Influence of Ideology and Military Experience Gap on Defense Spending in the United States

( Byeong Gu Lee ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2011 The Korean Journal of Security Affairs Vol.16 No.2

Previous studies of the civil-military gap have argued that the difference in values, perspectives, and opinions between civilians and the military matters because it determines military effectiveness. Empirical analyses of the civil-military gap, however, have been rare and due to the theoretical and methodological weaknesses of those studies it is difficult to draw a meaningful conclusion about the implications of the civil-military gap for military effectiveness. This study attempted to fill this void by examining the impact of ideology and the military experience gap on defense spending as an element of military effectiveness. Specifically, it tested if the ideological gap between the United States Congress and the military has any causal impact on defense spending level. It also examined whether the level of military experience in the United States Congress and Cabinet influences defense spending. Multivariate Ordinary Least Squares analyses were employed to estimate the coefficients. This study presents three major findings. First, the ideology and military experience gap did not have an independent effect on defense spending. Second, to the extent that ideology and the military experience gap exhibit a meaningful impact on defense spending, the results show they have interaction effects. Specifically, I found that the ideology gap has a positive interaction effect with Republican administrations. As for the military experience gap, this study found that it has an interaction effect with external threats. Third, contrary to conventional wisdom, the results indicate that Democratic administrations spend more on national defense than Republican administrations. In closing, this study calls for scholarly efforts to reevaluate our understanding of the implications of the civil-military gap.

전 방위 총력안보태세 확립 연구 - 민관군 통합방위체계 재정립 방안을 중심으로-

이윤규 ( Lee Yoon Gyu ) 미래군사학회 2016 한국군사학논총 Vol.5 No.2

All-round total security readiness comply with the changed security concept, and should be developed according to our security environment. The concept of security against the traditional military threat has been developed as a slogan of the independent national defense. But in the circumstances of globalization of 21st century, the concept of security has been remarkably changed and expanded from the traditional military threat to the military and non-military domains. This means the concept of traditional independent national defense could not guarantee us the national security. The newly emerging security threats such as cyber warfare, terrorism, GPS jamming, natural and social disaster, etc should be included in the integrated defense planning process. Furthermore the demand of civilian sector`s active participation to National Defense Organization which are mainly organized by the elements of national defence such as military, police and national agencies has been increasing. The detailed requirements are as follows. Firstly, the concept of integrated defense should be developed to response effectively newly emerging national security threats both wartime, peace time and military, non-military threats. Secondly, the condition of the declaration and the phase of integrated defense posture should be simplified to meet the comprehensive national security concept according to wartime and peace time. Thirdly, the defense system of the nationally and socially critical infrastructures should be effectively updated according to the expanded military, non-military threats and changing integrated defense environment as the integrated defense role. Fourthly, central administrative agencies need to construct all-round national security systems and to execute their missions with the local autonomous entity to enhance all-round natinoal security. And all issues should be legislated. Fifthly, for the quick reaction in the initial stage and prevention of terror which becomes internationally daily incidents, the integrated defense law and counter terrorism law should be updated to clear the any conflicts between agencies, and the road to seamless coordinations. Sixthly, national level of disasters such as the demage from typhoon, earthquake, infectious disease, environmental problem should be effectively resolved involving the national integrated defense elements timely. Lastly, Suggestions presented above should be reviewed through top-down and bottom-up process to avoid any conflicts and to implement the specified role by updating laws and systems. Additionally, north Korea`s aggression become increasing really as national security threats, and we have been experiencing the national level of natural and social disasters such as current Kyungjoo earthquake, typhoon "maemi" and Daegu metro explosion incident and Saewolho sinking incident, etc. Therefore, The requirements of newly developed concept for national security from military and non-military threats in wartime and peace time from individuals to national systems, and the critical issues of the integrated defense systems(civil, administrative and military) should be executed in timely manner.

중국의 방위산업기술기반에 관한 연구

김종열 한국동북아학회 2014 한국동북아논총 Vol.19 No.3

China has been pursuing a policy for the militarily strong nation and its military modernization. The defense technology and industrial base is the basic means for such policy. This article examines China's defense technology and industrial base. The Chinese government policies for the reform of defense industry, related organizational changes, defense industry structure, defense science and technology acquisition, and arms export are analyzed. The Chinese indigenous system for defense industry is the civil-military integration which is consolidation or combination of the two sectors, civilian producing companies and military arms producing companies. China established General Armament Department responsible for the defense acquisition, reorganized the defense companies into 10 public enterprises according to the producing items, and introduced a competitive market system. China imports civilian technologies through economic cooperation with the advanced countries and transfer those technologies to the defense sectors. The advanced technologies are from Israel, EU, and Russia. This transition of technologies is done easier under the civil-military integrated industrial structure. Upon this analysis China's defense technology and industrial base is expected to be the leading status. ROK would need to search for a defense industry cooperation with China. 중국의 군사 대국화와 중국군 현대화라는 국가전략을 구체적으로 구현하는 수단이라고 할 수 있는 중국의 방위산업기술기반에 대하여 분석하였다. 즉 중국의 방위산업 정책, 국가소유 방산업체의 구조와 기능, 첨단 국방과학기술의 획득 전략과 수준, 무기 수출 규모 등에 대한 실상을 규명하고자 하였다. 연구 결과, 중국은 자체의 고유한 방위산업기술기반을 구축하기 위하여 민간기업과 방산기업을 결합한 특유의 민군결합 구조를 갖추고 있다. 국가가 소유하고 있는 방산기업을 무기 생산 분야별로 10개 회사로 재정비하고, 방위산업 정책을 수립 추진하는 정부조직도 신설하여 자주적인 무기 획득체계를 유지하고 있다. 방산업체에 민간경영과 시장경쟁 시스템을 도입하고, 무기와 민수 상용품을 동시에 개발 생산하고 있다. 무기개발에 사용되는 국방과학기술의 진흥정책은 민군겸용기술 위주의 첨단 기술 확보에 중점을 두고 있다. 민군겸용기술 확보로 국가적인 차원에서 국가 경제발전과 더불어 방위산업을 발전시키려는 의도이다. 특히 기술 선진국과의 경제협력을 통하여 발달된 선진 상용기술을 들여와, 군사용인 국방과학기술로 이전하여 무기 연구개발에 활용하는 전략을 추진하고 있다, 민간기업과 방산업체가 결합되어 상호 구분이 되지 않는 구조에서 효과를 나타내고 있다. 또한 중국 자체의 고유한 무기개발 시스템은 낮은 성능과 저렴한 무기를 생산하지만 해외 수출 실적이 비약적으로 증가하고 있다. 중국 지도층의 정치적 의지와 지속적인 경제성장에 따른 국방비 증가, 그리고 중국 특유의 방위산업기술기반 구축으로 중국은 비교적 빠른 속도로 선진 방위산업국으로 진입할 것으로 예상된다. 중국은 미국이 주도하는 세계의 단극체제의 세계 방위산업 질서에 변화를 가져올 것이며, 이에 한국도 적절하게 대응하기 위해 한중간의 방산협력을 모색하여야 할 것이다.

남한과 북한의 지역방위체계 비교

김병욱 국방대학교 국가안전보장문제연구소 2012 국방연구 Vol.55 No.4

This study compared local defense systems of South and North Korea in the activity to guarantee the command, and human and physical demand to suggest a plan needed to strengthen South Korea's capacities for homeland security and defense. As a result of the study, there are some differences, strengths, and weaknesses in the management of the local defense system between South and North Korea. North Korea managed the regional defense system using a province as a local base, differently from South Korea's homeland defense system made by zone. South Korea reorganized a command structure of reserve forces to increase the command effectiveness of a local defense, but North Korea was interested in strengthening practical guidance to military programs. In the local defense, South Korea had strengthened homeland reserve divisions,while North Korea put stress on the self-reliant role of the civil defense forces. Compared with South Korea, North Korea was very interested in the overall management of the local defense system and residents's sense of national security was also high. But, it seemed that a demonstration effect might not be big because it was inefficiently managed under the coercive environment. This study suggested an improvement the role of government departments and local governments in the homeland defense system, the establishment of the reserve force management system by reserve forces, and the consolidation of residents' sense of homeland security and defense as measures to increase the capacities for homeland security and defense. 본 연구에서는 남한과 북한의 지역방위체계를 지휘 ․ 인적 ․ 물적 수요를 보장하기 위한활동에서 비교함으로써 남한의 향토방위능력을 강화하기 위한 방안을 제시하고자 했다. 연구결과, 남한과 북한의 지역방위체계 운영에서는 일련의 차이점과 장단점이 나타났다. 남한의 권역별에 따른 향토방위체계와 달리 북한은 도를 지역적 거점으로 지역자체방위체계를 운영하고 있다. 지역방위체계 운영에서 남한은 군과 관(官)의 기능적 역할변화에 관심을 두고 있는 반면, 북한은 체제적 특성에 상응하게 지역 당 군사위원회의역할을 중시하고 있다. 지역방위의 지휘효과를 높이는데서 남한은 예비군 지휘구조를개편하는데, 북한은 군사 실무적 지도를 강화하는데 관심을 두고 있다. 지역방위에서 남한은 향토사단을 강화해 나가는 반면, 북한은 민방위무력의 자립적 역할을 중시하고 있다. 남한에 비해 북한은 지역방위체계 운영전반에 대한 관심이 크고 주민들의 안보의식도 높으나 강압적인 환경이 지배하며 비효율적으로 운영되고 있어 전시효과가 크지 않을 것으로 보인다. 이러한 차이점과 장단점이 나타나게 되는 것은 지역방위체계 운영환경이 근본적으로 다른 데 있다. 즉 자주전력과 동맹전력하의 지역방위체계 운영, 과잉경제와 부족경제하의 지역방위체계 운영, 국가소유와 사적소유하의 지역방위체계 운영,상비군과 비상비군의 수평적 및 수직적 관계하의 지역방위체계 운영에 의한 것으로 설명할 수 있다. 본 연구에서는 향토방위능력을 높이기 위한 대책으로 정부부처와 지자체의 향토방위체계 내 역할 개선, 예비군에 의한 예비군 관리체계 확립, 향토방위에 대한 주민들의 안보의식 강화를 제시하고 있다.

국가의와 국방R&D의 연계·협력 강화방안 연구 : 기초원천기술의 국방핵심기술로의 연계를 중심으로

이병권(Byeung-Kweon Lee),문창희(Chang-Hee Moon),임재성(Jae-Sung Lim) 대구과학대학교 국방안보연구소 2021 사회융합연구 Vol.5 No.1

본 연구의 목적은 국방과학기술 역량 강화를 위한 ‘국가R&D-국방R&D’ 연계·협력, 즉 국가R&D를 통해 개발한 기초원천기술을 국방핵심기술로 연계하는 방안을 모색하는 것이다. 기술획득 환경 변화와 국가R&D, 국방R&D 현황 분석을 통해 우수한 국가R&D 역량을 활용하여 국방R&D의 한계를 극복하고, 국방기술 획득의 효율성과 효과성을 증진시키는 연계·협력 강화방안을 네 가지로 제시한다. ①기본적인 플랫폼으로 ‘가교형 국방기초원천R&D’를 설계, ②R&D 거버넌스 시스템 정비, ③R&D 수행단계별 프로세스 마련, 이를 뒷받침하는 ④국가R&D와 국방R&D 행위자들 간에 개방적·생산적 네트워킹이 이뤄지는 협력생태계 구축 등이다. 문헌연구를 중심으로 하였고, 객관성과 타당성을 유지하기 위해 사안별 전문가 의견을 반영하였다. 국방과학기술혁신 관점에서 민군기술협력에 기반한 실천적 방안을 제시한 실용 정책적 연구라 할 수 있다. The purpose of this study is to seek the connectivity and cooperation between the national R&D and the defense R&D to strengthen defense science and technology capabilities. That is to find the way to link the basic source technology to the defense core technology. Through the analysis of changes in the technology acquisition environment and the state of the national R&D and the defense R&D, the study proposes the ways to strengthen the connectivity and cooperation to overcome the limitations of defense R&D by utilizing excellent national R&D capabilities, and to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of defense technology acquisition. The study proposes as a plan for the connectivity and cooperation between the basic source research and defense technology R&D as follows; ① Design of the linkage and cooperation of the defense basic R&D ② Reorganization of the governance system maintenance ③ Establishment of step-by-step R&D implementation system ④ Establishment of a cooperative ecosystem to open productive networking between national R&D and defense R&D actors. Literature research was conducted, and expert opinions were reflected in each case to maintain objectivity and validity. From the perspective of defense science and technology innovation, it can be said to be a practical policy study that presents practical plans based on civil-military technology cooperation.

국방개혁 2020에 따른 군 구조 개편이 경기도에 미치는 영향 연구

최용환,김학성,윤영미,이수형,허태회 경기연구원 2009 위탁연구 Vol.2009 No.10

In recent years, a critical issue in security studies has been revolving around the implications of the comprehensive security which is supposed to encompass economic well-being, society, poverty and environment for the human security conditions. While obscuring the traditional military security in the wake of such changing global trends in the post-Cold War era as globalization, democratization, the expansion of the security concept seems to reflect complicated yet various security issues in the post-Cold War era. Catching up with such changing security realities, many countries are also trying to newly define its national interests and prepare their national security strategy in a rational manner. In one way or another, these global security changes should affect Korea's security conditions, not to speak of the interests of Gyeonggi -Do, though in its regional sense. Though not escaping yet from the rigid Cold-War confrontation structure, Korea is also in a position to transform its military force structure for meeting the various security demands and challenges dictated by such rapid global security changes. As this turns out to affect the interests of Gyeonggi-Do in which large scales of military forces have been stationed along with majority of military facility protection areas in Korea, one of it major concerns should be with the impact of these security changes upon the readjustment of its military facility protection areas. Investigating the validity of this issue, or the readjustment of 'military facility protection area' which accounts for the majority of the Northern border area of Gyeonggi-Do, this study is aimed to explore into the impact of military restructuring due to 'Defense Reform Plan 2020' on the Gyeonggi-Do and find out various policy alternatives conducive to the establishment of the desirable civil-military cooperative relationship. This study is comprised of four major chapters and policy suggestions as a final chapter: the first one starting with the discussions on the concept of human security contrasted with the traditional military security concept and its implications for national defense reform plan; the second one elaborating the problems of Korea's security conditions affected by the changing Northeast Asian security environment; the third one estimating the regional impact of the USFK redeployment on Pyeongtaek; the fourth one focusing on the plausible impact of military restructuring due to 'Defense Reform 2020' upon the border region of Gyeonnggi-Do, finally ending with the policy alternatives from this research. As a result, this study suggests some policy alternatives as follows. First, efforts should be doubled to prepare for procedural agreements for the rational solutions between central government concerned with the national interests and regional governments caring for the interests of the border region. Second, regarding the issue of the rational readjustment of the military facility protection, a civil-military coordination center for providing better civil service to the local people should be established in a hurry under the direction of the Joint Staff of Chiefs in the Defense Department. Also needed is the establishment of the civil service consultation for the rapid settlement of civil complaint in regional sectors with the rules stipulating the handling period of the consultation service petitioned by the local people. Third, for the desirable civil-military cooperative relationship, demanded is the revision of the border region-supporting law for the sake of local societies having experienced significant disadvantages and inconveniencies during a long time in the name of national security. Fourth, it is a time for Gyeonggi-Do to initiate and operate the system of "regional cooperation governance" for strengthening its driving capacity by networking various civil societies and NGOs and cooperating with other regions facing the same problems in order t

Civil-Military Gap and Military Effectiveness: An Empirical Analysis on the Influence of Ideology and Military Experience Gap on Defense Spending in the United States

이병구 국방대학교 국가안전보장문제연구소 2011 The Korean Journal of Security Affairs Vol.16 No.2

Previous studies of the civil-military gap have argued that the difference in values, perspectives, and opinions between civilians and the military matters because it determines military effectiveness. Empirical analyses of the civil-military gap, however, have been rare and due to the theoretical and methodological weaknesses of those studies it is difficult to draw a meaningful conclusion about the implications of the civil-military gap for military effectiveness. This study attempted to fill this void by examining the impact of ideology and the military experience gap on defense spending as an element of military effectiveness. Specifically, it tested if the ideological gap between the United States Congress and the military has any causal impact on defense spending level. It also examined whether the level of military experience in the United States Congress and Cabinet influences defense spending. Multivariate Ordinary Least Squares analyses were employed to estimate the coefficients. This study presents three major findings. First, the ideology and military experience gap did not have an independent effect on defense spending. Second, to the extent that ideology and the military experience gap exhibit a meaningful impact on defense spending, the results show they have interaction effects. Specifically, I found that the ideology gap has a positive interaction effect with Republican administrations. As for the military experience gap, this study found that it has an interaction effect with external threats. Third, contrary to conventional wisdom, the results indicate that Democratic administrations spend more on national defense than Republican administrations. In closing, this study calls for scholarly efforts to reevaluate our understanding of the implications of the civil-military gap.