The Future of Prosperity : Can U.S and China Cooperate on Afghanistan Peace?

Tu Huazhong,Zhao Ting,Hu Gaochen 한국국회학회 2020 한국과 세계 Vol.2 No.1

점점 악화되고 있는 아프가니스탄 상황에 직면 한 트럼프 정부는 아프가니스탄에서 점진적으로 철수할 수 있도록 계획을 수정하였으며, 단기간 안에 미군이 아프가니스탄에서 철수할 수 없기에 아프가니스탄 테러와의 전쟁에서 완전히 승리할 때까지 유지될 것이라고 굳게 믿었다. 미군이 아프가니스탄에서 테러와의 전쟁을 시작한 2001년 이후로 19년이 지난 지금에도 베이징과 워싱턴 사이에 아프가니스탄 문제에 관한 대화나 협력 메커니즘이 없으며, 아프가니스탄과 관련된 모든 주변의 국가들조차도 아프가니스탄 문제를 공동으로 해결하는 것이 중요하다는 것을 인식하지 못하고 있다. 이에 투르크메니스탄, 우즈베키스탄, 타지키스탄 및 파키스탄 등 아프가니스탄의 인근 국가들은 1979년 소련의 아프가니스탄 침공 이후 난민, 마약 및 테러리스트 문제가 발생하고 있다. 본 논문은 아프가니스탄 평화를 목적으로 중국과 미국이 서로 협력할 가능성에 대한 연구했다, 그리고 미래적인 번영(Future of Prosperity)을 구상해봤다. 또한 미국과 아프가니스탄의 문제로 중국의 노력은 아프가니스탄이 가능한 한 빨리 국제 사회의 도움과 협력으로 평화와 안정을 회복 할 수 있기를 희망한다. 결론적으로 중국과 미국이 아프가니스탄 문제에 대해 공통된 관심사를 많이 가지고 있으며 아프가니스탄의 평화와 안정 회복에 대한 합의에 도달할 수 있다고 본다. Faced with an increased exasperation in Afghanistan, the Trump government has changed its timetable to withdraw from Afghanistan and believed that U.S. troops can’t withdraw from Afghanistan within a short term and it will stay until complete victory against terrorism in Afghanistan is realised. 19 years have elapsed since 2001 when U.S. troop launched the war on terrorism in Afghanistan. There is no dialogue or cooperation mechanism between Beijing and Washington over Afghanistan issues, and even all neighbouring countries of Afghanistan are oblivious of the importance of solving Afghanistan issues jointly. All stakeholders are drawing their own route maps according to their own scripts, and countries including Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Pakistan adjacent to Afghanistan are affected by refugees, drugs and terrorists’ issues since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. China has seen persistent efforts made by U.S. in Afghanistan and China hoped that Afghanistan can recover peace and stability with the assistance of the international community as soon as possible. In this article, the authors believe that China and U.S. have many common interests over Afghanistan issues and can reach a consensus over recovery of peace and stability in Afghanistan.

법무부 사회통합프로그램 강사의 아프카니스탄 특별기여자 교육 경험에 관한 연구

허숙,손예림,윤혜성,오유정 한국이민정책학회 2023 한국이민정책학회보 Vol.6 No.2

(Purpose) The purpose of this study is to explore the experience of teaching special contributors in Afghanistan and derive meaning for lecturers who are teaching Korean, Korean culture, and Korean society understanding in the Ministry of Justice's Korea Immigration and Integration Program (KIIP). (Research methods) The subject of this study was a case analysis after an in-depth interview with six lecturers with more than three years of experience as a Korea Immigration and Integration program (KIIP) lecturer and more than two semesters of educational experience for special contributors in Afghanistan. (Findings) First, the special contributors in Afghanistan seemed to have deep ties with each other during the migration process to Korea and were passive in exchanges with migrants other than their own citizens. Second, Afghanistan special contributors were receiving policy benefits such as government welfare, employment, and education. The Korea Immigration and Integration Program (KIIP) was recognized as necessary to extend visas. Third, Afghanistan special contributors were participating in Korean language education that was different from their Korean language proficiency level. Fourth, Afghanistan special contributors are participating in intermediate-level classes due to the re-acceptance regulations of the Korea Immigration and Integration Program (KIIP), but there were cases where they were actually at the basic level of Korean. Fifth, Afghanistan special contributors sometimes behaved rudely toward teachers or other learners in Korea Immigration and Integration Program (KIIP) classrooms. (Conclusion and recommendations) The conclusion of this study is as follows. First, it is necessary to re-establish the relationship for Afghanistan special contributors to exchange with community members. Second, it will be necessary to adjust the standards or regulations for completion of the Korea Immigration and Integration Program (KIIP) for special contributors to Afghanistan. Third, it is necessary to provide customized educational information and curriculum for each characteristic of learners for special contributors to Afghanistan. Fourth, a kind but principled standard of policy benefit for special contributors will be needed. Fifth, it is necessary to strengthen etiquette in the public domain for special contributors in Afghanistan and the public nature of education and culture in Korean society. The suggestions of this study are as follows. First, Korean culture or life field experience learning for special contributors in Afghanistan will be added to motivate them to settle down. Second, there will be a need for volunteer programs that can participate in various volunteer activities in the community. Third, for the stable settlement of the special contributor system, the overall support system and social integration curriculum necessary for life in Korea need to be reorganized.

로잔운동이 바라본 2021년 아프가니스탄 사태와 무슬림 여성

소윤정 장로회신학대학교 세계선교연구원 2022 선교와 신학 Vol.56 No.-

According to the BBC report on 8 December 2021, as the Taliban occupied Afghanistan in August 2021, women’s rights in Afghanistan emerged as a serious issue. Until now, many human rights organizations have been concerned about the retrogression of women’s rights under Taliban rule. In fact, Afghan schoolgirls were deprived of the right to education; the Ministry of Women was closed; and many women quit their jobs. Immediately after the Taliban seized power, on September 8, 2021, dozens of Afghan women came out on the streets in the capital Kabul and marched, shouting slogans, "We want equal rights and women's participation in the new government." However, the demonstrators were suppressed with whiplash and stun guns by Taliban militants. The Taliban told female demonstrators, “Go home, where women belong!” Afghan women's human rights abuses have continued as reported day after day since the Taliban occupation of Afghanistan in August 2021, and on August 21, 2021, at the Lausanne Committee, about 220 Christian leaders from all over the world gathered on Zoom, shared the situation of Afghanistan in detail, and had a prayer time for Afghanistan. Thus, the author thought about the issue of Afghan Muslim women encountered in the situation of Afghanistan in 2021 through Lausanne Forum and Lausanne Global Analysis (LGA) based on the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Lausanne Congress Manifesto. Some Islam said that the Taliban in Afghanistan are not true Muslims; however Islamic fundamentalists, ‘Salafis’ like the Taliban in Afghanistan express their identity as faithful Muslims. The Taliban that claim to advocate Islamism with the literal interpretation of the Quran justify their behavior by ‘Fatwa’ of Mufti. Especially in Afghanistan, historically in the situation in which national law lost its effect, since Islamic law, Shariah, and common – law tradition were the standards of real life, Muftis’ Fatwa result in oppressing women and violating women's human rights. In 2021, Muslim women in Afghanistan suffer the world's most severe human rights abuses, and due to the Taliban’s occupation, even refugees fleeing their homeland cannot be free from the situation. These Afghan Muslim women are those in need of the gospel. Thus, through the Lausanne Movement, the author examined the role of female missionaries in the mission for Afghan Muslim women and the need for a strategic response in terms of their expertise and the better treatment for them based on the Lausanne Covenant and Declaration, Lausanne Forum in 2019, and LGA. We could find that from a ministry aspect, it would be necessary to pay attention to the influence of female missionaries for Muslim women from an official aspect, and female missionaries’ right to independence and cooperation between men and women ministers is important in establishing mission strategies through the Lausanne documents.

영국과 소련의 대 아프가니스탄 전쟁

조상현(Cho Sang Hyun),금상문(Kum Sang Moon) 한국이슬람학회 2015 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.25 No.3

Afghanistan is the active place as a center of cultural exchange between the East and the West. Past times, this region was in the route of invasion. In the mid-19th century and the early 20th century, This region was the place of power struggle between the UK and the Soviet Union. Afghanistan was interfered with the UK and the Soviet Union. For this reason, Afghanistan rushed into three time war with the UK. At the end of the 20th century, Afghanistan entered a war with the Soviet Union. Afghanistan depended against the attack of the Soviet Union due to the struggle of mujaheddin. After the Soviet Union fought a hard battle, the Soviet union withdrew from Afghanistan. However Afghanistan lies under war past the 19th century. In this context, the purpose of this paper reconstructs causes and continuations of the wars between Afghanistan and the UK & Soviet Union.

인도의 대(對) 아프가니스탄 정책과 한계

김찬완(Kim, Chan-Wahn) 한국외국어대학교 인도연구소 2014 남아시아연구 Vol.19 No.3

2014년은 인도의 대(對) 아프가니스탄 외교정책의 중대한 분기점이 될 것이다. 아프가니스탄은 남아시아 지역안정과 인도의 안정에 가장 중요한 국가 중의 하나다. 인도와 아프가니스탄 양국은 올 4월 각각 총선과 대통령 선거를 앞두고 있는 정치 전환기에 있다. 더 중요한 것은 남아시아 안보, 특히 아프가니스탄의 안보는 2014년 말 미국 주도 대부분의 다국적군의 철수를 앞두고 심각한 도전에 직면해 있다. 이런 상황에서 인도는 아프가니스탄에서 미군 철수 후를 대비할 준비가 되어있냐는 것이다. 이 논문은 총 20억 달러를 지원하기로 약정한 개발 원조에 집중한 외교정책으로는 2014년 말 미국 주도 다국적군의 철수 이후를 대비하기에는 한계가 있다고 주장하고 있다. 따라서 인도는 2014년 이후 아프가니스탄을 대비하기 위해서는 소프트 파워 정책과 하드 파워 정책을 균형 있게 맞추는 외교 전략이 필요하다. 2014 is a turning point for India"s foreign policy towards Afghanistan, one of the most important countries for regional stabilization in South Asia, in general, and of India, in particular. Both India and Afghanistan are scheduled to undergo a political transition with general and presidential elections in April. More importantly, security in South Asia, in general, and in Afghanistan, in particular, is facing, by the end of 2014, serious challenges with the withdrawal from Afghanistan of most international forces led by U.S. In this situation, one may ask whether India is ready to handle the post-U.S. withdrawal situation in Afghanistan. This article argues that by focusing on development assistance to Afghanistan, with its total commitment of US$2 billion, India is greatly limited to cope with the post-2014 withdrawal of international forces from Afghanistan. Therefore, this article suggests that India needs a balance between a soft power approach and a hard power approach towards Afghanistan in order to manage the post-2014 withdrawal of international forces from this country.

The Global War on Terror (GWOT) in Afghanistan and its Socio-economic Impacts on Pakistan

( Tahir Mehmood ) 순천대학교 인문학술원 2022 인문학술 Vol.8 No.-

이 논문은 9/11 테러 공격과 미국의 아프가니스탄 침공 이후 아프가니스탄의 글로벌 테러와의 전쟁(GWOT)에서 파키스탄의 역할을 다룬다. 파키스탄은 미국이 주도한 아프가니스탄 글로벌 테러와의 전쟁에 비 나토 동맹국으로 합류했으며, 인명 및 경제적 비용 측면에서 큰 대가를 치렀다. 파키스탄이 미국 진영에 합류하기로 한 결정은 파키스탄 경제와 사회에 막대한 영향을 미친 아프가니스탄 외교 정책의 유턴이었다. 파키스탄과 미국의 협력은 외국 자본의 유입을 의미했다. 다른 한편으로 분쟁은 지역을 불안정하게 만들고 국가 자체의 안보 상황을 악화시켰다. 테러리스트 공격, 갱 폭력, 밀수 등이 만연했다. 이 연구의 기본 목적은 아프가니스탄 내 글로벌 테러와의 전쟁이 파키스탄에 미친 사회적, 경제적 영향을 설명하는 것이다. 현재까지에 대한 대부분의 연구는 글로벌 테러와의 전쟁이 아프가니스탄 자체 또는 서구에 미친 영향에만 초점을 맞추면서, 나머지 지역에 미치는 파급 효과를 무시했다. 이 논문은 파키스탄이 아프가니스탄의 글로벌 테러와의 전쟁에 영향을 가장 많이 받는 국가 중 하나라고 결론내린다. This paper examines the role of Pakistan in the Global war on Terror (GWOT) in Afghanistan following the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the US invasion of Afghanistan. Pakistan joined the US led GWOT as a non-NATO ally in Afghanistan and paid a heavy price in terms of human and economic costs, partially due to a perceived military threat from the US. Pakistan’s decision to join the US camp was a U-turn in its foreign policy towards Afghanistan which had a massive impact on Pakistani economy and society. On the one hand, Pakistan’s cooperation with the USA meant an influx of foreign capital. However, on the other hand, the conflict also destabilized the region and thereby worsened the security situation in the country itself. Terrorist attacks, gang violence, smuggling, and such became rampant. The basic purpose of this research is to outline the social and economic impacts of the GWOT in Afghanistan on Pakistan, because, until now, most research on the GWOT focused on the impact it had on Afghanistan itself, or on the West. It thereby neglected its spill-over effects in the rest of the region. This is primarily a descriptive historical study, employing a document-based content analysis. It concludes that Pakistan is one of the worst affected countries by the GWOT in Afghanistan, due to the instability it caused.

특집 1 : 부산국제영화제 스펙트럼 ; PIFF의 아프가니스탄 영화 발견: 오리엔탈리즘과 옥시덴탈리즘을 넘어서

최용성 ( Yong Seong Choi ),윤태미 ( Tae Me Yoon ) 부산대학교 영화연구소 2009 아시아영화연구 Vol.2 No.2

이 연구의 목적은 세계화 속의 타자화 된 아프가니스탄 영화를 살피되, 아프가니스탄 영화가 어떻게 오리엔탈리즘과 옥시덴탈리즘을 넘어서 자신의 영화를 발견하고 자생력을 가질 수 있는지를, 또한 PIFF는 어떠한 방식으로 아프가니스탄 영화 발견에 동참하고 있는지를 살피고자 한다. 특별히 이 논문에서는 모흐센 마흐말바프와 그의 일가의 노력이 아시아 영화미학의 고뇌와 문제의식을 추적해가는 PIFF의 진정한 문제의식이 되고 있으며, 무한히 다른 타자에 반응하는 타자의 윤리학과 함께 타자에 대한 책임감을 모색하는 길을 가고 있음을 제시하고자 한다. 또한 아프가니스탄 출신 세디그 바르막 감독의 자생력을 위한 영화들과 이를 추적해가는 PIFF의 노력 또한 타자를 길들이지 않고 만나는 영화미학적 길을 제시하고 있음을 밝히고자 한다. Interest in the cinema of Afghanistan has sustained in the past ten years through PIFF, due mainly to cinema of Iranian director Mohsen Makhmalbaf and Siddiq Barmak. Cinema entered Afghanistan at the beginning of 20th century and became othering. The political changes of Afghanistan has not allowed the cinema of the country to grow over the years. However, cinema of Afghanistan entered a new phase since 2001. Several Afghan films have attracted PIFF and the public. Since 2000, the cinema of Afghanistan has slowly started to emerge from a lengthy period of silence. Before the September 11th attacks, Afghanistan-based Iranian director Mohsen Makhmalbaf attracted PIFF and world attention to Afghanistan with his celebrated movie, Kandahar. It was an attempt to tell the world about a forgotten country. Later Samira Makhmalbaf and Hana Makhmalbaf made a significant contribution in Afghanistan. Siddiq Barmak also made a first Afghan films after the age of Taleban. These films are concerned with the discovery of PIFF beyond orientalism and occidentalism.

새로운 전쟁의 “전쟁경제”: 세 차례의 아프가니스탄 전쟁

최호재,손한별 육군군사연구소 2020 군사연구 Vol.- No.150

본 연구는 아프가니스탄이 수행한 세 차례 전쟁과 전쟁경제의 관계를 연구하였다. 아프가니스탄은 냉전기 소련과 전쟁하고 12년간 내전을 겪은 후, 미국과 전쟁했다. 특히 소련과 미국과의 전쟁은 약소국이 강대국을 상대로 한 전쟁이었다. 본 연구는 아프가니스탄이 두 강대국을 상대로 선전했던 원인으로 “전쟁경제”에 주목하였다. 아프가니스탄의 전쟁경제는 전쟁이 만들어낸 사회·정치·경제 변화의 결과이자 다음 전쟁의 양상을 결정짓는 주요한 요인이었는데, 이는 전쟁을 거듭하며 변화했고 아프가니스탄 무장세력의 폭력을 지속하게 만든 원동력이었다. 전쟁은 국제적으로 강대국의 개입을 불러왔고, 지역안보구도를 변화시켰으며, 외부지원에 변화를 초래했다. 국내적으로는 정부의 집권화, 민족/종파 구도, 경제구조의 변화에 영향을 주었다. 이러한 요인은아프가니스탄의 전쟁경제를 결정했고, 전쟁경제는 다음 전쟁의 주요한 특징이 되었다. 아프가니스탄의 세 차례 전쟁에서 관찰되는 전쟁과 전쟁경제의 상호작용을 통해 새로운 전쟁의 전쟁경제 탄생과 변화 과정을 이해할 수 있는 것이다. This article analyzed three wars in Afghanistan. Afghanistan fought against the Soviet Union, and after 12 years of civil war, it fought against the United States. The wars drew the attention of the world, because Afghanistan, a small country, made both the great Soviet Union and the United States in trouble. There are various reasons they fight well; special battlefield environment, and the asymmetry strategy and tactics. However, the factor noted by this study is the "war economy”. Afghanistan's war economy was the result and cause of the war. Internationally, war has brought about the intervention of great powers, changed the structure of regional security, and brought about a change in external support. Domestically, it has affected the government's power centralization, its ethnic/sectarian structure, and changes in its economic structure. These factors played a role in determining Afghanistan's war economy, and the new war economy formed through war has become a major feature of the new war. Through the interaction of war and war economy observed in Afghanistan's three wars, we can understand the birth process of a "new war" in Afghanistan.

Afghanistan: Elite Tensions, Peace Negotiations, and the COVID Crisis

( William Maley ) 계명대학교 실크로드중앙아시아연구원 2020 Acta Via Serica Vol.5 No.2

Afghanistan has experienced more than four decades of severe disruption, ever since the communist coup of April 1978 plunged the country into a state of disorder that was then severely aggravated by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979. Despite the high hopes that accompanied the overthrow of the Taliban regime in 2001, Afghanistan’s path in the first two decades of the 21st century has proved to be anything but smooth, and this article highlights a confluence of challenges - political, diplomatic, and societal - that Afghanistan presently faces, challenges that in large measure account for the profound uncertainty that clouds its future. The article is divided into four sections. The first provides some context for the discussion of these three challenges. The remaining sections investigate the particular challenges - intra-elite rivalries, a fragile and defective peace process, and the underreported but grave threat to life and limb in Afghanistan resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic - in more detail. Together, these challenges highlight the dangers of wishful thinking about harsh realities.

What Can the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and China Bring to Post-2014 Afghanistan?

( Gao Fei ),( Xiao Yu ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2014 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.38 No.4

Amid the reduction of US forces in Afghanistan, the search for solutions to the Afghanistan security conundrum calls for regional coordination. Despite limited achievements in the past, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) may be an important contributor to stability in Afghanistan. The SCO brings together powerful regional players (Russia and China) and important neighboring states whose strategic interests are intertwined in Afghanistan. All of them are potential stakeholders in providing regional solutions. In this article we suggest that the role of the SCO would lie in not only regionalizing Afghanistan policymaking but also promoting the country’s integration into a regional framework of common interests.