朝鮮前期 遞兒職의 設立經緯와 構成

申幼兒(Shin, You-Ah) 역사교육연구회 2013 역사교육 Vol.128 No.-

The Che-A-Jik(遞兒職) was a kind of position for officials including soldiers who had no regular official stipend(Nok-bong: 祿俸). They could get the official stipend in turn by holding the Che-A-Jik. Every official posts could be distributed as the Che-A-Jik, if only the post had its own stipend finances. The military position was the typical case. In addition to military officialdom, however, even miscellaneous technical post with its own financial allowance could be used as Che-A-Jik. The Che-A-Jik was a convenient office title, through which several public officials could get their official stipend in turn for one vacant position. In so doing, the government could cut down on expenses for official stipend. The Che-A-Jik was categorized according to its recipients. One was the incumbent Che-A for officials holding their posts and the other was the Geogwan Che-A for the officials who were temporarily out of service(San-Guan: 散官). The Che-A-Jik, as vacant office post held by several incumbents or standbys simultaneously, was helpful for relieving the problem of public post shortage and reducing government expenditure. Officials, expecting to hold Che-A-Jik, were encouraged to do their jobs more sincerely and earnestly. This post could also be conferred as a reward for exemplary or meritorious services. After the law(Jik-Jeon Beob: 職田法), restricting the tax collection rights only to the current office holders, was implemented in 1466(Sejo 12: 世祖 12年), the Che-A-Jik remained the only way of compensating San-Guan.

구봉 송익필 직(直)사상의 기호유학에서의 전승연구

김창경 ( Chang Gyung Kim ) 한국동서철학회 2015 동서철학연구 Vol.78 No.-

The thought of Jik(直) is called as a fundamental teaching(宗旨) of Confucian thought, the heart of heart study(心法), and the best important methodology of teaching(旨訣). In addition, it was called as ‘respecting inner side of the mind through Jik(敬以直內)’ in 『Zhouyi(The Book of Changes)』 and Confucius said human`s being born was the Jik in 『Analects of Confucius』. Also, Mencius said that developing great spirit(浩然之氣) was nurtured through the Jik. Another definition of the Jik is from Jeongmyeongdo who said a fairly contested Jik between the earth and the sky. In addition, Juja left Dharma of mind which was bequeathed by the sages as a Jik letter by his will. Among Confucian scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, Gubong Ikpil Song(1534~1599) inherited the Jik to one of his disciples, Jangsaeng Kim, by giving him a writing of 「KimEunJaJikBaekSeol」. Even more, the Jik was succeeded by a few scholars of the Confucianism of Giho School including Siyeol Song and by modern era scholars of the Confucianism of Giho School such as Sangha Kwon, Bonggu Yun, Wonhang Kim, Yeounwon Park, Jikpil Hong, and Woo Jeon. Even though scholars of the Joseon Dynasty mentioned about the Jik from the end of Goryeo, most was not off the point of description of 『Zhouyi(The Book of Changes)』 and 『Simgyeong(The Mind)』. However, a comprehensive analysis of this study shows that the thought of Jik succeeded from Gubong Ikpil Song to the Confucianism of Giho School not only fully covers the thoughts of Jik from Confucius, Mencius, Cheng, and Zhuxi but also is succeeded with adding their own opinions about title, nick name, letter, and the name of rooms for reading(書齋名). These characteristics can be seen as an academic way of give and take, succeeding the essence of a discipline between teachers and students, showing unique way of succeeding. In this sense, among Confucian scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, the legacy of the thought of Jik from Confucius, Mencius, Cheng, and Zhuxi is continued by Gubong Ikpil Song. Moreover, the academic distinct characteristics of its legacies can be said that they have been learned and succeeded from Confucianism of Giho School to scholars of modern Confucianism of Giho School. In conclusion, it is necessary to establish correct academic status of Gubong`s thought of Jik on the perspective of the Confucianism of Giho School and to explore it again on the perspective of Korean Confucianism history of thought.

朝鮮前期 遞兒職의 受職과 役割

申幼兒(Shin, Yu-A) 역사교육연구회 2014 역사교육 Vol.131 No.-

The Che-a-jik(遞兒職) was a kind of position for officials including soldiers who had no regular official stipend, Nok-bong(祿俸). They could get the official stipend in turn by holding the Che-a-jik. Every official posts could be distributed as the Che-a-jik, if only the post had its own stipend finances. The military position was the typical case. In addition to military officialdom, however, even miscellaneous technical post with its own financial allowance could be used as Che-a-jik. The Che-a-jik was a convenient office title, through which several public officials could get their official stipend in turn for one vacant position. In so doing, the government could cut down on expenses for official stipend. The Che-a-jik, as vacant office post held by several incumbents or standbys simultaneously, was helpful for relieving the problem of public post shortage and reducing government expenditure. Officials, expecting to hold Che-a-jik, were encouraged to do their jobs more sincerely and earnestly. This post could also be conferred as a reward for exemplary or meritorious services. After the law Jik-Jeon Beob(職田法), restricting the tax collection rights only to the current office holders, was implemented in 1466(Sejo 12: 世祖 12年), the Che-A-Jik remained the only way of compensating San-Guan.

『주역(周易)』과 우암(尤庵)송시열의 철학사상

임병학 ( Byeong Hak Lim ) 충남대학교 유학연구소 2014 유학연구 Vol.30 No.-

This paper is a study of the correlation of Jik’s thought.TaiJi and theory of liqi(理氣論).DaoQiXing SamKunMulSaSul(道器形三件物事說) that is UAm’s philosophical thought and the Book of Changes. UAm insisted Jik’s thought, core of his Confucian ethics spirit and DaoQiXing SamKunMulSaSul, Theoretical background of liqil through his original interpretation about the Book of Changes. In his Jik’s thought, the way of Jik matchs with justice and becomes independent humanity that sharing morality. The principle of that Jik is the Jik of a principle, so is identical to the Jik of the Book of Changes. All things in our universe exist by a principle, creates and changes. Because this function of a principle turns out to Jik, that is identical to morality of Jik, and thing that Jik of a principle becomes self-direction means true road of human. UAm succeed to a viewpoint of Zhu Zi(朱子) and discussed TaiJi in the theory of TaiJi. He followed a view of TaiJi that Song’s neo-Confucianism discussed but quoted TaiJi of the Book of Changes several writings to demonstrate neo-Confucianism`s conception of rationality and spirit of Lee Yulgok. Especially, UAm interpretated newly Xing’ershangZhe(形而上者) and Xing’erxiaZhe(形而下者) of chapter 12 in the first volume of Xici(繫辭) and advocated DaoQiXing SamKunMulSaSul. In DaoQiXing SamKunMulSaSul, morality and Qi are contents of phenomenal existence, showing shapes and shapes are contents in themselves that is neo-Confucianism`s conception of rationality and spirit. In other words, DaoQiXing SamKunMulSaSul is a universal structure principle of every existence that is phenomenal existence. So this is theory that came from new interpretation about the Book of Changes.

21세기 ‘직지’ 문화 융성을 위한 통섭 모델과 전략

신동의(Sin Dong-Eui) 서원대학교 직지문화산업연구소 2016 湖西文化論叢 Vol.25 No.-

이 논문의 주된 목적은 21세기 직지문화 융성을 위한 통섭 모델과 전략개발에 초점을 둔다. 21세기는 문화의 시대다. 문화의 시대는 인간의 존엄성과 자기존중이라는 가치를 실현하는 것을 목적으로 한다.『직지』는 순수불교와 선사상이라는 불자의 믿음을 강조하는 불경이며, 인류의 기록문화를 혁신적으로 바꾼 유산이다. 새로운 직지 문화를 창조하기 위해서, 논자는 ‘탈영토성’, ‘생성’ 혹은 ‘되기’와 같은 개념들을 제시한 들뢰즈와 가타리의 사고를 사용하였다. 여기서 탈영토성으로서의 직지는 통섭의 개념을 필요로 한다. 직지문화의 콘텐츠 개발을 위한 통섭 모델과 전략으로서, 문화산업에서 기본적인 전략인 ‘OSMU"를 제시한다. 또한, 새로운 직지문화를 창조하기 위해서는 시, 소설, 연극, 영화 등의 예술분야에서 필요로 하는 상상력이 요구되기 때문에 논자는 성공적인 새로운 직지 문화를 창조하기 위해서 한국의 김훈과 같은 작가를 발굴하는 것이 중요하다는 것을 밝힌다. 이러한 맥락에서 청주 시민의 마음속에 형상화될 수 있는 ‘직지-되기’는 문화운동에 있어서 문화적 실천을 통해 ‘질적 도약’을 이루어야 할 것이다. The main purpose of the paper focuses on the development of the consilience model and strategy for the prosperity of 21 century"s Jik-ji culture. The 21 century is the era of culture. The genuine age of the culture aims to realize the value of the human"s dignity and self-respect. Jik-ji is the Buddhist scripture which emphasizes pure Buddhism and Buddhist’s belief, Zen thought. Jik-ji is the biggest legacy which innovatively changes human"s recording culture. In order to create a new Jik-ji culture, the researcher will use the thought of Deleuze and Guattari that presents such peculiar notions as ‘de-territoriality’(d territorialisation), é ‘generation(devenir)’, or ‘becoming’. Here Jik-ji as a de-territoriality needs a concept of consilience. The researcher suggests ‘OSMU’ which is a fundamental strategy in the cultural industry as a consilience model and strategy for contents development of Jik-ji culture. Also, in order to create new Jik-ji culture, it is necessary to have an imaginative power which is needed in the art field such as poetry, novel, play and movie. It is also very important to hunt a new writer like Kim Hoon to create a successful new Jik-ji culture. In this way ‘Jik-ji-becoming’ which could be embodied in the mind of the citizens in Cheong-ju city will have to meet a ‘qualitative leap’ through the cultural practice in a cultural movement.

매산(梅山) 홍직필(洪直弼)의 심설(心說) 연구 ― 심체본선설(心體本善說)과 명덕설(明德說)을 중심으로 ―

신상후 ( Shin Sang-who ) 한국한문고전학회 2017 한문고전연구 Vol.34 No.1

Maesan Hong Jik-pil(梅山 洪直弼, 1776~1852) is a leading scholar of the Nangnon(洛論) academic community in the early nineteenth-century. He followed after the Nangnon school scholars, such as Kim Chang-hyeob(農巖 金昌協, 1651~1708), Kim Won-haeng(渼湖 金元行, 1702~1772) and Park Yun-won(近齋 朴胤源, 1734~1799), and had great influence on the times. Yet despite his clout and prestige in academic field, Hong Jik-pil`s Seongli-seol(性理說) has not been fully evaluated. It is because Hong Jik-pil tended to evade academic arguments. Also, there has been a lack of study on the early nineteenth-century`s Nangnon in the history of Joseon Confucianism. Therefore, it is required to fully appreciate his Seongli-seol in order to examine academic tendency of Nangnon in the early nineteenth-century and the History of Korean Confucianism from the eighteenth to nineteenth-centuries. This paper, as a groundwork on Hong Jik-pil`s Seongli-seol, analyzes his Heart-Mind theory(心說). The Nangnon school that Hong Jik-pil belonged venerated Lee Yi(栗谷 李珥, 1536-1584) and thus followed his core idea that `Every occurance has the same structure[氣發理乘一途]; Li(理) secures fundamental sameness of the substance and qi(氣) arises phenomenal differentiation.[理通氣局]` Based on it, realization of the substance is depended on qi, responsible for specific action. In other words, the fulfillment of li is possible through pure and innate qi, according to the words of Zhu Xi(朱熹) Study. In Nagnon, innate qi is regarded as Heart-Mind(心), so Heart-Mind becomes the subject of fulfillment of the substance. As Hong Jik-pil accepted the idea, Heart-Mind theory became the core point of his Seongli-seol. According to Hong Jik-pil`s argument, Heart-Mind possesses the fundamental sameness, as much as Nature(性) has. Heart-Mind(心), as an individual being, is an independent entity, at the same time, is an universals that differs from differential disposition(氣質). The fundamental sameness and the universals of Heart-Mind are formalized as Simchebonsunseoul(心體本善說). The theory has been established by making a division between qi of disposition and qi of Heart-Mind. Moreover, in terms of Illuminating virtue(明德) from Great Learning(大學), he argued Myoungdukjuki(明德主氣) and Myoungdukmoobunsoo(明德無分數). It clarifies that `Illuminating virtue indicates Heart-Mind[明德主氣]; Heart-Mind possesses universality[明德無分數]`, also states fundamental sameness and universals of Heart-Mind. This paper attempts to analyse Hong Jik-pil`s Seongli-seol from the perspective of these two theories.

『제국신문』소재 「血의淚 下篇」 연구 - 작가의 진위(眞僞) 논란 및 판본의 위상 문제를 중심으로

김영민 상허학회 2013 상허학보 Vol.39 No.-

The first purpose of this paper is to confirm the identity of the author of The Tear of Blood: Volume 2. The second purpose is to analyze characteristics of the text. The first chapter explores how the new text was discovered. The Tear of Blood: Volume 2 was published by Jaekook-Sinmoon. The text contains the signature of the author Kookcho. Kookcho is a pen name of Lee In Jik, one of most popular writers of the enlightenment period in Korean literary history. But some scholars question whether this signature is genuine and suggest the possibility that a different person, the real author, borrowed Lee In Jik's pen name. The second chapter explores the possibility that Lee In Jik, chief editor of the Mansebo, himself serially published The Tear of Blood: Volume 2 in Jaekook-Sinmoon. Jaekook-Sinmoon was expanding at the time and needed popular writers to fill the newly created space. Lee In Jik was seeking a new medium that would allow him to write new novels and articles. He had a plan to leave Mansebo, which had given him editorial space, and chose Jaekook-Sinmoon as the medium to realize his new plan. The third chapter presents the evidence for the authorship of The Tear of Blood: Volume 2. It demonstrates that the author was indeed Lee In Jik, who also wrote the first volume of the novel. The literary style of The Tear of Blood: Volume 2 is similar to that of the first volume of The Tear of Blood. The writing techniques used in The Tear of Blood: Volume 2 also evidence this authorship. Additionally, this chapter explores the reason why the author Lee In Jik stopped writing the series. The financial situation of Jaekook-Sinmoon worsened after the change of the administration that had promised to support it. Lee In Jik stopped writing The Tear of Blood: Volume 2 after this cabinet change. The last chapter explores characteristics of The Tear of Blood: Volume 2. The characteristics of its plot are similar to those of Lee In Jik's completed short story. Lee In Jik thought episodes are important in writing a narrative. The distinguishing construction of narrative in his works is connected to this belief. 학계에서 이루어진 「혈의루」 판본 관련 논의 중에서 가장 진전을 이루지 못한 부분이 『제국신문』 소재 「血의淚 下篇」에 관한 것이다. 『제국신문』 소재 「血의淚 下篇」에 대해서는 작가의 진위 문제부터 그 위상에 이르기까지 다양한 의문들이 제기된 바 있다. 본 논문은 그러한 의문들이 나오게 되는 배경에서부터 출발해, 그 의문에 대한 답을 찾고, 「血의淚 下篇」이 지니는 위상에 대해 살펴본 것이다. 『제국신문』 연재본 「血의淚 下篇」에는 작가가 국초(菊初)로 명시되어 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 그것이 실제 이인직의 창작이 아니라 필명을 양도한 작품일 수 있다는 의문이 오랫동안 존재해 왔다. 그러한 의문이 지속된 가장 큰 이유는 「血의淚 下篇」의 문체가 이인직의 문체와 차이가 난다는 점과, 그가 11회 만에 갑자기 연재를 중단한 이유가 불분명하다는 것 등에 있다. 본 논문에서는 「血의淚 下篇」의 문체와 작법의 특질에 대해 구체적 사례를 들어 검증했다. 우선의 기존의 논의에서 문제로 지적 되었던 대화문의 특질과 관련해서는 차이점보다는 공통점이 더 두드러져 보인다는 사실을 확인했다. 「血의淚 下篇」의 서두가 「血의淚」 및 「鬼의聲」의 서두와 여러 가지로 유사하다는 점과 , 특히 「血의淚 下篇」에 사용된 장면 전환의 기법이 이 시기 이인직이 즐겨 사용하던 기법이라는 점도 확인했다. 아울러, 「血의淚 下篇」이 『제국신문』에 연재된 배경과 이인직이 연재를 갑자기 중단할 수밖에 없었던 이유 등에 대해서도 관련 자료를 찾아내 논증했다. 『제국신문』에 실린 이인직 ‘유고’ 관련 기사의 내용이 사실이라는 점은 「鬼의聲」의 갑작스러운 연재 중단과 『만세보』 논설의 필자 대체 문제 등을 통해 검증할 수 있었다. 이인직이 『제국신문』에 사원으로 근무했다는 기존의 주장은 과장된 해석이며, 이인직과 『제국신문』의 관계는 공적이라기보다는 『제국신문』 사장 이종일과의 사적 관계를 바탕으로 한 것이라는 점도 지적했다. 이인직이 「血의淚 下篇」의 연재 지면으로 『제국신문』을 선택한 것은, 재정적으로 어려워진 『만세보』의 불안한 미래를 『제국신문』이 대체할 수 있다고 믿었기 때문이다. 마침 이 시기 지면의 확장을 앞둔 『제국신문』으로서는 대중적 인기 확산을 위한 새로운 소설 작가가 필요했다. 그런 점에서 이인직과 『제국신문』의 만남은 상호 이해관계가 서로 맞아 떨어진 결과였다. 그러나, 「血의淚 下篇」의 연재 시작 직후에 일어난 이완용 친일 내각의 등장이라는 정치적 사건은 『제국신문』과 이인직의 미래에 적지 않은 영향을 미치게 된다. 『만세보』의 미래를 대체할 활동의 장이 『제국신문』이 아니라는 사실을 파악한 이인직은 「血의淚 下篇」의 연재를 중단한 채 필자로 복귀하지 않는다. 「血의淚 下篇」은 구성의 형식으로 보면 거의 독립된 단편소설에 가깝다. 「血의淚 下篇」은 옥련 어머니와 외할아버지 최주사의 ‘미국 방문기’이다. 「血의淚 下篇」의 서사의 중심축을 이루는 ‘미국 방문기’는, 출발 장면에서 시작해 귀환 장면까지 이르는 완결성을 지니고 있다. 「血의淚 下篇」을 통해 거듭 확인할 수 있는 이인직의 소설 작법상 특질 가운데 하나는 에피소드 중심의 구성 방식이다. 이인직의 소설들은 짧고 다양한 에피소드들로 구성되는데, 이 에피소드들은 서로 연관되면서도 ...

소눌 노상직의 서당교육과 서당교육자료

이준규(Jun-kyu Lee) 동양한문학회(구 부산한문학회) 2022 동양한문학연구 Vol.62 No.-

盧相稷은 紫巖草廬(紫巖書堂)에서 강학하던 1899년(광무3, 45세) 3월 이후로 서당에서 생활하는 主丈인 자신을 포함한 제생들의 일상과 서당생활을 제생 중 1인을 直日로 삼아 날마다 빠짐없이 기록하게 하였으며, 또 매해 봄가을 3월과 9월 上甲日을 會講日字로 정하여 서당에서 생활하는 제생만이 아니라 서당을 떠나 집으로 돌아가 생활하는 제생들을 함께 모아서 그들의 학업과 조행을 점검하는 대규모 講會를 개최하고 그에 대한 내용을 빠짐없이 기록해두게 하였다. 서당의 직일이 기록한 書堂日錄(書堂日記)은 현재 전하는 『紫巖日錄』을 기준으로 하자면 1개월을 단위로 1권씩 묶어놓았으므로, 그것을 처음 작성하기 시작한 1899년(광무3, 45세) 3월부터 노상직이 서거한 1931년(77세) 1월 전까지 중간에 서당에 상주하여 강학하기 어려웠던 기간 5~6년 정도를 제외한 26년에 윤달 포함 320개월의 320권 정도가 되었을 것으로 추정되고, 그 시기 강회기록인 講會時到記는 강회가 매해 봄가을로 2회씩 정기적으로 개최되고 그것이 각 강회 단위로 묶어놓았으므로 대략 52권 이상이 되었을 것으로 추정된다. 현재 노상직의 서당일록(서당일기)은 한 책자로 번역 소개된 자암초려(자암서당) 강학시기 서당일록(서당일기) 『자암일록』 중 5책 19개월 19권 이외에도 『紫巖日錄』, 『紫巖日記』, 『紫巖書堂日記』, 『方齋日記』, 『方齋日錄』, 『泗南日錄』, 『泗南書庄日記』 등 22건 86개월 86권 분량이 부산대학교도서관 소장 小訥文庫로 더 전하고 있다. 햇수로는 3년에 기간으로는 2년이 채 안 되는 19개월 19권의 자암초려(자암서당) 강학시기 서당일록(서당일기) 『자암일록』만으로도 “서당에 관한 최대 교육인류학적 보고서”라면 그것의 4배가 넘는 86개월 86권 분량을 합한 총 105개월 105권 분량의 노상직의 서당일록(서당일기)은 서당에 관한 한 국내 유일의 최대 교육인류학적 자료(보고서)라고 단정해도 될 것이다. 그러나 노상직의 서당교육에 대한 자료는 그의 서당일록(서당일기)에만 그치지 않는다. 書堂學規 『訓蒙帖』, 講會時到記와 同講錄, 紫巖書堂學契 契金 관리장부 등이 소눌문고로 또 전하고 있다. 서당학규 『훈몽첩』은 1888년(고종25, 34세) 그가 극기재에서 강학할 때 『克己齋訓蒙帖』으로 엮은 이후 錦山書堂, 紫巖草廬(紫巖書堂), 紫巖書堂, 泗南書庄(方齋) 등에서의 강학에 일관되게 활용되었다. 강회시도기는 1899년(광무3, 45세) 3월 이후 매해 봄가을 3월과 9월 상갑일을 회강일자에 참여한 제생들의 명부 講會時到記와 그때 지은 시를 기록한 講會詩帖을 합한 것이다. 현재 『時到記』, 『講會時到記』, 『紫巖書堂時到記』, 『紫巖書堂講會時到記』, 『紫巖書堂落成時到記』 등 17건이 소눌문고로 전하고 있다. 동강록은 자암초려(자암서당), 자암서당, 사남서장(방재) 등 노상직의 서당에서 함께 수학한 제생들의 명부[同講契帖]이다. 『紫巖契帖』, 「錦山書堂同苦錄」, 「紫巖書堂春夏同講錄」, 「紫巖書堂秋冬同講錄」, 「方齋同講錄」 등 20건이 소눌문고로 전하고 있다. 이외에도 자암서당학계의 계금 관리장부인 『重講契名錢捧上冊』, 『紫巖重講契錢出入簿』 등 여러 건이 소눌문고로 전하고 있다. 현재 전하는 노상직의 서당교육자료가 이처럼 방대함에도 그의 서당교육에 대한 연구, 그리고 그에 대한 연구가 거의 이루어지지 못한 이유는 다른 데 있지 않다. 자료에 대한 이해의 부족이 주요한 원인이 되었던 것이다. 더구나 그가 근대전환의 격변기와 일제강점기에 교육구국과 독립투쟁의 일환으로, 新學이 대대적으로 보급되면서 舊學으로서 전래의 儒學이 위축되는 시점에 교육구국의 기치를 높이 내걸고 전래의 유학을 지키는 보루이자 일제강점기의 현실에 저항하는 인재교육 거점으로서의 서당교육을 행하였다면, 그에 대한 연구를 단순히 서당교육에 대한 연구로만 국한할 수 없는 것이다. 시대상과 결부된 거시적인 시각으로 접근할 필요가 있는 것이다. 따라서 앞으로의 노상직에 대한 연구는 그의 방대한 서당교육자료에다 근대전환의 격변기와 일제강점기에 서당교육에 바쳐진 그의 일생을 더하여 그의 학문을 ‘小訥學’ 또는 ‘紫巖學’으로 정립시키는 길을 찾아나가야 할 것이다. 地域學(慶南儒學) 연구가 극히 빈약한 지금 학계 현실에서 특히 노상직에 대한 이와 같은 연구는 새로운 활로를 열어줄 것이다. While living in Jaamchoryeo (Jaam village school) since March 1899 (3rd year of Gwangmu, aged 45) when he started to lecture at the village school, Noh Sang Jik (盧相稷) assigned one of his students as a secretary to record the daily life and schooling of all the students as well as Noh Sang Jik himself. In addition, he designated Sanggap day in March and September (spring and fall) every year as the day of retrospect so that not only students at the village school but also former students who left the school and went back home were gathered together to examine their learning and behaviors through the large-scale conference. Noh Sang Jik also had all these contents recorded. According to Jaamilrok in existence, Seodangilrok (Village School Diary) kept by the school’s secretary was divided into volumes each of which included the record of 1 month respectively. From March 1899 (3rd year of Gwangmu, aged 45) when it started to be written to January 1931 (aged 77) when Noh Sang Jik died except 5 to 6 years during which it was difficult to lecture at the school full-time, it is estimated that 320 volumes for 320 months including leap months were written during the 26 years in total. The lecture record entitled Ganghwesidogi (講會時到記) was estimated to be about 52 volumes since lectures were held regularly twice a year in spring and fall and the record was divided by each lecture. Seodangilrok (school diary) of Noh Sang Jik currently in existence includes 19 volumes (19 months) of 5 books among translations of Jaamilrok and Seodangilrok (School Diary) during the period of lecturing at Jaamchoryeo (Jaam school) as well as 86 volumes of 22 books including Jaamilrok, Jaam Diary, Jaam School Diary, Bangjae Diary, Bangjaeilrok, Sanamilrok, Sanamseojang Diary, etc. these Sonul Books are at Busan National University Library. Seodangilrok (School Diary) and Jaamilrok written during the lecturing at Jaamchoryeo (Jaam School) are 19 volumes in total for 19 months, less than 2 years, and the total period from the beginning to the end is 3 years. If this book itself is called “one of the largest educational anthropologist reports of village schools,” Seodangilrok (School Diary) of Noh Sang Jik which is more than 4 times larger than that as it consists of 105 volumes for 105 months in total including 86 volumes for 86 months, can be regarded as Korea’s only and indeed largest educational anthropologist material (report) about village schools. However, Seodangilrok (School Diary) is not the only documentary material about Noh Sang Jik’s village school education. Sonul Books also include ‘Seodanghakgyu Hunmongcheop,’ ‘Ganghwesidogi and Donggangrok,’ ‘Jaam Village School Ledger,’ etc. ‘Seodanghakgyu Hunmongcheop’ was compiled with ‘Guekgijehunmongcheoche’ while he lectured at Geukgijae in 1888 (25th year of King Gojong, aged 34). Thereafter, this was used in lectures continually at such village schools as Geumsanseodang, Jaamchoryeo (Jaam School), Jaamseodang, Sanamseojang (Bangjae), etc. Ganghwesidogi is a combination of ‘Gangwhesidogi’ which was a register of students participating in lectures on Sanggap days in March and September (spring and fall) every year since March 1899 (3rd year of Gwangmu, aged 45) and Ganghwesicheop which is a collection of poems written during that period of time. 17 of them including Sidogi, Gangwhesidogi, Jaamseodangsidogi, Jaamseodang-gangwhesidogi, and Jaamseodangnakseongsidogi still exist as part of Sonul Books. Donggangrok is a register [Dongganggyecheop] of students who studied at village schools of Noh Sang Jik such as Jaamchoryeo (Jaam School), Jaamseodang, Sanamseojang (Bangjae), etc. 20 books such as Jaamgyecheop, 「Geumsanseodangdonggorok」, 「Jaamseodangchunhadonggangrok」, 「Jaamseodangchudongdonggangrok」, 「Bangjaedonggangrok」, etc. have been preserved as part of Sonul Books. In addition, Sonul Books in existence also include Jaam School�

조선전기 직금흉배직물 연구

심연옥 한국의상디자인학회 2013 한국의상디자인학회지 Vol.15 No.4

Those records indicate that Jik-geum Hyoong-bae fabric was imported from China and its period was during the fourteen and fifteen century. Gold threads used in three Jik-geum Hyoong-bae artifacts were all wrapped gold thread and gold thread of Danryeong from Young-dukdong, Yong-in, did not have a base, but instead the gold foil itself was attached to the silk cord. Such form of artifact had never been discovered before in Korea. Wrapped gold thread of Seoknamdong’s basis was presumably bamboo paper. Three Jik-geum Hyoong-bae have the same weave structure. The ground is woven in a warp-faced 5-end satin weave. The pattern is brocaded with supplementary gold wefts. Supplementary gold wefts are composed of 1/4 twill binding by the odd number pairs of warps within every group of 10 pairs of warps. All of the Jik-geum Hyoong-bae textile were designed and weaved according to the overlapped collared costume’s structure. This is also known as ‘Jik-seong-pil-ryo’. One symmetric collared jacket excavated in Seok-namdong, Incheon, only has the right half of Hyoong-bae in the front. This is because symmetric collared jacket was made from overlapped collared costume. Tiger and peacock are the main patterns of Jik-geum Hyoong-bae which have realistic and free screen composition and this shows a huge difference to the later generation’s standardized Hyoong-bae pattern.

品山 金直淵의 시세계 고찰

최종호 택민국학연구원 2023 국학연구론총 Vol.- No.32

Pumsan Kim Jik-yeon passed the state examination at the age of 36 and spent a long time in government until returning to his hometown at the age of 71. He left a collection of writings organized and transcribed by himself, Pumsanmanpil, and his autobiography, Pumsanjasul. Pumsanmanpil, of the 20 books, 10 contain poems, and there are more than 3,600 poems in them. It is rare for a person to leave so many poems, but Pumsanmanpil has not yet been discussed in academia. Accordingly, this paper paid attention to the Chireonnyulshi(七言律詩) that he loved among Kim Jik-yeon's poems, and examined the creative aspects by dividing them into three as follows. First, ‘frequent poetic society(詩社) activity.’ Kim Jik-yeon, who loved writing poetry, made a poetic society(詩社) and attended it enthusiastically. The name of the poetic society(詩社) he participated in was ‘Seosa(西社)’, which was not gathered in Seochon(西村) under Inwang Mountain, but was mainly held at the members' houses. Among the Chireonnyulshi(七言律詩) contained in Volume 3 to Volume 5, there are as many as 150 written in Seosa(西社). As such, it can be seen that he strengthened fellowship and solidarity by writing poems with them. Second, ‘Julil-chup(節日帖) offered to the palace.’ Julil-chup(節日帖) is a Eulogy verses(頌祝詩) dedicated by servants to the palace every season, and only those selected in advance on a fixed date can participate and wrote Julil-chup(節日帖). Kim Jik-yeon wrote 53 Julil-chup(節日帖), and it is rare to see such a vast and colorful Julil-chup(節日帖) in a single man's anthology. This is related to his long career in government and the court, and it is a source of information to gauge his poetic capability. Third, ‘a broad interest in nature and objects.’ Kim Jik-yeon sang poems about nature, seasons, and objects in front of him when he had a little free time. Through this, it is possible to examine his affection and knowledge for objects, and this writing aspect can be linked to his love of poetry. Kim Jik-yeon often wrote a series of poems when he decided on a single poem title, and it seems that his desire to create poetry resulted in numerous such Dinggedichts(事物詩). The above characteristics are found in Kim Jik-yeon's poems. His poems can be said to be of research value in that they not only help to examine Kim Ji-yeon's individual poetry world in depth, but also can examine the appearance of poetic society(詩社) and aspects of JJulil-chup(節日帖) at the time. It is also considered to be meaningful in enriching literary history in that it is the discovery of new materials that have not been discussed so far.