산둥 문화대혁명 속 파벌형성의 원인과 양상 — ‘산둥대학 마오쩌둥주의 홍위병’의 부침 —

김한결(Kim, Han-gyeol) 중국근현대사학회 2021 중국근현대사연구 Vol.89 No.-

This study is aimed at analyzing the cause of factional formation in Shandong Province during the Cultural Revolution, focusing on the Shandong University Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards(山東大學毛澤東主義紅衛兵) that communicated directly with the Central Cultural Revolution Group(CCRG). The student rebellions could organize the Red Guards under the CCRG. Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards gradually gained the upper hand over the conservatives through the support of central politics and started directly guiding the laborers and farmers. At first, they took lead in uniting the rebel Red Guards against the conservative Red guards and the Shandong Province Committee. But after overthrowing the enemy, they changed their position and took exclusive control of power. The feeling of superiority and inferiority among the Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards split not only the rebel Red Guards but the laborers and farmers under their lead into Pro-Shandong University and Anti-Shandong University. Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards came close to seizing power but it was impeded by the Anti-Shandong University members and Shandong Province party officers. In the end, Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards were defeated due to a military intervention by the Jinan Military Region, with Wang Xiaoyu on their side. However, The regrouping of conservatives led to the reunion of the rebels so the Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards was able to reestablish the power of the Shandong University. After the dismantling of the conservatives, the Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards sought to recover their reputation. In the end, the Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards disbanded due to attacks from the Revolutionary Committees and Anti-Shandong University members.

홍위병조직(紅衛兵組織)의 태동(胎動)에 있어서 모택동(毛澤東)의 영향(影響)

김기효 중국사학회 2011 中國史硏究 Vol.72 No.-

毛澤東領導文化大革命當中, 最大的成功之一不是別的, 正是依고學生們的大衆組織, 卽所謂的紅衛兵組織的出現能구說明這一點, 這些紅衛兵組織不是在文化大革命中的産物, 而是現在我們在對文化大革命的記憶中遺留下來的文革的主要力量, 타具有一個非常大的角色.本文中, 要進行討論在文化大革命前期紅衛兵組織的萌芽與毛澤東有關的. 在紅衛兵組織的萌芽中, 盡管政府立場沒有介入, 但是흔明顯可以肯定的是有外部的幇助或者是後台. 首先最重要的是毛澤東, 卽, 特別是毛澤東對知識分子的認識有密切的關系. 當時被看做聚集著最多知識分子的地方是學校, 紅衛兵組織被胎動的事實能구反映出這個情況.筆者認爲, 雖然紅衛兵組織是自發組成的群衆機構, 但是作爲這些組織萌芽形成的最重要的背景中之一是堅持持續性階級戰爭和持續對於敎育改革的毛澤東的要求與當時正在展開的對毛澤東的個人崇拜互相結合, 支配學生們的意識形態, 還有這個情況對批判敎育當局和他們的恩師的紅衛兵組織的萌芽起到흔大的影響.

張承志創作初探 : 他的理想主義與抗戰文學論 His Idealism and (Political) Resistance

千賢耕 한국중국문화학회 2004 中國學論叢 Vol.17 No.-

張承志는 新時期 이래 中國문단에서 크게 주목을 받는 작가이다. 回族 태생, 이슬람교도 紅衛兵, 이어서 知靑으로 등단하는 등 남다른 이력부터 세인의 관심을 받았다. 개혁개방으로 인민의 경제생활이 향상되고, 이는 현대화와 시장경제체제에 대한 열렬한 찬양을 넘어 금전숭배의 물질만능사조와 필연적으로 뒤따르는 인간정신 쇠퇴라는 풍조를 낳았다. 삶의 세속화, 속류화 등에 따라 문화계 역시 오락성의 추구상업주의화가 지배적 분위기를 형성했고, 이에 문단에서는 숭고한 연간정신 삶의 궁극의 목표를 상실한데 대한 우려와 질책의 소리가 "인문정신"에 대한 논쟁으로 표출되었다. 張承志는 바로 이러한 1990년대 이후 중국인문학계의 風景에 돌발적인 존재이다. 그는 보편적 사회분위기와는 달리 인간의 존재가치에 대한 끊임없는 懷疑, 궁극적인 가치에 대한 추구, 자기수양과 불요불굴의 정신을 강조하며 "혁명시대"의 힘을 잃어가는 중국사회를 一喝하였다. 그의 작품에 항상 등장하는 "求道者"의 형상이나 끓어넘치는 젊음의 기백 등, 격정적 理想主義와 英雄主義로 대표되는 그의 작품세계는 이렇듯 꿈과 격정을 잃어버린 세대에게 희망으로 다가가며 "熱氣" "神話"등의 현상을 낳기까지 한 것이다. 그러나 한편 그의 理想主義나 英雄主義는 紅衛兵 출신이라는 개인경력과 맞물려 다른 평가를 이끌어내기도 한다. 특히 현대중국의 "암혹기"라 평가받는 文化大革命과 紅衛兵에 대해서도 張承志는 "영광의 60년대"라는 인식을 갖고 있다. 물론 張承志가 인정하는 것은 목표를 향한 열정, 전체를 위한 개인의 희생과 헌신, 절대 굴하지 않는 투쟁정신, 사회 전체의 총체적인 통일 등 그 시절이 담지했던 "理想"과 "激情"이었다. 그러나 교조적인 이상과 격정, 전체를 위한 개인의 희생과 헌신을 강요받으며, 그러한 이상주의와 영웅주의 속에 인간으로서의 존재가치를 빼앗겨야 했던 당대 중국인들은 경계와 우려의 목소리를 높이고 있다. 아울러 張承志의 抗戰文學論 역시 이와 유사한 양면적 평가를 받는다. "세계화"와 함께 추진되는 미국 주도의 覇權主義는 제3세계에 또 다른 식민주의(新植民主義)의 두려움을 자아내고 있다. 서구화된 생활양식이 빚어낼 수밖에 없는 서구 추수적 중국사회의 분위기는 文化帝國主義의 침략에 대한 지식인들의 "민족존망의 위기감"을 자아냈고, 張承志는 이러한 위기의식을 "서구문명"에 대한 투항에의 저항(抵抗投降), 즉 "新식민주의 반대"라는 "抗戰文學論"으로 형상화한 것이다. 이는 중국 뿐 아니라 한국을 포함한 제3세계 공통의 문제이지만, 이러한 움직임이 낳을 또다른 부정적 결과를 경계해야 할 것이다. 중국의 中華主義가 이러한 민족적 위기감과 결합할 때는 또다른 보수주의 사조가 등장할 것이고, 이는 人類共榮의 공동체적 삶을 목표로 하는 현대인에게는 더더욱 중요하고도 시급한 문제이다. 이렇게 張承志는 中國 안팎에서 각기 다른 이유로 주목을 받는 "문제적" 작가인 것이다.

내몽골 문화대혁명과 ‘呼三司’

孫承會(SON SEUNGHOI) 중국근현대사학회 2020 중국근현대사연구 Vol.85 No.-

‘Husansi(呼三司)’, a representative united organization of the Red guards in early Inner Mongolia, developed the Cultural Revolution forming the close relationship with the Revolution Committee(革命委員會) in which Tenghaiqing(滕海淸) had taken the lead just after ‘8 Red Decisions( 紅8條)’. The advent and development of the comprehensive organ newspaper, Husansi(『呼三司』), reflects such situation. However, as ‘Husansi’ went through the process of criticism struggle over the Conservatives(保守派) the Ultra left(極左派) the Peripatetic(逍遙派), it underwent gradual conservatism, which prevented it from fully revealing the previous aspect as a ‘Revolutionary Rebels(革命造反派)’. The geopolitical position of the Inner Mongolia, adjacent to the Soviet Union and the Outer Mongolia, provided a backdrop for the precipitation of conservatism. Therefore, the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia showed an aspect distinguished from the nationwide trend which presented a shift from confrontations between the Conservatives/the Rebels to confrontations between radicalism and moderation within Rebels. As a consequence, taken as a whole, the Cultural Revolution was reduced to a top-down mobilization movement with the activity of radical Rebels remained inconspicuous, which opposed the handling of the Cultural Revolution by military-centered the Revolution Committee. It is plausible that the Genocide of Mongols following ‘the Expulsion Movement(‘挖肅運動’)’ and the ‘Neirendang(內人黨)’ detection struggle which was aggressively fueled by Tenghaiqing can be attributed to the ‘deviation’ of the Cultural Revolution caused by conservatism of Rebels, than to the radicalization of the Cultural Revolution. Taken as a whole, Husansi cooperated with ‘the Expulsion Movement.’ However, as it extended to ‘Neirendang’ detection struggle, the objecting atmosphere in Inner Mongolia began to be reinforced. A part of ‘Husansi’ was passive to ‘the Expulsion Movement’ and took exceptional passive attitude to the ‘Neirendang’ detection struggle, and Mongol-centered ‘Liansi(聯社)’ strongly opposed to them. The fact that Hongweibing(『紅衛兵』) substituted Husnansi(『呼三司』), and propagated the ‘Neirendang’ detection struggle actively, reflected the discontent of Tenghaiqing on ‘Huansi’. If then, isn’t it possible to say that the passive resist of ‘Husansi’ was the manifestation of class line to check the ‘deviation’ of the Revolution Committee which wanted to confine the Cultural Revolution in the category of the ethnic issues? Also, during the process in which Tenghaiqing was criticized by ‘Husansi’, and Husansi substituted Hongweibing again, the previous victims were reinstated, and this is a symbolic event showing complicated interrelation between the ethnic contradiction and the class contradiction in the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia. It deserved to be evaluated as one of the ‘self-purification’ endeavors against the Cultural Revolution ‘deviation’. Eventually, it cannot be said that the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia which was seen by mainly paying attention to ‘Husansi’, only developed in the framework of the ethnic issues. The proper class issue of Cultural Revolution was a prominent power of the movement as well. Though it was incapable of inhibiting the genocide due to the conservatism of ‘Husansi’ which was fulfilled in the limitation of geopolitics, the limited autonomy of “Husansi” was represented as the passive resist against the ‘Neirendang’ detection struggle, and as criticism movement over Tenghaiqing.

毛澤東, 共靑團, 老紅衛兵의 혁명의 후계자 담론 비교

김준호 ( Kim¸ Jun-ho ) 한국중국학회 2021 중국학보 Vol.97 No.-

본 논문은 老紅衛兵의 혁명의 후계자 담론을 毛澤東 및 共靑團의 혁명의 후계자 담론과의 삼자구도 속에서 검토한다. 毛澤東이 혁명의 후계자를 양성하는 문제를 제기한 것은 그의 계급 개념이 당 내부에 출현한 사상적·정치적 문제를 겨냥하는 과정과 맥락을 같이하고 있었다. 때문에 毛澤東이 요구했던 혁명의 후계자란 기본적으로 당 내부, 심지어 중앙의 인사들에게도 조반할 수 있는 청년이었다. 共靑團은 상산하향에 청년들을 동원하는 임무를 맡은 상황 속에서 혁명의 후계자 양성 임무를 이어받았다. 그 결과로 제기된 것은 고된 생활-혁명의 후계자 담론이었다. 하지만 그들이 선전한 것은 기본적으로 당에 복종하는 혁명의 후계자였지, 당에 조반하는 혁명의 후계자가 아니었다. 고된 생활-혁명의 후계자 담론은 出身이 좋지 않은 청년들이 혁명의 후계자로 거듭나는 유일한 출로는 상산하향이라는 논리의 출현으로 이어지기도 했다. 사구타파 기간 국무원의 하향 동원 업무에 호응하려던 老紅衛兵들은 이 논리를 이어받았지만, 직접 상산하향에 참가하는 혁명의 후계자가 되려 하지는 않았다. 또한 그들의 담론은 갈수록 表現을 중시하는 毛澤東 계급이론의 사상적 경로와도 부합하지 않았고, 주된 비판 대상이 누구인가에 관해서도 부합하지 않았다. 혈통론은 교내에서 자신의 경쟁자들을 압도하려는 간부자제들의 담론적 투쟁 과정에서 출현한 것이었다. This paper examines the revolutionary successor discourse of the Old Red Guards in a three-way composition with the revolutionary successor discourses of Mao Zedong and the Youth Communist League. Mao’s raising of the issue of nurturing revolutionary successors coincided with the process of targeting ideological and political issues within the party. Therefore, the revolutionary successor Mao wanted was basically a youth who could rebel against figures in the party and even those on the Central Committee. The Youth Communist League took over the task of nurturing revolutionary successors while they were tasked with mobilizing young people to go Up to the Hills, Down to the Countrysides. What was raised as a result was the hard life-revolutionary successor discourse. But what they propagated was basically the revolutionary successors that had to obeyed the party, not the revolutionary successors who could rebel against the party. The hard life-revolutionary successor discourse also led to the emergence of logic that the only way out for young people with bad class origins to be reborn as revolutionary successors was to go Up to the Hills, Down to the Countrysides. During the Destroying Four Olds period, the Old Red Guards, who tried to respond enthusiastically to the State Council’s task of making Beijing residents to go down to the countrysides, adopted this logic, but they did not try to be the revolutionary successor who willingly participated in the Up to the Hills, Down to the Countrysides campaign. Their discourse was also inconsistent with the ideological path of Mao’s class theory, which increasingly valued individual’s behavior, and with the respect to who the main object of criticism was. The bloodline theory emerged during the discursive struggle of the students whose parents were cadres to oust their rivals from the competition in the school.

紅衛兵 運動의 輓歌 - 郭路生

이와사 마사아키 동아대학교 동아시아연구원 2007 동아시아 : 비교와 전망 Vol.6 No.2

93年以郭路生的诗为主题召开了一个讨论会。《中国作家》93年第三期对他的诗进行整理,他的名字开始出现在各大出版物上。郭路生的诗经过25年终于由地下转为地上。毋庸置疑,这种变化表明继承诗坛对他的诗做出了公正的评价。但进一步想,这种变化的产生正是由于中国社会文革体验的相对化可以称得上成熟。但是郭路生的诗顺利的适应了文革后的中国社会,并被认为是对现实政治无害的。 但我不这么想。在文革期他的诗是对公开文学的敌对,对文革以后的时期,则被认为是作为一个《異化》而存在的。文革的记忆和意义,80年代以后和中国社会的󰡐成熟󰡑一起在日常中扩散,风化的时候,他在被称为精神病医院的孤立工团里,不屈的和󰡐那个时代󰡑鬪爭。在这苦鬪中他创作的诗虽然描述了󰡐那个时代󰡑,但看来就好像描写目前的现实。我们从他的诗歌中,可以感受到,使文革以后社会的成熟成为必然的失败者们的感情(那些话语并非告发文革后的时代的话语)。这就是现在中国社会中郭路生诗歌的意义所在。

문화대혁명, 진보인가 반동인가? - 베이징 초기 홍위병 운동의 쟁점에 대한 재검토를 중심으로 -

成謹濟(Seong, Geunje) 역사교육연구회 2022 역사교육 Vol.161 No.-

This paper is an attempt to create a comprehensive survey of the modernity and universality that the issues and conflicts from the Cultural Revolutionary period hold from a new perspective through political keywords that are central and widespread in modern society. To achieve this, the paper puts its focus primarily on subjects regarding the Red Guard movement in the early days of the Cultural Revolution and at the same time, limits the area of study to Beijing to provide as much context as possible on the social conflicts of the time. The study especially focuses on the “fairness-justice” and “discrimination-hate” discourse-a core social discussion in Korean society today-as a medium to reinterpret the string of specific contexts. I consider these discussions as a form of “post-revolution discourse” encompassing the democratization process its outcome. “Post-revolution discourse” has been adopted as a means to readdress the Cultural Revolution because discussions concerning the Cultural Revolution can also be understood as a form of “post-revolution discourse” regarding the achievements of the 1949 Socialist Revolution. The objectives of social activism in the 20th century are relatively clear. It aimed to establish a just policy that would allow for a fair distribution of resources and the abolition of all discriminatory practices. China took the path of socialist revolution and Korea took that of democratic movements. While both countries’ movements bore fruit, both also had clear limitations. The question is: how should the social responses to the shortcomings be compared and evaluated? This is not, by any means, an attempt to equate China in 1966 and Korea in 2021, nor is it a bid to force ideological standards that distinguish revolutions and reactions upon each party. What this paper strives to accomplish is to investigate the possibility of utilizing different historical experiences as a cross-reference for pioneering interpretations, despite uncertainties as to what is truly revolutionary and what is reactionary.

문화대혁명(文化大革命) 시기 `양판(樣板)`의 형성과정

김진공 한국중국어문학회 2000 中國文學 Vol.34 No.-

`樣板戱`是代表文化大革命時期的藝術形式. 現代革命京劇<紅燈記> · <沙家浜> · <智取威虎山> · <奇襲白虎團> · <海港>· 芭雷舞劇<紅色娘于軍> · <白毛女>· 交響音樂<沙家浜>包括在內的所謂`八大樣板戱`, 由于政治權力的全面支持, 獨覇文革時期藝術舞臺. `樣板`這-槪念與樣板戱不可分離. 但`樣板`不能局限在藝術形式的範圍解釋. ?是文革的非正常歷史條件下形成的政治性槪念, 又是關注文革政治特點的象徵. ?的背後隱含着文革時期政治權力和大衆的不同感慾望和意圖. 一方面, 文革時期的政治權力願望創造出?蘇聯模式區別的新社會主義模式, 樣板就是他們的試驗田産生的新社會主義的典型人物. ?一方面, 文革時期的大衆由于處于長期持續的`戰時共産主義`的緊張狀態, 渴望解決他門精神危機的完美無疵的偶像, 樣板戱創造的英雄人物就是滿足他門慾望的偶像. 本論文檢討`樣板`的歷史的形成過程. 其中包括樣板的政治性意味的産生過程和所謂`八大樣板戱`的定立過程. 還有爲樣板戱提供理論根據的<紀要>也是本論文主要檢討對象之一.

중국동시대미술에 나타난 애브젝트 이미지 연구: 홍위병을 재현한 탠타이쵄과 후커의 작품분석을 중심으로

이영일 한국조형교육학회 2013 造形敎育 Vol.0 No.48

This article is an analysis of cotemporary Chinese art by using “abject” and Tai-Quan Tian’s and Ke Hu’s products whose motifs are mainly about the images of Red Guards as symbols of the political mass movement in Cultural Revolution. According to what the writer has found out, the border between the shape of an “abject” image and other object is not clear, and I can my inquiry about the collision of the meaning of the segmentation line. At the same time, the literature shaped image appearing as contemporary Chinese art is a single mark that reveals the Chinese contemporary art; also it exposes a symbol of the Chinese people’s trauma. In addition, the reason why the contemporary Chinese art reenacted the Red Guards is because the cultural/ aesthetical concept of the same age interlocks with each other. Therefore, the color of the same age is very deep. Using contemporaneous cultural criticism analysis, based on the definite object this detailed research is a reason about the conflict between the abstract aspect and the definite object. In conclusion, the writer would like to state about the language of molding and art. The lengthening of the language of molding’s border line is how to expose the “abject” brought up in the beginning of this article, and it also exposes the inability and the limitation of the existing reenacting system.

중국인 디아스포라 베이다오 北島의 시적 이미지 연구

박남용(Park, Nam-yong) 한국외국어대학교 외국문학연구소 2007 외국문학연구 Vol.- No.28

본고는 중국인 디아스포라 망명시인으로 불리는 베이다오 北島 시에 나타난 이미지를 연구한 논문이다. 베이다오는 2005년 8월 제2회 서울 국제문학포럼에 참여하며 국내의 독자들에게 널리 알려지고 있는 당대 중국의 저명한 시인이라고 할 수 있다. 그는 북경에서 출생하여 문화대혁명 때 홍위병 운동에도 참여했었고, 건설현장에서 일도 했던 경력을 소유하고 있다. 하지만 그는 1978년 『오늘 今天』이란 문학잡지를 출간하며 전통과 사회주의 현실주의 문학에 반대하는 전위적인 아방가르드 문학을 추구하였지만 반체제 시인으로 낙인찍혀 서구로 망명하여 지금은 미국에 망명중인 시인이다. 본고에서는 그의 시문학 세계에 대한 전체적인 조망 속에서 시인의 디아스포라적 인생역정을 바탕으로 시적 이미지의 변화과정을 연구해 보았다. 초기 시에는 주로 역사에 대한 회의와 반항, 그리고 영웅적 이미지가 「회답 回答」이란 시를 통해서 나타났으며, 서구로 망명한 이후의 시세계에서는 새로운 낯선 이국적 세계에 대한 발견과 향수의식이 주로 나타났다. 그리하여 그의 시에서는 고향과 조국에 대한 향수 이미지를 시적 형상화하며 자기정체성을 추구해 나가는 시적 변화과정이 잘 나타나고 있다. 필자는 베이다오 시의 이미지 변화과정을 통해 중국 당대시의 끼친 영향과 특징을 잘 이해해 볼 수 있었다. This is a thesis on the images that appear in the poems by Beidao (北島), who is known to be an exiled poet in the Chinese Diaspora. As he participated in the 2nd 'Seoul International Forum for Literature' held in August, 2005, he is widely known amongst Korean readers as one of the most famous Chinese poets of the contemporary period. Born in Beijing, he took part in the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution and also worked as a construction worker. He published a literary magazine, entitled “Today” (今天) in 1978, to pursue avant-garde literature against the traditional Socialist realism. Branded as a dissident poet, however, he sought a political asylum in the West and is now living in exile in the US. In this study was examined the transformation process of the poetic images based upon his life in the Chinese Diaspora, in the light of his entire world of poetry. In his early poems, such as “Answer”, were represented his skepticism about History, rebellion and heroic images. Since his exile in the West, his works have shown some of his newly found discoveries in the new, unfamiliar and exotic world and his nostalgia for his own homeland. In his poems, therefore, is well represented a poetic transformation process that forms nostalgic images for his homeland and country and searches for his own identity. Through the transformation process of the poetic images by Beidao, I was able to understand his influences on the China's contemporary poetry and its characteristics.