조선조 망관례(望關禮)의 중층적 의례구조와 성격

윤석호 ( Suk Ho Yoon ) 한국사상사학회 2013 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.43

망궐례는 명초 천자를 대상으로 한 제후의 요하의로 기획되였다. 명을 천자로 승인한 조션은 먼곡의례로서 망궐례를 도입하였고, 내면 화된 사대의식 속에서 정례적으로 시행했다. 한펀 『홍무예제』의 〈進賀義禮〉에 부속된 외관요하의도 곡내에 수용되였는데, 상위의례인 조회와의 연관성 속에서 조선적 변용을 거치며 『곡조오례의』에는 삭망에 까지 정례화되였다. 명 청 교체는 망궐례의 자발성을 축소시켰다. 반면 외관요하의는 『곡 조오례의』에 규정된 시행일이 준수되였다. 주목되는 것은 외관요하의를 망궐례로 칭하는 용례가 일반화된 점이다. 당대의 사환일기나 조정의 관 행, 실학자의 인식 등에서 망궐례는 외관요하의를 의미했다. 이처럼 외관 요하의가 용어로서의 ``망궐례``를 잠식한 것은 표면적으로는 명청교체에 원인을 둔다. 하지만 그 저변에는 외관요하의의 도입부터 변용에 이 르기까지 일관되게 관철된 의도가 내재해 있였다. 이는 곧 곡왕중섬의 집권적 지방지배를 관철하는 것이며, 외관요하의는 그 의례적 도구로 활 용되였다. Manggwollye(望闕禮), which was a kind of Yoha ritual(遙賀儀), was designed in the early Ming dynasty to make imperial subject congratulate on emperor`s holiday, Recognizing the Ming Dynasty as an emperor, the Chosun Dynasty adopted and performed Manggwollye regularly, Meanwhile, Woigwan - Yoha ritual(外官遙賀儀) which means the Y oha ritual acted by local governor for king was also defined in Hongwu Etiquette Orders(洪武禮制), and accepted in Chosun Dynasty, However, unlike Ming`s regulation, it changed according to the alteration of Chohoe(朝會) in the Chosun Dynasty, so that the 1st and 15th days(朔望) were added in the date of performance, The dynastic change from Ming to Qing reduced the spontaneity of Manggwollye, whereas Woigwan - Yoha ritual was performed regularly according to the regulation of Cugjo - oryeui (國朝五禮儀), It is noteworthy that the usage that Manggwollye meant Woigwan - Yoha ritual became prevalent. Manggwollye meant Woigwan - Yoha ritual in the diary of current local governor, the custom of royal court. and the recognition of Silhak scholarsi(實學者), Apparently, the encroach on the meaning was due to the dynastic change. However. the practical cause was based on the continuous aim of achieving the centralized regional ruling system. which worked from the adopting to variation of Woigwan - Yoha ritual.

14세기 元明교체기의 胡‧漢共存과개경의 望闕禮 공간

정은정 한국중세사학회 2017 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.49

A sui generis world view of Goryeo was changed in the transition period from the Yuan to the Ming Dynasty. In the late Goryeo Dynasty, the barbarian-style elements was mixed in her official system, and thereby a Sino-Barbarian coexistence was sought. Manggwollye(望闕禮) introduced in the reign of King Chungyeol was consistently held Throughout the period. Goryeo society had been gradually subject to the Yuan Dynasty’s laws, meanwhile, there was a growing Sino-influence. Despite the consequential conflict, the barbarian-style ancestral ritual lasted for long. The ritual formalities accomplished in Manggwollye included Jijeongjogyeok(至正條格) and Hongmuyeje(洪武禮制). They was dissimilar to the Sino-style ritual, but Manggwollye also became a compromise between Sino and Barbarian rituals. It was held not only in the palace in Gaegyeong, but in Myoryeon Temple(妙蓮寺) and Bongeun Temple(奉恩寺). And in Jeongdonghaengjungseoseong(征東行中書省) during the reign of King Chungmok and in the first year of King Gongmin. Also in Gongbuknu Pavilion(拱北樓), the nearby Cheongju, on the way of the evacuation of King Gongmin to Andong. During Manggwollye, the king came in and out Daekwanjeon(大觀殿), Hujeon(後殿), and Seogye(西階) repeatedly. Hujeon was used as the place to change clothes. It was originally the king’s personal space as a dwelling and sleeping palace, but through Manggwollye as a official ritual, was gradually changing to a public space. When starting and ending Manggwollye in terms of space, Hujeon and Daekwanjeon was repeatedly used. Between the two spaces there was the stylobate in the shape of a layered corridor, it seems to be Cheonlang(穿廊), a corridor for the ritual. Cheonlang had a symbolic role connecting visually the king’s chair, the officials at the court, Hapmun(閤門), and Munoewie(門外位). Dangga(唐家) of the king’s chair fronted, along the longitudinal axis, the king’s road(御道). These change in construction techniques, such as example postulating the principal axis of the king’s chair or Eoga(御街) by the medium of the construction of Cheonlang and reducing pillars to extend the ritual space, was reflected in Gyeongbokgung Palace in the early Joseon Dynasty.

조선시대 객사 행례와 안성망궐례 재현

조순자(Jo, Sunja) 고려대학교 한국학연구소 2023 한국학연구 Vol.86 No.-

조선후기 殿牌作變 연구

윤석호(Yoon, Suk-Ho) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2016 한국민족문화 Vol.58 No.-

양난 후 향촌통제를 강화하려는 국가적 의도와 맞물려 客舍儀禮는 더욱 정기화․일상화되었다. 그러나 殿牌에 위해를 가하는 사건인 殿牌作變이 효종 6년 이래로 총 78건이 발생했다. 전패작변은 사족 등에 의해 수령의 징치를 목적으로 발생했다는 평면적 이해와는 달리 주체·원인·목적 등에 따라 다양하게 전개되었으며, 19세기 이후로는 당시의 주요 모순과 연관된 작변이 점증하고 있었다. 특히 민은에 의한 전패작변은 전패로 표상되는 수령권, 그리고 수령을 중심으로 재편된 관권의 자의적 통치에 한계가 있음을 드러냈다. After two invasions of the 17th century, the Gaeksa(客舍)"s ceremonies using the wooden plate that symbolize the king(殿牌, Jeonpae) had been performed regularly and ordinarily, in accordance with the plan of the dynasty to rebuild and control the warworn country. Jeonpae placed in Gaeksa domestically symbolized the dynasty itself, and especially in the country also meant the government authority given to the local governor(守令, Suryong). However, despite the strengthened symbol of Jeonpae, the damage to Jeonpae(殿牌作變, Jeonpae-zakbyeon) had happened totally 78 times in the late Chosun Dynasty since the 6th year of HyoJong(孝宗). The early Jeonpae-zakbyeon was happened to castigate the Suryong. This was due to the conflict between the Suryong and the country nobility(士族, Sajok) in the country, which was caused by the enhanced national control over the country. As the government-leading control over the country took effect in the 18th century, the subject of Jeonpae-zakbyeon varied to Yi-hyang(吏鄕), who took charge of the practical business in the country. It is remarkable that despite the change of the regulation on Jeonpae-zakbyeon, not punishing the Suryong, Jeonpae-zakbyeon constantly happened in the 18th century. It means that the purpose and the subject of Jeonpae-zakbyeon shows a tendency to vary and expand. Shortly, differently with the bygone plain understanding that Jeonpaezakbyeon happened to punish the Suryong by the Sajok, it had developed in three dimension according to the variation of the subjects, causes, and purposes. Particularly, despite the limit of being individual and impulsive accidents, Jeonpae-zakbyeon was happened due to Min-eun(民隱) which was closely connected with major inconsistency that had happened since the 19th century. Consequently, the valuation that Jeonpae-zakbyeon didn"t mean to overcome the dynasty can be reconsidered. The reason is that the symbol which the dynasty want to infuse was reinterpreted by the local people. Furthermore, the local people saw through the limit of the dynasty"s design to rule the country by the symbolic instruments, and this was displayed through Jeonpae-zakbyeon happened by the local people especially in the 19th century. Namely, the local people not only progressively overcame the symbolic meaning of Jeonpae, but also interpreted Jeonpae as an object which they can ask to solve the inconsistency practically.

朝鮮通信使와 望闕禮

정은영 조선통신사학회 2007 조선통신사연구 Vol.5 No.-

고려시대 朝賀儀 의례 구조의 변동과 국가 위상

최종석 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2010 한국문화 Vol.51 No.-

This thesis is about performance aspect and structure of Joha(朝賀) ritual and their change in the Koryo dynasty. It’s result is as follows. 1. The structure of Joha(朝賀) ritual in the Koryo dynasty was transformed since the period of Yuan Domination. Joha ritual in the Early Koryo dynasty was composed of ceremony in which king just received his subject's Joha, while the ceremony since the period of Yuan Domination added ceremony in which king as imperial subject offered his congratulation on emperor’s holiday. 2. The structure of Joha ritual since the period of Yuan Domination continued during the Joseon Dynasty. 3. Generally Joha ritual performed regularly during the Koryo dynasty 4. In the Aspect of structure and characteristics of Joha ritual, the period of Yuan Domination and period of late Koryo and early Joseon dynasty were generally homogeneous. However in continuity of such a long period, there were changes including king’s official uniform. The homogeneity of two periods in the aspect of structure and characteristics of Joha ritual resulted from a fact that national status of two periods both was independent state and a part of emperor. Difference in two periods in such a homogeneity arosed from diverse way in that nation existed as a part of emperor.

조선시대 嘉禮 연구의 현황과 과제

박미선(Park misun) 한국사학회 2021 史學硏究 Vol.- No.144

본 논문은 기존의 嘉禮 관련 연구 성과들을 검토하고 앞으로의 과제를 고찰해 보기 위해 작성되었다. 먼저 조선전기 『세종실록』 「오례」 가례에서부터 조선후기 『국조오례통편』 가례까지의 儀註와 序例 항목을 중심으로 한 역사학 분야의 연구 성과들을 검토하였다. 가례 연구의 경향은 ① 가례 정비 방향에 대한 연구, ② 가례 항목 분류에 대한 연구, ③ 가례 개별 주제에 대한 연구로 유형화하여 정리하였다. 그리고 앞으로의 과제를 4가지 방향에서 제안하였다. This study is purposed to review the existing researches related to Garye and to consider future tasks. First, the study reviewed research achievements in the field of history, focusing on the items of Uiju and Seorye from Garye of 『Sejong Annals』 「Orye」in the early Choseon Dynasty to Garye of Gukjo-Orye-Tongpyeonin the late Choseon Dynasty. The trends in the study on Garye are categorized and organized into ① a study on the direction of Garye maintenance, ② a study on the classification of Garye items, and ③ a study on individual subjects of Garye. According to the research result, four tasks are presented; ① Following researches should be conducted on a kind of ‘Related Source Theory (典據論)’ on Uiju (Protocol) or ‘Epistemology (認識論)’ on the composition of Orye (The Five Rituals). ② In order to categorize the rites and ceremonies of Garye, the premise of the classification of national rituals should be examined in depth in relation to the planning of the Confucian country. ③ It will be necessary to consider the step-by-step setting of the scope of the study on Garye and the categories of ritualized ceremonies that are not included in the liturgical books. ④ It is required to draw a discourse on the Yechi/Yegyo society of Choseon in connection with the main discourses of the Choseon Dynasty as well as the continuous excavation of subtle topics.

조선시대(朝鮮時代) 범종(梵鍾)의 명문분석(銘文分析)과 범종(梵鍾) 불사(佛事)의 소임(所任)

정문석 ( Jung Moon Seok ) 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 2014 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.59

한반도에서 제작된 범종은 현존하는 통일신라시대 범종을 시작으로 종신이나 천판에 명문이 표기되어, 범종의 제작 배경과 신앙성을 살필 수 있다. 명문은 밀랍주조법, 선각법, 점각법, 문양판법 등의 제작기법을 사용하였으며, 기법에 따라 시기적인 흐름과 특징이 확인된다. 조 선시대에 제작된 범종은 이전 시기 비해 명문의 양이 기하급수적으로 증가하나, 제작 배경이나 사상적인 내용은 대부분 생략되었다. 15세기 왕실발원종은 다양한 명문 내용을 담고 있어, 당시 범종에 대한 인식 과 불교 신앙의 단면을 살필 수 있다. 16세기 범종의 명문은 실제 범 종 불사와 관련된 내용이며, <갑사종>의 명문을 통해 망궐례 등이 민 간에서 시행되었음을 처음으로 제시하여, 조선 전반기 불교용 패가 존 재하였을 것으로 판단하였다. 그 밖에 일본 동경국립박물관 소장 <안국사명백자종>의 존재를 처음으로 제시하여, 해당 작품의 명문분석과 조선시대에 조성된 범종 재질의 다양성 및 봉안용 범종 제작이 조선 시대에 제작되었음을 살펴보았다. 조선 후반기에는 범종의 발원주체 가 소수의 귀족에서 다수의 민중으로 변화함에 따라 시주질을 일일이 기록하였지만, 신앙 내용은 ‘극락왕생’처럼 간단히 기록하거나 진언을 한자로 명시하여 대체하는 경향을 보인다. 그리고 17세기에는 품목시 주 및 시주자 간에 다양한 명칭 등 특징적 경향이 확인되며, 속인과 승려 등 시주자 간에 위계를 두었다. 18세기 이후 점차 범종 불사 소 임의 지칭 명칭이 단순화되지만, 사찰계가 등장하는 점은 특징적이다. 주종장의 직급명(職級名)의 경우 15세기의 왕실발원종은 다양한 관 장들이 주종소 소속의 장인이며 세분화된 직급을 명시하였다. 16세기 의 경우 승장은 화원(畵員), 사장은 주공(鑄工)이라는 명칭으로 양분 되었다. 17세기에는 승장과 사장 모두 화원이라는 명칭을 사용하였지 만, 대체적으로 승장은 화원을 주로 사용하고 사장은 편수(片手)나 양 공(良工)이라는 명칭을 주로 사용하였다. 직급명은 17세기 주종장들이 통정대부(通政大夫)와 절충장군(折衝將軍) 등과 같은 정삼품에 해당하 는 명예 관직을 동시기 여타 장인들보다 이르게 하사 받아, 당시 주종 장의 사회적 입지가 높았다고 판단된다. 18세기에는 승장의 활동은 미 약해지는 반면, 사장의 활동은 활발하였는데 승장은 화원이라는 명칭을 사장은 편수나 양공이라는 명칭을 지속적으로 사용하였다. 그리고 도편수(道片手)나 상편수(上片手) 등 장인들 간에 엄격한 위계질서를 상징하는 직급명이 사용되었음이 확인된다. 그리고 18세기도 주종장이 명예 관직을 하사받았지만, 17세기보다 품계가 높은 정이품에 해당 하는 가선대부(嘉善大夫)도 하사받았다는 것을 알 수 있어 당대 주종 장의 입지가 살펴진다. 조선시대 범종의 명문분석을 시도하여 시기별 신앙성과 제작 배경 에 따른 각 범종 불사의 소임을 살펴보고 품목시주, 사찰계, 시주자 간 위계 등 당시의 시대상황과 특징을 조명할 수 있는 기회가 마련되었다고 생각된다. 더불어 주종장의 직급명을 살펴보는 시도는, 당대 주 종장의 입지가 높았음을 상기시킨다. 끝으로 본 연구가 향후 한국범종사 및 불교공예사를 이해하는 데 있어, 시금석이 되었으면 하는 바람을 가진다. The first type of Korean-Buddhist bell was originated from the Shil-la Dynasty. It is possible to know this by the looks and process of how it was made. There are several ways that have paved the way for the masters to do. To be more specific, a wax casting process, hull process, stipple process, pattern paneled process and other methods were used in this era. The methods have changed little by little throughout the time and different cultures mixed from dynasty to dynasty. However, at the Joseon dynasty, the style of making bell has been drastically changed, containing meanings and background of why a bell is made for. In 15th century, Royal Buddhist temple bell has quite features that show Bhuddism. The contents of the inscription of the Buddhist temple bell of 16th century were related of real process of the Buddhist temple bell, and through the inscription of <Gabsa temple bell> it suggests first that Manggwollye was carried out among thecommon people and surmises the Buddhist card existed at the first of the Joseon dynasty. Other than those mentioned above, the existence of <White porcelain temple bell of written Anguksa> shows the evidence that Bhuddhism bell were produced in the beginning of the Joseon dynasty. On the other hand, at the end of the Joseon dynasty, the purpose of bells were shifted from the noble people to mid level class people. Words such as ‘A gentle and easy death, an easy passage into eternity’ and other religious words were inscribed on the surfaces of bells. In 17th century, laymen and monks had clear boundary that shows a hierarchy. And the designation became little simpler, the tepmple community had appeared to maintain this simpler mode though. In the 16th century, Monk bell master was given the name of the Hwawon, and Private bell master was given the name of Jugong. Both of Monk bell master and Private bell master used the name of the painter of Painting bureau. However, mostly Private bell master called Pyeonsu or Yanggong as well. The appellation of the master shows the masters’ social position, the position was highly ranked at that time, because the bell masters were conferred the post of honor, a similar position to the 3rd position such as dignitary of Tongjeong-daebu and General of Jeolchung early than other contemporary masters in the 17th century. However, the activity of Monk bell master was not very viral when Private bell master was active to do their work in the 18th century. Monk bell master used the name of the painter of painting bureau for a number of times when they used Yanggong, very rarely. This basically portrays that there was a strict rules between their positions of Do-Pyeonsu andSang-Pyeonsu. Besides, the bell master received the bureau honor called dignitary of Ga seondaebu, which was as high as the position of Jung ipum. By examining the bhuddist bells in the Joseon dynasty, it is possible to know the particular cultures and situations such as the offering of items, the tepmple communit, offers and others of the era. Furthermore, to study the name of the bell master, it asserts that the position of the bell master was highly recognized throughout the Joseon Dynasty. To conclude, I hope that this essay becomes a touchstone for you all to understand the crafts for Bhuddism.

朝鮮時代 梵鍾의 銘文分析과 梵鍾 佛事의 所任

정문석 동아대학교 석당학술원 2014 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.59

The first type of Korean-Buddhist bell was originated from the Shil-la Dynasty. It is possible to know this by the looks and process of how it was made. There are several ways that have paved the way for the masters to do. To be more specific, a wax casting process, hull process, stipple process, pattern paneled process and other methods were used in this era. The methods have changed little by little throughout the time and different cultures mixed from dynasty to dynasty. However, at the Joseon dynasty, the style of making bell has been drastically changed, containing meanings and background of why a bell is made for. In 15th century, Royal Buddhist temple bell has quite features that show Bhuddism. The contents of the inscription of the Buddhist temple bell of 16th century were related of real process of the Buddhist temple bell, and through the inscription of <Gabsa temple bell> it suggests first that Manggwollye was carried out among the common people and surmises the Buddhist card existed at the first of the Joseon dynasty. Other than those mentioned above, the existence of <White porcelain temple bell of written Anguksa> shows the evidence that Bhuddhism bell were produced in the beginning of the Joseon dynasty. On the other hand, at the end of the Joseon dynasty, the purpose of bells were shifted from the noble people to mid level class people. Words such as ‘A gentle and easy death, an easy passage into eternity’ and other religious words were inscribed on the surfaces of bells. In 17th century, laymen and monks had clear boundary that shows a hierarchy. And the designation became little simpler, the tepmple community had appeared to maintain this simpler mode though. In the 16th century, Monk bell master was given the name of the Hwawon, and Private bell master was given the name of Jugong. Both of Monk bell master and Private bell master used the name of the painter of Painting bureau. However, mostly Private bell master called Pyeonsu or Yanggong as well. The appellation of the master shows the masters’ social position, the position was highly ranked at that time, because the bell masters were conferred the post of honor, a similar position to the 3rd position such as dignitary of Tongjeong-daebu and General of Jeolchung early than other contemporary masters in the 17th century. However, the activity of Monk bell master was not very viral when Private bell master was active to do their work in the 18th century. Monk bell master used the name of the painter of painting bureau for a number of times when they used Yanggong, very rarely. This basically portrays that there was a strict rules between their positions of Do-Pyeonsu and Sang-Pyeonsu. Besides, the bell master received the bureau honor called dignitary of Ga seondaebu, which was as high as the position of Jung ipum. By examining the bhuddist bells in the Joseon dynasty, it is possible to know the particular cultures and situations such as the offering of items, the tepmple communit, offers and others of the era. Furthermore, to study the name of the bell master, it asserts that the position of the bell master was highly recognized throughout the Joseon Dynasty. To conclude, I hope that this essay becomes a touchstone for you all to understand the crafts for Bhuddism. 한반도에서 제작된 범종은 현존하는 통일신라시대 범종을 시작으로 종신이나 천판에 명문이 표기되어, 범종의 제작 배경과 신앙성을 살필 수 있다. 명문은 밀랍주조법, 선각법, 점각법, 문양판법 등의 제작기법을 사용하였으며, 기법에 따라 시기적인 흐름과 특징이 확인된다. 조선시대에 제작된 범종은 이전 시기 비해 명문의 양이 기하급수적으로 증가하나, 제작 배경이나 사상적인 내용은 대부분 생략되었다. 15세기 왕실발원종은 다양한 명문 내용을 담고 있어, 당시 범종에 대한 인식과 불교 신앙의 단면을 살필 수 있다. 16세기 범종의 명문은 실제 범종 불사와 관련된 내용이며, <갑사종>의 명문을 통해 망궐례 등이 민간에서 시행되었음을 처음으로 제시하여, 조선 전반기 불교용 패가 존재하였을 것으로 판단하였다. 그 밖에 일본 동경국립박물관 소장 <안국사명백자종>의 존재를 처음으로 제시하여, 해당 작품의 명문분석과 조선시대에 조성된 범종 재질의 다양성 및 봉안용 범종 제작이 조선시대에 제작되었음을 살펴보았다. 조선 후반기에는 범종의 발원주체가 소수의 귀족에서 다수의 민중으로 변화함에 따라 시주질을 일일이 기록하였지만, 신앙 내용은 ‘극락왕생’처럼 간단히 기록하거나 진언을 한자로 명시하여 대체하는 경향을 보인다. 그리고 17세기에는 품목시주 및 시주자 간에 다양한 명칭 등 특징적 경향이 확인되며, 속인과 승려 등 시주자 간에 위계를 두었다. 18세기 이후 점차 범종 불사 소임의 지칭 명칭이 단순화되지만, 사찰계가 등장하는 점은 특징적이다. 주종장의 직급명(職級名)의 경우 15세기의 왕실발원종은 다양한 관장들이 주종소 소속의 장인이며 세분화된 직급을 명시하였다. 16세기의 경우 승장은 화원(畵員), 사장은 주공(鑄工)이라는 명칭으로 양분되었다. 17세기에는 승장과 사장 모두 화원이라는 명칭을 사용하였지만, 대체적으로 승장은 화원을 주로 사용하고 사장은 편수(片手)나 양공(良工)이라는 명칭을 주로 사용하였다. 직급명은 17세기 주종장들이 통정대부(通政大夫)와 절충장군(折衝將軍) 등과 같은 정삼품에 해당하는 명예 관직을 동시기 여타 장인들보다 이르게 하사 받아, 당시 주종장의 사회적 입지가 높았다고 판단된다. 18세기에는 승장의 활동은 미약해지는 반면, 사장의 활동은 활발하였는데 승장은 화원이라는 명칭을 사장은 편수나 양공이라는 명칭을 지속적으로 사용하였다. 그리고 도편수(道片手)나 상편수(上片手) 등 장인들 간에 엄격한 위계질서를 상징하는 직급명이 사용되었음이 확인된다. 그리고 18세기도 주종장이 명예 관직을 하사받았지만, 17세기보다 품계가 높은 정이품에 해당하는 가선대부(嘉善大夫)도 하사받았다는 것을 알 수 있어 당대 주종장의 입지가 살펴진다. 조선시대 범종의 명문분석을 시도하여 시기별 신앙성과 제작 배경에 따른 각 범종 불사의 소임을 살펴보고 품목시주, 사찰계, 시주자 간 위계 등 당시의 시대상황과 특징을 조명할 수 있는 기회가 마련되었다고 생각된다. 더불어 주종장의 직급명을 살펴보는 시도는, 당대 주종장의 입지가 높았음을 상기시킨다. 끝으로 본 연구가 향후 한국범종사 및 불교공예사를 이해하는 데 있어, 시금석이 되었으면 하는 바람을 가진다.

조선후기 충청도 관찰사의 사환과 역할:심이지(沈頤之)의 『금영일기(錦營日記)』를 중심으로

임혜련(Hye-Ryun Lim) 한국세계문화사학회 2021 세계 역사와 문화 연구 Vol.- No.60

『금영일기』는 영조-정조년간 활동하였던 심이지(沈頤之)가 1780년(정조 4) 충청도 관찰사로 재임하였던 기간 동안의 업무를 기록한 사환일기이다. 『금영일기』는 심이지가 전직 경주 부윤으로 재직 중 충청감사로 임명되어 부임지인 공주감영에 도착하기까지의 여정, 이후 지역 외관들을 만나고, 형정과 포폄등 업무를 담당하였던 사항, 충청좌도와 우도로 순력을 다녀온 후 신임 관찰사와 교대한 후 한양까지 돌아가는 과정을 기록하였다. 이러한 과정들이 관련 의례를 통해 구현되어 관찰사가 왕권의 대행자로서 도를 통치하는 권한이 부여되었다는 것을 알 수 있게 해준다. 『금영일기』를 통해 관직제도로서 관찰사, 관직자로서 관찰사의 역할, 관찰사가 수행하였던 각종 의례, 순력한 지역의 위치와 충청도의 진관 구성 및 각 지역의 특수성을 이해할 수 있었다. 또한 조선시대 중앙의 통치력이 지방에 미치고, 국왕 중심의 관료체제를 의례를 통해 의식화된 양상과 관찰사의 일상생활을 알 수 있었던 계기가 되었다. 『Geumyeong Diary(錦營日記)』 is a work diary of a provincial governor. Sim Liji (沈頤之), who was active during the years of King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo, recorded it while working as a provincial governor in Chungcheong-do. As described above, through 『Geumyeong Diary』, it was possible to understand the role of a provincial governor as a government official, the role of a provincial governor as a civil servant, various ceremonies performed by the inspector, the location of the region, the composition of the official office of Chungcheong-do, and the peculiarities of each region. Also, it was found that the central government of the Joseon Dynasty extended to the provinces, and the bureaucracy centered on the king was made conscious through rituals. This made it possible to understand the local governance system and order of the Joseon Dynasty, as well as the daily life of the provincial governor.