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      • SCOPUSKCI등재

        강체평면에 흉착접촉하는 반구헝돌기의 유한요소모델링

        조성산,박승호,Cho, Sung-San,Park, Seung-Ho 대한기계학회 2002 大韓機械學會論文集A Vol.26 No.11

        Finite element technique considering adhesive forces is proposed and applied to analyze the behavior of elastic hemispherical asperity adhesively contacting the plane surface of semi -infinite rigid body. It is demonstrated that the finite element model simulates interfacial phenomena such as jump -to-contact and adhesion hysteresis that cannot be simulated with the currently available adhesive contact continuum models. This simulation aiso provides valuable information on contact pressure, contact region and stress distributions. This technique is anticipated to be utilized in designing a low-adhesion surface profile for MEMS/NEMS applications since various contact geometries can be analyzed with this technique.

      • KCI등재

        농암 김창협의 성리학과 경세론

        조성산(Cho Sung san) 경인교육대학교 기전문화연구소 2008 기전문화연구 Vol.34 No.-

        김창협은 훗날 낙론계의 종장으로 인식되면서 그의 사유는 노론 전반에 중요한 영향을 끼쳤다. 김창협 학문의 형성과점을 살펴보면 우선 김상헌・송시열을 통해서 주자학과 의리학 학풍에, 나성두・조성기・이단상을 통하여 邵雍 象數學의 학문성향에, 중국으로부터 전래된 서적들을 통하여 최신 중국 학술동향에 영향을 받았다. 이러한 것이 종합되어 김창협의 학문이 형성될 수 있었다. 이처럼 김창협의 사유 형성에는 다양한 연원들이 존재했으며, 그것은 김창협의 학문이 복합적이고 다층적이게 된 주요 원인이었다. 김창협의 성리학은 이기론과 지각론으로 대별할 수 있다. 그는 기존의 학설을 비판하면서 이기와 심성의 관계를 재정립하였다. 이를 통해서 새로운 인간관을 세웠다. 이는 기존의 보수적인 입장을 견지하면서도 새로운 변화에 적응하고자 하는 문제의식 속에서 나왔다. 이러한 김창협의 학풍은 그의 학문이 가졌던 다층성을 말해 준다. 이러한 다층적인 김창협의 학문은 현실인식에도 반영되었다. 단선적인 반청 분위기가 팽배해 있었던 시대에 오랑캐가 밉다고 해서 중국에 남아있는 중화의 여풍까지 버려서는 안된다는 18세기 후반 북학론과 흡사한 주장을 펼치기도 하였다. 또한 봉건・군현제 논의를 통해서 국정운영의 입장도 보여주었다. 그는 봉건제를 私로, 군현제를 公으로 규정하였으며 군현제가 가지고 있었던 현명한 인재 등용의 측면에 주목하였다. When seen from ongm of academic world of Kim, Chang-Hyup, we can find out what kind of factors have affected formation of his academic world. He had been affected by the doctrines[teachings] of Chu Hsi and the doctrines[teachings] of Ui-Ri義理 through academic trend of Kim, Sang-Hun and Song, Shi-Yeol, and by Shao Yung s Learning of Images and Numbers through that of Na, Seong-Doo · Cho, Sung-Gi·Lee, Dan-Sang. The books handed over to Korea from China had influenced formation of his own world of Kim, Chang- Hyup. These had become part of his own academic world of Kim, Chang-Hyup. Kim, Chang-Hyup criticized Yi yi李珥 s theory of li-tong-gi-guk 理通氣局 and emphasized the meaning of li理 in yi-gi theory. Through this work, he also raised the view of human nature as fundamentally good 性善 and tried to explain various figures of human beings in multiple angles. In the theory of consciousness of Shirni心, he criticized both Buddhism and the doctrines of Wang Yangming陽明學 based upon the principle of division of Shim心· Seong性, with an intention of ensuring a space of Shim and raising the values of Shim. This multiple layer of academic world of Kim, Chang-Hyup was reflected in the recognition of reality. He also proposed a theory identical to Northern Leaming in the latter half of 18th century with tight atmosphere of anti-Qing dynasty spirit throughout the nation. In addition, he showed his position over national operation with feudal(Ponggŏn封建) and counties·prefectures(Gunhyun郡縣) System discussion and proposed a direction of statecraft through Gyu-Mo-Chaek規模策.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        18세기 洛論系 學脈의 변모양상 연구

        趙成山(Cho Sung-San) 歷史敎育硏究會 2007 역사교육 Vol.102 No.-

        The disciples of Kim Chang-hyeop·Kim Chang-heup from the latter half of the 17th century to the beginning of the 18th century had established academic tradition of the early Nak school. Kim Chang-hyeop's disciples had been characterized in the field of literature·Neo-Confucianism, afterwards some figures from that had joined Soron faction. Kim Chang-heup's disciples had had many of them leave brilliant achievements in the scope of literature·Neo-Confucianism, however what seems interesting to us is that they went through the Calamity of Noron literati of 1721·1722 and happened to take on a sudden conservative atmosphere in their academic tradition. As a result of this type of conservative trend, other figures who were closely related to Soron and were not actively involved with the movement of Anti-Policy of Impartiality had great difficulty in succeeding to Nak school. Under these circumstances, Yi Jae, who had not been under the instruction of Kim Chang-hyeop·Kim Chang-heup, happened to lead Nak school. The view of Yi Jae, in light of theory on the nature of the mind, was clearly differentiated from that of Ho school, however he succeeded to realistic view of Song Shi-yeol, which was not much difference from that of Ho school. It is closely related to the academic tradition of Noron that was consistently lead only by Eui-ri centered basis. However Noron's Eui-ri gradually came to realize, thereby an academic trend which tried to get away from that was centered upon only Eui-Ri theory happened inside Nak school. Most of disciples of Yi Jae were faithful with Eui-ri theory, however some came to start to pay interest to the administrative theory whether or not it was limited. The interest paid to the administrative theory was mostly expressed through Ban-gye-surok. That was not a big change, but an important one in the academic tradition of Nak school. Nak school in the latter half of the 18th century had developed in closer relation with conflict between Gong-hong and Bu-hong conflict and division of Sipa(Party of Expediency) and Byeokpa(Party of Principle). Ever since outbreak of the Calamity of Soron literati of 1755, Noron's Eui-ri was mostly accomplished in the political world, therefore the academic world of Nak school would be able to be free from Eui-ri theory in a way, which gave birth to various academic trends thereafter. This is one of the most important parts which can explain division of the Nak school. Nak school in those times largely divided into disciples of Kim Won-haeng and that Min Woo-soo. Kim Won-haeng’s disciples stuck to that of Nak theory on the nature of the mind, rather closer to the position of Bu-hong and Sipa. On the other hand, Min Woo-soo's disciples took on a tendency of Gong-hong and Byeokpa with it closely connected to Ho school. They also seemed to get near to Ho school's side from the aspect of theory on the nature of the mind.

      • KCI등재

        조선후기 지식인들의 徐敬德 인식과 祭祀論議

        趙成山(Cho Sung-san) 역사교육연구회 2018 역사교육 Vol.147 No.-

        This paper will examine how, in reaction to religious discourse, intellectuals of the Southern (Namin) and Western (Seoin) factions, respectively, developed their ideas regarding jesa (ancestor memorial ceremony). In particular, attention will be paid to two intellectuals, Teogye school of the Southern faction and Yulgok school of the Western faction, and their interaction with the thought of Seo Gyeong-deok. Criticism of religious discourses threatened to weaken Confucian elements of jesa, such as ardent ancestor worship. These two intellectuals introduced the notion of cheon ji ji gi (sacred force of the universe) and Singi (the intrinsic and mysterious life force) into the discussion of jesa in order to avoid inevitable problems with adopting Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucian principle that all gi (force) eventually disappears. Cheon ji ji gi and Singi were perceived as permanent and as such could be used to explain the immortality of an ancestor’s gi. Teogye school of the Southern faction emphasized cheon ji ji gi and Singi origin in li (principle) more than Yulgok school of the Western faction did. The theorization of jesa at this time seems closely related to the process whereby jesa acquired religious meaning in Joseon society and the patriarchal system enlarged jesa in the form of bulcheonwi (never-to-be-removed tablets).

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        조선후기 소론계의 東音 인식과 訓民正音 연구

        조성산(Cho Sung-san) 고려사학회 2009 한국사학보 Vol.- No.36

        It features that research on hun-min-jeong-eum訓民正音 had been made mostly led by Soron少論 Faction in the latter half of Choson Dynasty. That is almost triggered by academic background whose research mostly focused upon Hwang-geuk-gyung-seh-suh皇極經世書. In addition to this, they had a unique recognition of Choson's Chinese character sound. That is, there remained old and ideal sound of ancient times, within Chosen's Chinese character sound, and some of them asserted that Chosen's Chinese character sound should be made as righteous sound(jeong-eum, 正音) instead of Chinese sound that had bee contaminated by a barbarian's sound. The recognition to such Choson's Chinese character sound shows well their Sino-centralism which tried to internalize that of ancient times that they had through Gija(箕子). On top of such recognition, Shao yong(邵雍)'s Hwang-geuk-gyung-seh-suh(皇極經世書) added to the understanding of phonology · phonetics to them, they started to happen to pay interest to hun-min-jeong-eum as a tool to completely restore the past righteous sound(jeong-eum). Therefore, what is known as research on the past hun-min-jeong-eum, that is to say, means, strictly speaking, a way to restore old sound, righteous sound (jeong-eum) through hun-min-jeong-eum rather than a research itself on hun-min-jeong-eum. This can be inferred from Hwang-geuk-gyung-seh-suh which they deemed as a model. Soron's phonology research, I believe, was strongly to reveal Sino-centralism consciousness of ancient times in its preception of a goal, through hun-min-jeong-eum as a means. In this process, they could make a deeper research on functions of hun-min-jeong-eum, and they, further, advanced into guessing possibility of turning sound of hun-min-jeong-eum into letters.

      • KCI등재후보

        圓嶠 李匡師(1705~1777)의 이기심성론과 자연학

        조성산(Cho Sung-San) 한국인물사연구소 2008 한국인물사연구 Vol.10 No.-

        조선후기 사상사 속에서 이광사는 소론 강화학파의 핵심적인 위치에 있었다. 그는 이기심성론과 자연학 인식, 고전학, 문학 부분에서 중요한 전형을 제시하였다. 그는 理의 所以然으로서의 특징을 부각하면서 理의 보편성과 포괄성을 주장하였고 氣의 善한 측면을 강조하였다. 이를 통하여 心이 완결적인 존재임을 보여주었다. 이러한 이기심성론을 바탕으로 그는 心을 번잡하게 하지 않고자 했으며 心을 직접 언급하기보다는 實事를 중시하였다. 이광사는 所以然으로서의 理에 주목하였는데, 이것은 그의 자연학 연구에 중요한 이론적 바탕이 되었다. 그가 편견 없이 서학의 성과들을 수용할 수 있었던 것은 그가 인식한 理가 所當然의 측면보다는 所以然에 있었기 때문이었다. 소이연으로서의 理를 강조하였기에 그것이 주자학적인 것이든 서학에서 얻어진 것이든 사물의 실상에 더욱 부합하면 되는 것이었다. 그 결과 이광사는 朱熹의 自然學에 대하여 회의할 수 있었다. 주요비판의 대상은 渾天說이었고 그것에 주요 근거는 地球說이었다. 지구설을 통하여 그는 인간 중심의 천문학 이해에서 벗어나 새롭게 세계를 인식할 수 있었고, 더 나아가 중국 중심의 세계이해에서도 벗어날 수 있었다. 이광사는 고전학 분야에서도 주희의 학설을 회의하였다. 이는 「呂刑辨」(『斗南集』卷3), 「洛誥辨」(『斗南集』 卷3) 등에 잘 나타나 있다. 이처럼 이광사는 주자학적 학문체계를 이기심성론, 자연학, 고전학 부분 등에서 회의하며 새로운 학문체계를 모색하고자 하였다. In the history of social thought in the latter half of Chosŏn Dynasty, Lee, Kwang-Sah(李匡師) had been placed in the core position of Soron(Young doctrines 少論) Gang-Hwa school(江華學派). He had proposed a new prototype in the field of Li-gi-shim-seong(principle-material-mind-nature 理氣心性) theory, physica, classical study, and literature. He had brought us up characteristics of Li as being soiyeon(factural principle 所以然), asserting universality and all-inclusiveness of Li and emphasizing good sides of Gi. With these, he tried to prove that Shim(心) was a conclusive existence. He made an effort to, establish a unique system of shimhak(心學 learning of the mind-and-heart) of his own based upon this kind of Li-gi-shim-seong theory. Lee, Kwang-Sah had paid attention to Li as being soiyeon. That became a crucial theoretical ground for his research on nature. It is because the Li that he recognized was more likely soiyeon rather than sodang-yeon(所當然 moral principle) that he had accepted outcome of western learning(西學) without any prejudices. As a result, Lee, Kwang-Sah questioned the physica of Chu Hsi(朱熹). Lee, Kwang-Sah had doubts about the teachings of Chu Hsi in the categories of li-gi-shim-seong theory, physica, classical study, etc, to search for a new system of academic learning in 18th century.

      • KCI등재

        조선후기 소론계의 古代史 연구와 中華主義의 변용

        趙成山(Cho Sung-san) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.202

        The intelligent in the latter half of Choseon Dynasty put forth Sino-Centralism, but there was a little difference in its contents and application. Noron proposed culture of Song Dynasty as standard for Sino-Centralism with a slogan of Dae-myeong-eui-ri(對明義理). That was the reason why they hardly paid attention to ancient history largely and failed to evade from attitude to narration of history depicted by previous historians in a large scale. They emphasized relation to the culture of Song Dynasty represented by the doctrines of Chu-tz suggesting that Choseon would be able to maintain its subjectivity of its culture. On the other hand, Saran paid more attention to culture of Gija Choseon that had been inherited from long time ago and proposed it as standard for Sino-Centralism. In that way, they tried to internalize Sino-Centralism of ancient times inherited ever since Gija Choseon Era into our history. As a result of that, they happened to pay close attention to ancient history. This kind of research on ancient history originally came from unique interpretation of Sino-Centralism by Soron, however it caused a certain result unintentionally that excelled Sino-Centralism. At the beginning, they tried to complete and refine Sino-Centralism that they interpreted on their own, however they came to start finding national subjectivity beyond Sino-Centralism inside of them without notice. That is because their study on ancient history might have structural similarity in common with nationalism in which the nation's culture is respected if China is made shown. This situation has hardly nothing to do with the reason that Shin, Chae-ho newly discover and highly praise Ryu, Deuk-gong Lee, Jong-hwi. The history of medieval Sino-Centralism encountered that of modem nationalism by accident through this flow of course.

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