버스交通에서 屈曲度의 意味와 適用에 관한 考察

李明美,柳永根,金大雄 대한토목학회 1999 대한토목학회 학술발표회 논문집 Vol.1999 No.4

공민왕대 초반 군주권 재구축 시도와 奇氏一家 : 1356년(공민왕 5) 개혁을 중심으로

이명미 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2011 한국문화 Vol.53 No.-

The Ki family, appeared through the installation of empress Ki in 1340 and the presence of the crown prince, strengthened their political grip and grew up as ‘equal’ as the Koryeo king early in king Gongmin’s reign. The Mongols had a tendency to recognize an object as a ‘family’ as well as a ‘nation’ or ‘tribe’ in shaping a ‘relation’ with other political unit, and the representative form of such a ‘relation’ was intermarriage. Thus the advent of the Ki family may be said as an aspect that another family intervened in the relations between the Koryeo royal family and the Mongol imperial family. Series of political actions early in King Gongmin’s reign including the reforms in 1356 begun from a critical mind on the ‘status of the relativized Koryeo royal family’ emphasized through the Ki family. It wasn't done based on ‘Anti-Yuan(反元)·autonomous historical consciousness’ but eventually it showed ‘Anti-Yuan orientation’ intending to escape from the state of ‘unification(混一)’ in Koryeo kingship. However, King Gongmin’s such ‘orientation’ couldn’t get a complete ‘result’ in the situations internal and external conditions weren’t backed up. The Mongol-Koryeo relations after the reforms can not be said to return to the formal diplomatic relations of the early Koryeo, and also to the step of ‘Sejogujae(世祖舊制)’. It may be said as a transition to the new phase.

고려-몽골 간 使臣들의 활동 양상과 그 배경

이명미 한국중세사학회 2015 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.43

Envoy trips between Goryeo and the Mongol Empire had huge differences from the previous period in terms of their goals and the activity patterns of envoys. The Mongolian envoys dispatched to Goryeo for the political goal of grievance mediation, in particular, performed specific duties beyond the “delivery” of wishes of the monarch that dispatched them to the country under their comprehensive mission. The scope of their works expanded from the diplomatic affairs between the two countries to the political affairs of Goryeo. The Mongolian envoys mediated political disputes in which the Goryeo kings were an axis and it was difficult for them to mediate the disputes for themselves. In most cases, the envoys’ activities started with the accusation by the Goryeo subjects, which clearly shows the status of Mongolian emperors represented by the Mongolian envoys during the period. The political envoy trips of the Mongol Empire had something to do with its state system based on enfeoffment(分封). They attract attention in that they were in the same context as the elči of the Mongol Empire, who served as an important means of politics and rule through mutual political communication under the state system of Mongolia, in which its politics and rule took place in the relations between royal families(宗王, 諸王, 駙馬) and Royal Court and the emperors made a regular royal tour between two capitals, Sangdo(上都) and Daedo(大都). The patterns of envoy trips of Goryeo also changed in its relations with the Mongol Empire. Those changes to the patterns of envoy trips and the roles of envoys altered the selection criteria of envoys. The figures equipped with the Mongolian command, direct connections to the operational goals of envoy trips, and performance capabilities rather than learning and writing skills increased their participation in envoy trips. As the status of the kings became relativized in Goryeo-Mongol relations with blurry boundaries between politics and diplomacy, in the middle of frequent disputes over the throne, the figures close to the Goryeo kings were selected as envoys in concerned envoy trips. That is, the envoys of Goryeo and the Mongol Empire that traveled between the two countries were envoys in a more comprehensive meaning to serve as political media in the expanded political space unlike their predecessors that usually performed diplomatic roles in the previous periods. The existence of those envoys and the patterns of their envoy trips reveal a characteristic aspect of Goryeo-Mongol relations during the period.

몽골 복속기 고려국왕의 사법적 권한과 위상 : ‘聖旨’의 작용범위

이명미 동국역사문화연구소 2016 동국역사문화연구소 학술대회지 Vol.- No.춘계

사법권은 사회와 성원에 대한 통제, 질서의 유지를 위한 국가권력으로서 국왕권 혹 은 최고권을 구성하는 중요한 요소이다. 이에 몽골과의 관계 형성 이후 고려국왕이 그 권한을 專斷하지 못하고 몽골 황제가 고려에 대해 일정부분 사법권을 행사하게 된 상황은 이 시기 권력구조의 단면을 보여주는 중요한 부분이라 할 수 있다. 기존 연구 들에서는 이를 몽골의 고려에 대한 정치적 간섭 및 압제의 중요한 한 가지 형태로서 다루어왔는데, 정치사, 관계사 연구 논문들을 통해 부분적으로 언급되었을 뿐 사법문 제를 專論으로 다룬 연구는 거의 없는 상황이다.

고려시대 관련 교과서 서사에 대한 비판적 검토 -현재적 관점과 역사적 맥락의 부조화-

이명미 역사교육학회 2022 역사교육논집 Vol.80 No.-

As textbook narratives in which the dissonance between the 'current perspective' and the 'historical context' is prominent, this study reviewed the textbook narratives of the Goryeo family system & women and foreign relations in the early Goryeo period. Each of these topics is related to the women's human rights and the national independence, which are important value at present but at the same time has a different historical context. The current method of history education that deals with the above two themes does not aim to illuminate and understand the historical context of the revealed aspects in history and then look at the results from the present point of view. There is a tendency to see and interpret aspects of history in the context of the present. This not only has a problem in the light of the essence of history studies, but also has a problem in cultivating ‘an attitude that respects a way of life that is different from mine’, which is set as an educational goal of history education as a civic education that has been highlighted recently. It is possible to pursue the values that society needs through history education, whether it is self-identity(national consciousness) or civic consciousness. However, it is thought that this purpose can be more effectively pursued not by listing related aspects with the goal of educating such values themselves, but by otherizing history itself to understand the context and structure of the time.

14세기 초 遼陽行省의 合省 건의와 고려-몽골 관계 -고려국왕권 기반의 변화와 정동행성 위상의 재정립-

이명미 한국중세사학회 2017 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.51

This paper examines the argument to combine Jungdong Haengsung (征東行省) and Yaoyang Haengsung(遼陽行省) proposed by Yaoyang Haengsung in 1302 and shows that the basis of the Goryeo king’s authority had changed and the status of Jungdong Haengsung as military apparatus had been redefined. This argument is considered to let the new Haengsung rule the combined ‘military function’ of Jungdong Haengsung and Yaoyang Haengsung. This was brought about by the fact that the reason for the existence of Jungdong Haengsung, which was established for the preparation and execution of Japanese expedition, was blurred due to the changes of Yuan foreign policy after the reign of Temur Kahn(成宗). In this respect, it is distinguished from the argument to install and operate Jungdong Haengsung as in Yuan china(立省論) aimed to direct control of the Goryeo politics through the Mongol’s bureaucracy. On the other hand, although the Jungdong Haengsung is abolished and its military functions are combined with that of other Haengsung, the nationality of Goryeo does not disappear. King Chungryul(忠烈王) objected to the argument, because of his status as Jungdong Haengsung Provincial Governor(征東行省丞相) which was related to his kingdom base, rather than the problem of the national body or the nation. As the Jungdong Haengsung was installed in Goryeo, many military officers of Goryeo were appointed as the military officer of Mongol army, and the Mongol military unit was installed in Goryeo. And King Chungryul controlled them as the Jungdong Haengsung Provincial Governor, In such a situation, even though it is limited to military functions, it would have been a blow to Goryeo King’s authority to abolish Jungdong Haengsung and separate it from Goryeo. Therefore, King Chungryul tried to maintain the Jungdong Haengsung by emphasizing the military function as the Japanese defense base of it which has virtually fulfilled its life span with the change of foreign policy of the Mongol empire. Although Japan was not a military threat to Mongol empire and Goryeo, the discourse of King Chungryul had a certain result, and Jungdong Haengsung rebuilt its position as a military organization in the field of diplomatic discourse between the two countries.

김려령의 『너를 봤어』에 나타난 죽음 본능- 프로이드의 정신분석적 접근 -

이명미 한국언어문학회 2018 한국언어문학 Vol.106 No.-

The ultimate purpose of human life is to pursue happiness. Therefore, it can be justified if these proprietors are used as an incentive to explain human contradictory external behaviors. On the other hand, aggression and death urges are actions that are somewhat different from this pursuit of happiness. So how can you explain your aggression and death instincts towards others and yourself? This aggression and death instinct is a favorite subject of literature. The ultimate aim of literature is to impress the reader. Without emotion, the love of art is lost. Since emotion is made when a wound is treated or compensated for from reality, emotion should be realistic. The fact that the works based on the nature of death are appealing and touching to the reader implies that these impulses are inherent in the reader. Therefore, to impress readers, understanding of human behavior by writers who create literature or researchers analyzing human behavior should be a priority. So a psychological approach to literature is needed, which also helps us to understand literary texts that resemble human behavior. This impression can serve as a platform for the reader to awaken his or her emotions and establish correct values, which can lead to positive behavior. In this sense, it is a challenge to analyze and study the mechanisms by which literature can inspire. The author Kim Ryeo-ryeong said, " There were many people I wanted to kill, so I had to kill them, and a new novel started. " And I confess that all I ever wanted was love. It is also the reason why we should continue to discuss the old but unforgotten theme of love and death. There are also many deaths in ' I Saw You. ' Both aggression towards others and self-destruction towards me are tragedies caused by the unbalanced life and death, but this death instinct is also another struggle for human life. Thus, the death instinct ultimately stems from the instinct for life and is a change towards life. Authors love and kill many people in their works. The theme of love and death is so common and popular. But isn't it because it's the most natural aspect of humans that is why these subjects are constantly repeating themselves? That's why Freud's argument is still a hot topic for modern people living in the 21st century.

대학생의 성격 유형에 따른 글쓰기 양상 연구 - MBTI 성격 유형 중 감각 인식기능을 중심으로-

이명미 한국독서치료학회 2013 독서치료연구 Vol.5 No.1

글쓰기 지도를 위한 다각적인 노력에도 불구하고 학습자에게 있어 글쓰기는 여전히 어려 운 분야이다. 이러한 문제를 좀 더 근본적으로 접근하기 위하여 학습자 변인에 주목하는 것 이 필요하다. 본 논문은 개인의 성격유형이 글쓰기에 유의미한 영향력이 있음을 전제로 하여 이러한 변인에 주목하고자 한다. 좋은 글을 쓰기 위해서는 상상력을 길러야 하고 상상력을 기르기 위해서는 우리의 오감을 깨워야 한다. 따라서 학습자를 대상으로 MBTI 검사를 한 후 감각이 주기능으로 작용하는 유 형을 중심으로 한 글쓰기 양상을 연구한다. 더 나아가 성격 유형별 글쓰기 지도 방안에 대한 연구를 통해 좀 더 효율적으로 글쓰기 지도를 할 수 있는 교수법 개발을 최종 목적으로 한 다. 본 논문은 이러한 연구의 토대가 될 것이다.

고려시대 불교 관련 金石文 撰述의 양상과 고려사회의 성격

이명미 한국중세사학회 2020 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.60

Memorial stones were made through Goryeo king’s orders especially for the monks with the titles, ‘king’s teacher(王師)’ or ‘teacher of the country(國師)’ and the inscriptions were usually written by officials in charge of writing king’s orders(文翰官). This reflected the need of the disciples to clarify that the inscription containing the actual interests of Buddhist temples was the king’s will, and also was in line with the system of the king’s teacher(王師) and teacher of the country(國師) operated under the country’s need to control Buddhist churches. The officials in charge of writing king’s orders(文翰官)’ writing inscriptions for the monks has a political and public character. However there was no role of the state in the process of their securing the Buddhist-related knowledge they need to write the inscription. In other words, they were playing a public role based on knowledge gained in private areas. This shows the situation in which Buddhism was established as a universal culture and religion in the Goryeo Dynasty, while also showing the mixed aspect of the official and private sectors in the management of the bureaucracy of the Goryeo Dynasty. This pattern continued in the latter phase of Goryeo Dynasty, but changes occurred at the same time. The authority of the Mongolian emperor was also highlighted in Buddhist-related inscriptions, and Mongolian officials often wrote the inscription or wrote the letters of the inscription in Goryeo. The ‘Monument of Bogwang temple(普光寺碑)’ is a good example of this change and the aspect of Buddhist monks’ disciples’ attempts to secure political authority through the royal order while erecting monuments for their teacher. Since Chung-gam(冲鑑), the key figure of the monument was a ‘teacher of the country(國師)’, the monument could be erected through the royal order if it had not been for his will. When his will led his disciples to build a memorial stone for a temple, not for a monk, they sought to replace the authority they could gain through the royal order by asking Mongolian officials to write the inscription and the letters of the inscription. Meanwhile, the fact that the monument was erected not long after the ‘Anti-Yuan reform’ shows how individuals who were not in the political arena viewed the Goryeo-Mongol relationship at a time when they were understood to have been very estranged from the political and historical point of view.

몽골황제권의 작용과 고려국왕의 사법적 위상 변화

이명미 동국역사문화연구소 2016 동국사학 Vol.60 No.-

논문은 몽골 복속기 고려국왕의 사법적 권한과 위상의 변화 양상을 몽골황제-고려국왕-고려신료 간 관계, 즉 몽골 복속기 권력구조 속에서 살펴보고자 한 것이다. 일반적 의미에서 최고권으로서의 고려국왕은 고려 경내에서 발생한 사안 및 고려인민에 대한 사법권을 행사하는 주체이다. 몽골과의 관계에서도 고려국왕(을 정점으로 하는 사법기구)은 기본적으로 고려 내에서의 사법처리를 주관했다. 그러나 관리들에 대한 처벌은 먼저 몽골 조정에 보고를 하도록 한다거나 마음대로 주살하지 못하게 하는 등의 ‘聖旨’를 통해 사법처리의 수위에 제한이 가해졌다. 또한 몽골 복속기 권력구조 속에서 고려 내 권력중추가 이원화하는 가운데 발생한 정치적 분쟁으로서의 訟事에서는, 국왕이 피고소인 측과 직결되어 있음으로 해서 국왕에게 해당 訟事를 처리할 수 있는 중재자로서의 의지나 역량이 부재하거나 부정되는 가운데 국왕은 사법처리 과정에서 배제되기도 했다. 이러한 訟事는 대체로 고려신료들의 요청이 선행하여 황제권에 의해, 몽골 조정에서 처리되었다. 한편, ‘法’을 적용하는 주체로서만 존재했던 고려의 국왕들은 몽골과의 관계 속에서 ‘法’, 혹은 황제의 ‘聖旨’나 판단에 준하여 그 정치적 조치의 적합성 여부, 행실과 자질 등이 국왕으로서의 업무 수행에 적합한지의 여부 등을 평가받는 대상이 되기도 했다. 이 시기 고려국왕의 사법적 권한 혹은 위상은 단지 기존의 국왕권이 확보하고 있던 권한이 외부로부터 간섭과 억압을 받고 침해당하여 축소되고 약화되는 데에 그치는 것이 아니라 위상 자체가 변화한 것이었다. 그리고 이러한 일련의 과정에 고려신료들의 움직임이 선행하고 있었다는 점은 이 문제를 단순히 압제 혹은 간섭과 저항이라는 갈등구도만으로는 설명하기 어려움을 말해준다. 즉, 이는 황제권이 실질적인 최고권으로서 작동하는 가운데 고려국왕권이 황제권과의 관계 및 신료들과의 관계 속에서 ‘상대화’한 결과인 동시에 그러한 ‘상대화’ 양상을 드러내고 있는 것이라고 할 수 있을 것이다.