1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 사건이 재일한인 사회에 주는 현재적 의미-민단과 총련의 주요 역사교재와 『민단신문』의 기사를 중심으로-

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.33 No.-

本稿は民團系の1923年の關東大震災の朝鮮人虐殺に對する最近の對應の姿を確認するために作成した。このため、筆者は1923年の關東大震災の朝鮮人虐殺についた民團系敎科書の敍述態度を見ており、これと比較史的な觀点で總連系の敍述態度をまとめてみた。特にその前提として在日同胞の歷史敎科書の敍述の主要な流れを調べた。 その內容を整理してみると、まず總連の敎科書は常識的な水準では北朝鮮の敎科書と類似していると考えがちだが、實際の內容を見ると、加減があると考えた。民團の『歷史敎科書在日コリアンの歷史』は、在日韓國人の歷史と社會についてテ一マ式記述をしていて、特に戰後史の敍述では自分自身に對する視点、樣?な歷史的事實に對する認識などに限界がある。そして朝鮮人被害者の身元と全體の數字は明らかになっておらず、5千人とも言われて6千人とも死亡者を推定しながら、在日韓國人の虐殺と關連し、在日同胞の動きが見えない。一方、總連の敎科書は1923年朝鮮人虐殺の原因を虛僞宣傳で軍隊、警察、民間彈壓機構が朝鮮人を虐殺したと敵機と、具體的な虐殺の場所に東京では龜戶などと神奈川、千葉、埼玉、群馬などを明記した。また、6千6百人以上が虐殺され、數百人の中國人と數人の日本人社會主義者も虐殺されたと、具體的に記述している。 筆者は『民團新聞』の最近10年間、2003年前後から2013年前後の1923年の關東大地震の朝鮮人虐殺關連の80-90周年の間の記事を通じて、民團の對應姿を見た。民團は主にその記憶と記念を追悼式、セミナ一、講演會、展示會などを通じて進めた。そして歷史敎科書に積極的に敍述した。地域的には東京とその周邊が中心地だった。全國的規模の行事もなくはなかった。現場調査や犧牲者調査そして日本人硏究者や地域の調査團との連帶事業は資料上で確認されなかった。 在日同胞社會は、日本の市民社會とともに長い間1923年の關東大震災の朝鮮人虐殺について記憶して記念しようとした。民團と總連の在日同胞の2人の標的である現存團體をはじめ、學者、活動家などが、さまざまな地形で積極的に活動した。 This paper was written to identify current response of Mindan in terms of Great Kanto earthquake in 1923 and its massacre of Korean residents in Japan. To verify this, the author made certain that of Mindan’s textbook and counterpart of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan’s narrative attitude. Especially, the author examined stream of history textbook of Korean residents in Japan preferentially. Summing up the contexts, textbook of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan could have been considered as North Korea textbook but which is partially right and wrong. On the other hand, Mindan’s narrated in thematic on ‘History of Korean resident in Japan’. In particular, description of post-war period, it has limitation of historic facts in various point of views. Also, the textbook didn’t’ testify number of Korean victims and references. For example, it estimated five to six thousands of the dead but there were no mention of Koreans’ action on massacre. However, General Association of Korean Residents in Japan depicted the reason of massacre was the false propaganda by military, police, repressing association to Korean and described the places of massacre as well; Kametido in Tokyo, Kanagawa, Chiba, Saitama, and Kunma- around 6,600 people were killed. Not only Korean but many of Chinese and Japanese socialist were also murdered by Japan according to textbook of General Assocation. The author looked into Mindan’s reaction on massacre by last ten years of ‘Mindan Newspaper’ from 2003 to 2013. They had been commemorated this genocide by ceremonies, seminars, lectures, and exhibitions. They actively noted on their textbook. Tokyo and its area were the main locations to do those events and even nationwide were held as well but joint project with Japanese experts, regional investigation, and on the spot survey weren’t there. The society of Korean residents in Japan has been trying to commemorate Korean massacre in 1923 during Great Kanto earthquake for a long time. Including Mindan & General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, many of scholars and activists were actively there.

해방 공간 재일조선인 어린이 잡지 『어린이通信』의 서술 경향

김인덕(Kim, In-Duck) 한일민족문제학회 2018 한일민족문제연구 Vol.34 No.-

Since the liberation in 1945, Korea residents in Japan formulated ‘Korean federation in Japan(Choryeon)’. Department of culture in Choryeon published for children magazine-‘Children Report’ which was decided for publish in June 1st in 1946 and 1st publish issue printed in July1at in same year. The magazine was published in months from first issue to eighth issue(July 1st-October 15th in1946). Writers of Children Report were elementary school compilation committee who were member of Choryeon. Although writers wrote various points of views but mostly they noted stances of Choryeon. Not only historian but literary men, aritist, scientists co-wrote the magazine. Children report was composed of preface, cover, song, children’s song, news, forums and so on-which focused mainly on history, literature, and science. One of historical serial from Children Report was ‘Proud of Nation’; portrait of dogfight (1-5), Rain gauge (1-6), Observatory (1-7), Portrait of black tortoise, and ‘Old People’ by Lim Gwangchul. In detail of old people were two feet monkey (1-1), stone replaces wood (1-2), beginning of farm (1-4), and Earthquake (1-7). Lim Gwangchul, historian, described early age of history by invention of tool. He also explained history of earthquake. Lee Eunjik dramatized ‘Chunhyangjeon’ by point of children’s view. Lee described hierarchy of Chosun dynasty by Yangban(aristocrat) and Sangnom(plebeian) so that he explained new type of human creature. What he urged in certain story was that he imagined harmonized society between two different classes. Children Report shown two serials of science; ‘cell story’ and ‘DDT story’ by Lim Youngjoon, ‘Nuclear world’ by Park Joonyoung. The cell story explained fundamental unit of life is cell and its contents and cellular multiplication. ‘Nuclear world’ elucidated elements, compounds, elixir plant, the solar system and so on. These kinds of serials were depicted by many of experts who focused social, class consciousness, and professionality. Children Report was classic magazine for children which involved Choryeon’s political ideas. 1945年の解放とともに在日朝鮮人は在日本朝鮮人連盟(以下朝連)を組織し た。この朝連の中央文化部は児童用の雑誌であるꡔオリニ通信ꡕを創刊した が、1946年6月1日朝連第2回全国文化部長会議で発刊が決定され7月1日に 発刊された。1卷1号から1卷8号まで隔月刊で1946年7月1日から1946年10月15 日まで刊行された。 ꡔオリニ通信ꡕの執筆陣は基本的に初等教材編纂委員であった。朝連の構 成員であった。多少偏差がある記述をしたが基本的には朝連の立場が堅持さ れている。歴史学者、文学者をはじめ美術家、科学者などが共同作業を進め た。雑誌は表紙、卷頭言、歌楽譜、童謡、国内のニュース、子供の文、 論壇、歴史、科学、文学などの欄で構成された。 ꡔオリニ通信ꡕには主要連載物が載せられている。主に歴史、文学そして科 学分野などに集中されていた。歴史関連の連載物では<韓国の自慢>コーナー がある。ここでは｢金弘道お爺さんの闘犬図(1-5)、｢測雨器(1-6)｣、｢瞻星台 (1-7)｣、｢玄武図(1-8)｣が確認される。そして林光澈の<昔の人々>が5回に連 載された。具体的には｢両足に立った猿(1-1)｣、｢木の代わりに石で(1-2)｣、 <昔の人>(1-3)、｢農業の開始(1-4)｣、｢地震(1-7)｣などが確認される。歴史学 者の林光澈は人類の初期の歴史を道具の発明に視点を置いて農業の始まりま で説明した。そして地震の歴史を歴史的に記述している。 林光澈は連載物｢子供春香伝(計7回)｣に子供を対象に春香伝を脚色してい る。彼はここで朝鮮時代の両班と平民の階級関係を事実的に見せてくれて主 人公夢竜を通じて新しい人間型を語っている。両班だけでなく平民と共に生きる 新しい世界、理想社会を描いている。 ꡔオリニ通信ꡕは科学に対する2編の連載物が見える。任暎準の｢細胞話｣、 ｢DDT話｣と朴俊榮の｢原子世界を求めて(総4回)｣がそれである。｢細胞話｣は 生物の基本単位を細胞という細胞はどんなものか、そして細胞の内容、細胞の 増殖を絵で説明を始めた。そして｢原子世界を求めて｣は元素と化合物、｢限 界顕微鏡｣、｢不老草｣、｢分子と原子の関係｣、｢原子と太陽系｣、｢養液構 造｣、｢中性子｣などについて説明した。 このような連載物は各分野の専門家の文として社会意識、階級意識、専門 性などに注目して叙述されている。 以上のようにꡔオリニ通信ꡕは総8号刊行された朝連の児童対象の代表的な雑 誌で朝連政治がそのまま反映された内容で執筆の構成員をみればより鮮明だと 言える。

해방 공간 재일조선인 어린이 잡지 『어린이통신(通信)』의 서술 경향 -주요 기사와 연재물을 중심으로-

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한일민족문제학회 2018 한일민족문제연구 Vol.34 No.-

1945年の解放とともに在日朝鮮人は在日本朝鮮人連盟(以下朝連)を組織した。この朝連の中央文化部は兒童用の雜誌である『オリニ通信』を創刊したが、1946年6月1日朝連第2回全國文化部長會議で發刊が決定され7月1日に發刊された。1卷1號から1卷8號まで隔月刊で1946年7月1日から1946年10月15日まで刊行された。 『オリニ通信』の執筆陣は基本的に初等敎材編纂委員であった。朝連の構成員であった。多少偏差がある記述をしたが基本的には朝連の立場が堅持されている。歷史學者、文學者をはじめ美術家、科學者などが共同作業を進めた。雜誌は表紙、卷頭言、歌樂譜、童謠、國內のニュ一ス、子供の文、論壇、歷史、科學、文學などの欄で構成された。 『オリニ通信』には主要連載物が載せられている。主に歷史、文學そして科學分野などに集中されていた。歷史關連の連載物では<韓國の自慢>コ一ナ一がある。ここでは「金弘道お爺さんの鬪犬圖(1-5)、「測雨器(1-6)」、「瞻星台(1-7)」、「玄武圖(1-8)」が確認される。そして林光澈の<昔の人タ>が5回に連載された。具體的には「兩足に立った猿(1-1)」、「木の代わりに石で(1-2)」、<昔の人>(1-3)、「農業の開始(1-4)」、「地震(1-7)」などが確認される。歷史學者の林光澈は人類の初期の歷史を道具の發明に視点を置いて農業の始まりまで說明した。そして地震の歷史を歷史的に記述している。 林光澈は連載物「子供春香傳(計7回)」に子供を對象に春香傳を脚色している。彼はここで朝鮮時代の兩班と平民の階級關係を事實的に見せてくれて主人公夢龍を通じて新しい人間型を語っている。兩班だけでなく平民と共に生きる新しい世界、理想社會を描いている。 『オリニ通信』は科學に對する2編の連載物が見える。任暎準の「細胞話」、「DDT話」と朴俊榮の「原子世界を求めて(總4回)」がそれである。「細胞話」は生物の基本單位を細胞という細胞はどんなものか、そして細胞の內容、細胞の增殖を繪で說明を始めた。そして「原子世界を求めて」は元素と化合物、「限界顯微鏡」、「不老草」、「分子と原子の關係」、「原子と太陽系」、「養液構造」、「中性子」などについて說明した。 このような連載物は各分野の專門家の文として社會意識、階級意識、專門性などに注目して敍述されている。 以上のように『オリニ通信』は總8號刊行された朝連の兒童對象の代表的な雜誌で朝連政治がそのまま反映された內容で執筆の構成員をみればより鮮明だと言える。 Since the liberation in 1945, Korea residents in Japan formulated ‘Korean federation in Japan(Choryeon)’. Department of culture in Choryeon published for children magazine-‘Children Report’ which was decided for publish in June 1^st in 1946 and 1^stpublish issue printed in July1^st in same year. The magazine was published in months from first issue to eighth issue(July1^st-October15^thin1946). Writers of Children Report were elementary school compilation committee who were member of Choryeon. Although writers wrote various points of views but mostly they noted stances of Choryeon. Not only historian but literary men, aritist, scientists co-wrote the magazine. Children report was composed of preface, cover, song, children’s song, news, forums and so on-which focused mainly on history, literature, and science. One of historical serial from Children Report was ‘Proud of Nation’; portrait of dogfight (1-5), Rain gauge (1-6), Observatory (1-7), Portrait of black tortoise, and ‘Old People’ by Lim Gwangchul. In detail of old people were two feet monkey (1-1), stone replaces wood (1-2), beginning of farm (1-4), and Earthquake (1-7). Lim Gwangchul, historian, described early age of history by invention of tool. He also explained history of earthquake. Lee Eunjik dramatized ‘Chunhyangjeon’ by point of children’s view. Lee described hierarchy of Chosun dynasty by Yangban(aristocrat) and Sangnom(plebeian) so that he explained new type of human creature. What he urged in certain story was that he imagined harmonized society between two different classes. Children Report shown two serials of science; ‘cell story’ and ‘DDT story’ by Lim Youngjoon, ‘Nuclear world’ by Park Joonyoung. The cell story explained fundamental unit of life is cell and its contents and cellular multiplication. ‘Nuclear world’ elucidated elements, compounds, elixir plant, the solar system and so on. These kinds of serials were depicted by many of experts who focused social, class consciousness, and professionality. Children Report was classic magazine for children which involved Choryeon’s political ideas.

역사 속 재일조선인 의료와 복지의 한계 : 현재의 코로나19 속 상황에서 1920년대 전반 오사카방면위원회의 존재적 한계 보기

김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-

現在地球はコロナ19の危機の中にある。こうした危機は本質的であり、我々の暮らしの現像的側面に対する部分的、臨時的、外面的収集策では絶対克服できないという事実を感知しなければならない。公害と感染、自然の破壊、そして伝染病の伝染につながる現像は、韓国の社会が自然環境であるという側面の本質的制限である。このような問題は個人の次元ではなく社会的、ひいては地球的次元のことと、歴史的、特に哲学的論議は切實といえる。歴史の中で見ると、伝染病と社会福祉は国家と資料の問題のみにの位置づけにはならない。特に在日朝鮮人にとって社会福祉は外傷的に存在したと見える。歴史的に見ると、国家と資料を統制しなければ、破局の道を歩んでしまった記録が多く存在する。とりわけ軍国主義日本がこれを示す代表的存在と思う。生は死を前に提議するときに本源的意味があるといえる。こんな人間は構造の中の日常を生きてゆく。在日朝鮮人にとってその世界は単純構造ではなく、集團的統制の中で共同体構成員として生きていったのである。彼らにとって日常は罪の悪に思えるかもしれない。渡港した在日朝鮮人は、都市の下位社会に編入された。彼らは部落民と同等な水尊であるか、これを下回る困難層として存在した。彼ら在日本人の暮らしは始まりからトラウマだった。日常で彼らが安全な居住空間を確認保するのは絶代容易ではなかった。すると、在日朝鮮人は社会福祉の対象で在らなければならなかった。 しかし、方面委員会を通して大阪府の社会福祉事業は、朝鮮の人々を構造的かつ本質的に差別し、社会福祉の名前は無実であった。結局、在日朝鮮人は、社会福祉と医療の死角地に存在しなければならいた。このように、日帝は帝國の構造の中で、植民主義を被壓迫狀態の植民地民に制して日本社会の中在日朝鮮人を福祉以外の空間に位置づけていった。どうやら、大阪府の方面委員会は、その実とすることができる。在日朝鮮人は対象化されている中で、統制の対象として存在した。この研究は、日常の医療と福祉の植民地的限界と、統制構造の反人道と危險性を指摘するための小さな試みです。 Currently, the Earth is in the midst of a crisis of covid-19. We must recognize that such a crisis can never be overcome by a partial, temporary, or external remedy for the phenomenon aspects of our lives in nature. The phenomenon that leads to pollution, contamination, destruction of nature, and the creation of infectious diseases are another pattern of intrinsic limitations that our society is deviating from. Such a problem is not at the individual level, but at the social and even global level, and historical and especially philosophical discussions are urgently needed. In history, infectious diseases and social welfare do not result only in problems of state and capital. In particular, social welfare seems to have been traumatic for Koreans in Japan. Historically, if the state and capital are not controlled, there are many records that have led to a catastrophe. In particular, I think militaristic Japan is a representative of this. Life can be said to strengthen its original meaning when it presupposes death. Such a human being lives his daily life in a structure. For Koreans living in Japan, the world was not just a structure but a member of a community under collective control. For them, daily life may have been considered a sin. Korean residents in Japan were incorporated into lower-class urban communities. They existed as poor people who were equal to or below the level of the villagers. The lives of these Koreans in Japan have been traumatized from the beginning. It was never easy for them to secure a stable living space in their daily lives. Then, Koreans in Japan should have existed as an object of social welfare. However, the Osaka government’s social welfare project through a welfare committee has structured and essentially discriminated against Koreans from Japan. The name of social welfare was a nameless one. In the end, Koreans in Japan had to exist in blind spots of social welfare and medical care. As above, Japan forced colonialism to the oppressed colonists in the structure of the empire and established itself in a space other than welfare for Korean residents in Japanese society. In a way, the Osaka Prefecturel welfare Committee is the very essence. Korean residents in Japan were subject to control while being targeted. This study is a small attempt to point out the colonial limitations of everyday health care and well-being and the anti-humanity and risks of the control structure.

조선총독부박물관 전시에 대한 소고

김인덕(Kim In duck) 전남대학교 글로벌디아스포라연구소 2011 전남대학교 세계한상문화연구단 국제학술회의 Vol.2011 No.2

1915년의 공진회는 만들어진 홍보공간이었다. 빛나는 조선 문화 보다는 열등한 조선 문화, 제국에 눌린 조선의 왕권, 일본자본주의를 학습하는 장소였다. 문제는 공진회의 전시가 기본적으로 역사성과 문화성이 결여되었고, 동시에 비교 전시를 통해 현실의 정치와 문화를 상대화시켰으며, 종국적으로 조선총독부의 효율성을 과시하는 공간이 되어 제국의 ‘목적’에 충실했다는 점이다. 공진회 때의 미술관인 석조 건물은 조선총독부박물관의 본관이 되었다. 개관한 조선총독부박물관 본관은 박물관 건물로 지어진 것은 아니었다. 기능적으로 미술관이었다. 조선총독부박물관의 1920년대 전시는 1923년의 내용을 우선 확인할 수 있다. 1923년 전시는 공진회 때의 미술관 1층의 전시 내용, 즉 중앙 홀의 경주 남산 약사불, 석굴암 부조 등과 동실의 고기물, 서실의 각종 미술품 등이 부분적으로만 확인된다. 본관 2층의 전시는 공진회 때의 2층 동실의 조선 회화 중심, 2층 서실의 현대 회화 중심의 전시에 변화가 있었다. 변화의 핵심은 본관 1층 동실에 낙랑, 대방 등에서 발굴된 유물이 전시되었다는 것과 수정전 등에 중국 신강성에서 수집하여 온 유물들이 전시되고 있는 사실 정도이다. 본격적인 조선총독부박물관 전시실의 구성 내용을 확인할 수 있는 시기는 1926년으로 보인다. 1926년의 전시는 큰 변화가 있다고 할 수 없지만 유물의 시대순 정리와 분류가 분명해졌다. 1930년대의 전시는 1933년과 1936년의 전시 내용을 통해 확인되는데, 1933년의 전시는 기본적으로 1920년대의 공간 구분의 큰 틀은 그대로 유지했으나, 진열장 내부의 전시 유물이 변했다. 특히 1936년 본관 상설 1층 전시는 진전된 연구가 보인다. 아울러 기초한 진열장과 전시 유물의 순서 변화도 보인다. 이상과 같이 조선총독부박물관의 전시를 볼 때는 공진회 미술관과 큰 차이가 없었다. 동선도 기본적으로 변화가 없어 건춘문을 지나 본관을 구경하고 사정전, 수정전, 경회루를 지나 탑들을 관람하고 박물관 사무실이 있던 자경전 앞을 지나 다시 본관으로 돌아가는 방식이었다. 1920년대와 1930년대 전시의 내용은 부분적으로 개편된 것은 사실이다. 특히 1층 중앙 홀의 진열장의 순서와 벽면을 이용하는 전시 방식의 개편은 확인하는데 어렵지 않다. 그리고 2층 회랑 전시의 경우도 독립장의 수치가 변화되었고, 제6실의 경우는 독립장의 사용방식을 바꾸어 내부에 가림판을 넣어서 활용하다가 통장의 형태로 전열장을 사용했다. 특히 1930년대로 가면 학술 조사의 진전과 연구 성과를 반영하여 고분 발굴품의 전시가 보다 정연해지는 모습도 보인다. 이러한 전시의 변화는 선수유물이 조선총독부박물관에 들어가면서 부득이 하게 진행되거나 아니면 조선총독부박물관의 전체 전시의 부분적인 개편 의도가 작용했던 것으로 보인다. 조선총독부박물관은 ‘역사적 진열법’에 의거하고 각 시대의 특질을 보여 주어 ‘문화 발달’의 단계를 인지하는데 편리한 ‘특수 진열법’을 병용하고 있었다. 실제로 조선총독부박물관은 식민통치를 위해 존재했기 때문에 이러한 논리는 전시 의도를 통해서도 그 내용을 파악하는 것이 어렵지 않다. Competitive exhibition in 1915 was formed promoting space where educate interior Chosun culture, oppressed Chosun dynasty, Japanese imperialism rather than excellent Chosun cutlture. The problem was that exhibition was lack of historical and cultural orientation. At the same time, throughout comparative exhibition, which relativizing actual politics and culture. Frequently, exhibition showed the efficiency of the Japanese government of general of Korea which was purpose of Japanese imperialism. Museum of art in 1915 competitive exhibition made of stone became main building for museum of Japanese government of general of Korea. Primary opened museum of Japanese government of general of Korea was not originally built for museum but technically art gallery. Museum of Japanese government of general of Korea’s exhibition in 1920s was begun from 1923 display. 1923 display involved 1<SUP>st</SUP>floor in museum of art in 1915 competitive exhibition which was Bhaisajyaguru in Namsan, Kyong-ju and carved part of Seokguram. Second floor of main building was displayed with east side of 1915 competitive exhibition paintings of Chosun, west side filled with modem paintings. The major transition was that east side of main building exhibited by relics from Nangnang, Daebang and artifacts from in Xinjiang, China. Earnest period when are able to figure the display of exhibition is 1926. This is the moment that they classified relics in periodic. Exhibitions in 1930s can be verified by 1933 and 1936’s exhibition. Basically, 1933 was kept 1920s’ space but relics been replaced. In particular, 1936s’ permanent exhibition of main building progressed with display case and formalities. With this, there were no especial changes between museum of Japanese government of general of Korea and museum art of competitive exhibition. Also, visitor’s movement was fundamentally same as before; starting from Kunchunmoon and see main building, followed by Sajungjun, Sujungjun, Gyeonghoeru pavilion with pagodas, back to main building in the end. It is true that they reorganized from 1920s. Particularly, orders of display case in main hall on first floor and using the surface of wall were clearly showed their reforming. In add, second floor exhibition differed with the numbers of individual cases. In the case of 6<SUP>th</SUP>room, they utilized whole case which was alternation from previous exhibition using splashback. As time went to 1930s, display of excavations from ancient tomb well-ordered in terms of researches, scientific investigation. These types of transition in exhibition indicate either inevitable effect of new relics or reforming intention of museum of Japanese government of general of Korea. Museum of Japanese government of general of Korea based on historical display principle and showed characters of each period so that using Special display principle jointly which was likely to understand cultural progression. Literally, museum of Japanese government of general of Korea was built for ruling colonies. In result, this logic clearly can be comprehended by intention of exhibition.

해방 공간 박열 사상에 대한 소고

김인덕(Kim, In-duck) 전남대학교 글로벌디아스포라연구소 2017 디아스포라 연구 Vol.11 No.1

해방 공간 박열의 사상을 『신조선혁명론』을 통해 살펴보았다. 해방 공간 여러 혁명가들은 자신의 입론을 여러 가지 형태의 문자화된 내용을 통해 천명했다. 이런 가운데 박열의 사상은 민족 중심의 독립국가에 주목하고 있는 특징적인 내용을 보이고 있다. 박열의 해방 공간 사상은 민족주의에 기초한 사상입국론, 국가건설론, 청년·생활운동론으로 정리할 수 있다. 이른바 사상입국론, 국가건설론, 청년․생활운동론은 민족주의에 기반 하면서 현실에서는 관념적인 통일전선론과 청년 지상주의적인 모습을 보이고 있다. 특히 미․소에 대한 의존적 표현은 통일전선을 얘기하는 그의 제한성을 확인하게 하는 부분이기도 하다. 물론 이런 모습은 현실적인 고민을 보여주는 대목이라고도 할 수 있다. 이 가운데 박열의 청년의 역할을 강조하는 모습은 민족의 지도자로서, 활동가로서 청년의 중요성을 잘 알고 있기 때문에 나온 귀결이었다. 그는 구국은 청년이 있어 가능하다고 했다. 박열은 강렬한 청년지상주의를 피력하여 신념 있는, 지조 있는 그리고 행동하는 청년상을 그리고 있다. 그리고 문화 향상 운동의 중심은 청년으로 이들 청년의 중요성을 인정해야 한다는 것이다. 박열은 일본이 정의의 나라가 될 수 없고, 폭력으로 망할 것이라는 생각을 초지일관 견지했다. 이것이 박열 사상의 또 다른 핵심이다. 이런 그의 대일관은 해방 공간의 신국가건설론에 녹아 있고, 구체적으로는 건국의 방향잡기와 청년운동론을 통해 전개되고 있다고 할 수 있다. 본질적으로 해방 공간 박열 사상은 민족독립 국가 수립을 우선하고 있어 구국의 사상으로 정리할 수 있다. 그는 조선의 종국적 목표를 완전한 독립에 두었다. 이를 위해 박열은 ‘조국 전선’에 대한 양분된 실력을 하나로 통일시키는 것이 그 출발점이라고 했다. 이런 그의 사상은 제3의 세계질서로 이어졌다. 박열은 해방 공간 통일국가로서 독립을 희구하는 시점에서 분열을 통일로 이끌지 못하면 민족의 진로는 고난 그 자체라고 생각했다. 그리고 결론은 분열이 원인이 되어 민족과 조국의 독립이 상실된다는 것이었다. 이상과 같이 박열이 생각한 국가는 종국적으로 민족국가로 사상 보다 더 중요한 것이 완전한 독립 국가였다고 보인다. 이런 그의 생각은 해방공간 정국의 변화를 지켜보면서 형성되었고, 그 원형은 반일의식과 무종교주의, 무정부주의적 입장에서 출발했다. 그러나 그가 생각한 국가의 상은 현실과는 일정한 거리가 있었던 것도 부정할 수 없다. 박열은 국내와 일본 내 재일조선인 사회의 현실 정치에서 시간이 지날수록 멀어졌던 것은 사실이다. By 『New Chosun revolutionism』, Park Yeol’s idea could be examined during space of liberation. During the space, many of revolutionaries clarified their own theories by literation. Meanwhile, Park’s idea was mainly focused on independent nation which was in ethnic. Park Yeol’s thought during the space could be categorized by theory from nationalism, theory of nation-construction, and theory of youth movement. What Park shown to the world was characteristic because theory from nationalism, theory of nation-construction, and theory of youth movement all was based on nationalism. In a real world, his idea of a legitimate proletariat political party and youth supremacist were shown. Especially, his dependent expression on United States & Soviet Union clearly shown his limitation on the unified front. Of course that it was his real-life agony. Park Yeol’s emphasis on role of youth was consequence as the national leader and activist. He strongly believed that national salvation could had been possible because of the youth. Park Yeol’s idea presented images of youth who of conviction and honorable. Also, he argued that people had to acknowledge importance of youth because the youth was core for the improving cultural movement. Park Yeol sticked to the idea that Japan could not be the righteousness and Japan would have failed by violences. This is another key point of Park’s idea. This kind of view toward with Japan slightly was pervaded in theory of the constructing new nation. In detail, this idea was developed an theory by direction of founding a country and theory of youth movement. Essentially, Park’s idea during space of liberation took precedence to selfreliant nation state which could be explained as idea of national salvation. He believed that permanent goal of Chosun should be full independence. To achieve this, Park Yeol argued that unifying splited nation front lines was the point of departure. His idea extended to the third world order. At the moment of desiring indepences as unified nation during space of liberation, Park claimed that if split could not be unified, national treatment would suffer a lot. Eventually, he believed that independence of nation and country could be lost in terms of split. As stated above, the country Park Yeol believed ultimately was full independent nation where was more significant than ideology. The idea was built while he had gone through political situation during space of liberation which all started from anti-Japanese, irreligion, and anarchism. However, his ideal nation was bit far from reality. It was true that Park Yeol had been estranged from real politics in domestic & society of Korean residences in Japan as time went.

논문(論文) : 1920,30년대 재일 조선인 선거운동 -재일본조선노동총동맹과 일심회의 사례를 중심으로-

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 강원대학교 사학회 2011 江原史學 Vol.0 No.25

1920년에 선거권이 인정된 직후에는 친일파를 제외하고 재일 조선인이 주체적으로 선거운동과 참정권의 문제에 관여한 흔적은 없었다. 그러나 1925년보통선거법 성립 이후 재일 조선인 유권자는 무산정당을 그 수립과정에서부터 적극적으로 지원했다고 보인다. 보통선거권이 부여된 이후에, 재일 조선인은 선거운동에서 형식적으로는 ``부여된`` 권리라고 하고, 주체적으로 자기의 것으로 활용하려고 했다. 재일조선인 노동자와 지식인은 1926년 이후에 본격적으로 논의했다. 이와 함께 조선인 입후보자가 출현한 것은 1929년 이후였다. 입후보자가 급증한 시기는 1930년대 전반으로, 이 현상은 1932년 박춘금의 당선이 하나의 계기가 되었다고 보인다. 이상과 같은 재일 조선인에 적용된 선거제도는 내선융화를 촉발하기 위한 제도였다. 따라서 재일 조선인에게는 장애가 있었다. 조선인이 조선인을 위한 의원 선출을 불가능하게 한 원인이 있었는데, 그것은 유권자 확정과정과 투표제도의 운영상에 문제가 있었기 때문이다. 한편 재일본조선노동총동맹은 조선인으로의 입장을 갖고 선거에 직·간접적인 활동을 전개했다. 특히 노동농민당을 선거운동에서 적극 지원한 것은 국제연대의 실현과 함께 현실투쟁에서의 일본 내의 재일 조선인의 지분을 갖는데 결코 부정적이지는 않았다. 여기에는 일상적인 공동투쟁의 지속과 일본 사회주의운동 진영과의 이론적 공감대의 형성이 요인으로 작용했을 것이다. 일심회의 경우도 친일적인 성격으로 인하여 선거운동에 참가하면서도 본질적인 한계가 없지는 않았지만, 1920년대부터 일관되게 적극적인 관심을 표명하고 있었다. 이것은 재일본조선노동총동맹의 경우와 함께 간접적이나마 재일 조선인의 정치적 의사를 반영한 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 그 이유는 이들내부의 다양성이 조직의 외형상 나타나는 단순한 ``융화친목``만을 갖고 일방적으로 예단할 수 없는 부분이 있기 때문이다. 재일 조선인의 선거운동은 일본의 지배정책이 조선인을 일본인과 평등하게 취급한다는 것은 거짓이다. 일제는 소수이지만 자신들의 입장을 대변할사람이 필요했고, 여기에는 권력자의 정책적 배려가 작용했던 것이다. Since the suffrage were acknowledged in 1920, Korean residents in Japan had not been involved in political rights and movements on vote other than pro-Japanese group. However, after establishment of popular suffrage in 1925, Korean residents voter in Japan supported actively for proletarian party since the process. Following given of popular suffrage, Korean residents in Japan tried to get their own rights even though they published as endowed rights in formal. From 1926, Korean labors in Japan and intellects fully discussed. With this, Korean residents in Japan``s first candidate for vote was 1929 and increased rapidly 1930s. These are all spring from Park Chun-keum``s election. Followed election system for Korean residents in Japan was only for the harmonization. Therefore, they had an obstacles. Korean could not vote for the Korean for assemblyman because there were serious issues on determining elector and managing election system. On the other hand, the federation of Korean laborers in Japan began their movement in or directly with their own stance as Korean. Particularly, supporting Labor agrarian party was realizing international union and also taking Korean equity in Japan with many struggles. This indicates persisting routine struggles and developing a bond of sympathy with socialist agitators in Japan. In terms of pro-Japanese character, Ilsimhoi had substantial limits while participating election campaign but they had an consistent interest since 1920s. This can be mediately interpreted as Korean residents in Japan``s political will with the federation of Korean laborers in Japan. The reason why for this matter is that varieties of group cannot be prejudged because of harmonizing in external. It is not true that Japanese ruling policy had treated election campaign of Korean residents in Japan same as Japanese campaign. Japanese need people who represent their stance even if minority, this clearly shows political regards of powerful man.

공간 이동과 재일코리안의 정주와 건강 -『大阪と半島人』와 『민중시보(民衆時報)』를 통한 오사카(쓰루하시(鶴橋))의 1930년대를 중심으로-

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 성균관대학교 인문학연구원(성균관대학교 인문과학연구소) 2019 人文科學 Vol.0 No.73

본 연구는 1930년대 오사카의 쓰루하시라는 공간에서 도항 이후 재일코리안의 건강이 어떻게 일상 속에서 형성되었는지를 『大阪と半島人』, 『民衆時報』를 중심으로 확인해 보았다. 주요한 내용을 정리해 보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 재일코리안은 제국의 통제 아래 도항했고, 그들은 개별적으로 정착하다가 집단화되었고 정주의 공간을 마련, 대도시를 중심으로 주변부에 조선촌을 형성해 갔다. 대표적인 정주 공간 오사카 쓰루하시는 이가이노와 함께 정주 재일코리안의 조선촌이 되었고, 일상의 건강이 유지되는 공간이었다. 둘째, 재일코리안의 건강은 일본 사회 속에서 존재한 일상의 반영이었다. 동시에 재일코리안의 건강은 일본에서의 건강, 건강정책과 유관하다. 문제는 차별의 대상으로 재일코리안은 공간적 제한의 존재로 그 모습은 소수자로 귀결되어 절대다수가 질병에 노출되었다. 셋째, 『大阪と半島人』, 『民衆時報』를 중심으로 본 재일코리안의 1930년대 일상의 모습 속에는 건강의 다양한 요소가 존재했다. 사상의 문제가 아니라 일상을 통해 존재한 모습이었다. 그 가운데 인간의 모습, 재일코리안은 현재를 사는 우리에게 역사적 규정력이 작용하고 있는 것을 보여준다. 넷째, 의학적인 수치를 통한 재일코리안의 1930년대 모습은 ‘양호’라고 했다. 그러나 문제는 일본제국의 통치 아래 도항했던 조선인의 일본 내 존재는 왜곡과 좌절의 틀에 존재했던 것이 사실이다. 쓰루하시라는 공간 속 정주하고 삶을 영위한 재일코리안에게 건강은 부차적이었는지도 모른다. 생존이 우선이었기 때문에 그렇다고 할 수 있다. 다섯째, 1930년대 쓰루하시 재일코리안의 정주와 건강은 현실의 구조가 작용하는 지점이었다. 일제의 통치와 조선인 사회의 구조가 중층적인 요소였음은 물론이다. 그 가운데 재일코리안의 건강은 일상 속에서 유지 되었다. 실제로 재일코리안은 병원과 약국 등을 통해 적극적으로 질병 치료를 시도했다. 본고는 건강을 유지한 재일코리안의 모습을 일상의 평범한 삶에서 확인했다. 재일코리안은 고향 사람이 함께 하는 삶의 안정감, 조선식 먹거리를 통한 즐거움, 막걸리를 통한 행복함, 적극적인 질병 치료하기, 정신적 스트레스의 대중적 치료 등 여러 형태로 건강을 유지하고 일본 속에서 살았던 것이다. The paper has examined how the health of the ethnic Korean residents in Japan had been preserved and maintained in Tsuruhashi in Osaka in the 1930s, based on the reports by the two papers: “大阪と半島人 (Osaka and Peninsula)” and “民衆時報 (The Bulletin of the People).” First of all, the ethnic Korean residents in Japan sailed over to Japan under the domination of imperialism. They settled individually and built the town of the Joseon people centering around the major cities. Tsuruhashi - being the most typical area of domiciliation - functioned as the town of the Joseon people along with the city of Igaino and these were the places where the health of the Koreans were maintained. Second, their health was the reflection of the people’s life in Japanese society. The health of the Korean residents in Japan was clearly linked with the health policy and care. I do believe that this issue should be discussed in earnest. However, the majority of the Korean people as the minority were exposed to diseases in the area. Third, based on the reports of the two papers - “Osaka and Peninsula” and “The Bulletin of the People” - there existed a variety of factors that guaranteed the health of the Koreans in the 1930s not from the viewpoint of ideologies but from that of the daily life. On top of that, the human quality of the Koreans at that time show us living in the present times the historical defining power. Fourth, the medical value of the Korean residents in Japan during the 1930s were favorable but the presence of the Koreans in Japan was embroiled in a controversy with regard to distortion and frustration. It was because the top priority concern for those Korean residents in Tsuruhashi was always their survival. Fifth, the period of the 1930s for the Koreans in Tsuruhashi was the point of realistic structure. The rule of the imperial Japan and the structure of Joseon were surely the multi-level factors. With that, the health condition of the Korean residents in Japan could have been sustained. In fact, Korean could have received the treatment of diseases by hospitals and drugstores. In this sense, the diseases of the Korean residents in Japan should be newly discussed and is required to find the cure. Actually, curing diseases is similar to the reform of the daily life. The paper confirmed the maintenance of health among the Koreans in Japan in their ordinary life. Friendship among the neighboring people, enjoying Korean food and traditional Korean wine, the active treatment of the illness, and the general cure of mental problems were all the reasons for their conditions. Recently, many of the diaspora and the migrated Koreans have been studied but most of them were static, drawing no public interests. Various regions and a variety of views are expected for the Korean residents in foreign countries.

일제시대 여수지역 강제연행에 대한 고찰

김인덕(Kim In-Duck) 부산경남사학회 2008 역사와 경계 Vol.67 No.-

The following contents are the researching comparison of compulsive haul in Yeosu (where is the small city placed in Chunra-do)and other compulsive haul in Korea. First of all, in a view of period, method, and object, Yeosu compulsive haul had been converged in 1943 and 1944. The period of Yeosu citizen being pulled along by force as a soldier was from 1938 till 1945. Also, civilians attached to the military was in 1942 for two years. Secondly, the way of mobilized shape of Yeosu compulsive haul was quite various lieu of family member, while on board shipping craft, and with neighborhoods. Regions of Yeosu citizen’s mobilization were domestic, Japan, Philippine, and Manchuria. There was also people who trained for a year before they sent to other region. On the middle of them, Yeosu citizen who were resided in Japan were included, returnee in alive but most of all were killed in battle. Third, seeing the hauled place, people who were in Yeosu had trailed to all the area in Japan and even Pacific Ocean. In particular, Hokkaido, Osaka, Kyushu, South Sea islands were the main regions for compulsive haul. A noticeable thing was that people who were from Yeosu normally undertaken in a fleet in terms of their experiences near coast. For these sorts of compulsive haul in Yeosu was similar to Changnyung-Gun and Nonsan-Gun. First, there is a analogous to period, types of people, and region. Second, most of people hauled worked on agriculture. In a different way, Yeosu compulsive haul was the passage of Japanese imperialism for railroad and passengership. Second, the remaining military installations could be inferred as a point of strategic importance.

식민지시대 강제연행 실태

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한국민족운동사학회 2001 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.29 No.-

The period of “Forced Migration” was generally during the years 1939 to 1945. The first period is from Sep. 1939 to Feb. 1942, and it was used ,what is called, the method of “recruitment”. The second one was from Mar. 1942 to Aug. 1944. At that time, Korean Labour Association - an extra departmental body of the government - general of Korea was a mediator of workers and the main group of recruitment. Namely it was the period of Government-directed. The third one was from Sep. 1944 to Aug. 1945. By the application of National Mobilization Orders, “Forced Migration” was committed in public without distinction. Japan Government, Korean Government-general and its subordinate officers had deeply intervened in Forced Migration since the first period. The survey of actual condition is as follows; Labour Recruitment among forced migration tended to concentrate in about 16~22 year old men during the years 1943 to 1945 and they were sent to the whole Japan. Particularly it was proved that a great send-off party was held with band all together in case of large-scale migration. When they were migrated forcibly, they concentrated at elementary school, town hall and then they were sent to the country or city. Soon they went to Busan, Yeosu by train. Finally they generally arrived at Shimonoseki, Hakada by ship. Korean who went to Japan were sent to the whole Japan by train or truck. Mostly they were arranged at mine, a site of construction, and military establishments. One Korean was killed per rail-road line or one prop one. In those days, when a Korean entered the mine, he thought it “the death” and when he came out of the mine, he felt greatly relieved. In case of labour mobilization, they worked too much from 6 A.M. to 6~8 P.M. In the field they were given a blow simply because they were poor at work and almost Korean workers experienced the blow. They lived in a boarding house and 7~10 persons used a same room at least or they must live in a temporary military building, a barrack, nagaya, hamba etc. Korean workers were in need of food. Shortly they were pressed by hunger. They ate miscellaneous cereals. After having meal, they drank water and were full of stomach with water. They hardly got their wages and they drew a empty pay envelope written the nominal wages. As they protested against it, Japanese usually promised that they would get the wage in all when they return home. But there were few in that case. The company staffs in the field prevented them from breaking way, but continued to bolt in the shape of opposition. With the defeat of Japan(1945. 8. 15), many Korean workers wanted to return home but a few of them came their country by ship served by company. A large number of people remained abroad or chose the returning home through the private ship. As we examined above this, Forced Migration surely existed. Though we admitted the diversity of the contents, it is certain that there was substantial force. Besides no doubt that Forced Migration was the direct product of the colonial rule of Imperial Japan.