임광철(林光澈)의 재일조선인사 인식에 대한 소고

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 수선사학회 2017 史林 Vol.0 No.59

As examined, Lim Gwang-chul had shown concept of theory which based on historical materialism. On the other hand, he predicted revolution of the people. While based on social research methodology, he also had interest on public education that began from Echungwon. Lim narrated Korean history based on historical materialism in amusing perspectives. He depicted Korean history by nation scale and he descripted the period of the three states given equal weight to Goguryeo, Baekje, and Shilla. At the same time, he focused the fact that the state of Goryeo had appeared without war or battle. He noted Yi Dynasty as establishing revolution. Also, the begin of supervision politics was from entrance of Ito Hirobumi (伊藤博文) in 1905. Meanwhile, Lim Gwan-chul tried to understand history mainly not Yi dynasty but history of feudal society. He mentioned that a purpose of book was the investigation of the capitalism system-principal of Asian feudal system. For that, Yi dynasty was reorganization of Asian feudal system. Futhermore, Toadyism was the most creative policy that Yi Seong-gye took. On the other hand, he believed that land ownership issue caused from massacre of scholars and party strife. He wrote that baptism of Yi Seung-hoon was historical event which related to Chosun society`s limitation with the Roman Catholic church. Lim Gwang-chul deeply focused on problems of Korean residents in Japan for his own reality struggles as one Korean resident in Japan; as the fact of saving lives and freedom from imperialist war. He took a notice on the fact that non-Japanese position within territory of Japan for independence, peace, democracy and political situation of Chosun was quite special since the world war II. With that, he urged that problem of Korean residents in Japan was output from Japanese imperialism and colonialism and he noted it is part of Chosun`s issue. According to Lim, Korean residents in Japan were not happy in Japan. He took a notice on the fact that these Korean had fought for the freedom and independence. People who went to Japan was struggle with nation, rank and this ended to their hostility to Japanese emperor and capitalism. He wrote that these behaviors could be explained from anti-Japan events; February 2nd independence movement, the federation of Labor, Directorate general of Japan Communist party of Korea and Japan, Branch of the Communist Youth League, turning problems, Korean commerce and industry youth league in Japan, pro-Japanese Korean activists and the resistance movement during compulsive haul. On liberation in 1945, he wrote in aggressive. He stated that Korean nation could have been liberated from WWII due to Soviet Union`s role. Also, he noted that liberation in 1945 was turning point of Korean residents in Japan and their liberation campaign. He mainly focused on internationalism of Korean residents in Japan and their problems by organization of the pro-Pyeongyang federation of Korean residents in Japan, 2nd national convention of Choryeon, command of November 20th in 1946, the Hanshin Education struggle in 1948, and democratic front for the reunification for Korean residents in Japan. Researches by Lim on Korean residents in Japan had been applied to the origin of historical study for Korean residents in Japan. Although there is political conflict on description of pre & post-war and history of Korean residents in Japan`s movement, his advanced research could be highlighted with historicity. In the real world, Lim proceeded description of Korean history in progress where he was placed in. At the same time, he considered the importance of communicating with public and into practice.

1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 사건이 재일한인 사회에 주는 현재적 의미-민단과 총련의 주요 역사교재와 ꡔ민단신문ꡕ의 기사를 중심으로-

김인덕(Kim, In-duck) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.33 No.-

This paper was written to identify current response of Mindan in terms of Great Kanto earthquake in 1923 and its massacre of Korean residents in Japan. To verify this, the author made certain that of Mindan’s textbook and counterpart of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan’s narrative attitude. Especially, the author examined stream of history textbook of Korean residents in Japan preferentially. Summing up the contexts, textbook of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan could have been considered as North Korea textbook but which is partially right and wrong. On the other hand, Mindan’s narrated in thematic on ‘History of Korean resident in Japan’. In particular, description of post-war period, it has limitation of historic facts in various point of views. Also, the textbook didn’t’ testify number of Korean victims and references. For example, it estimated five to six thousands of the dead but there were no mention of Koreans’ action on massacre. However, General Association of Korean Residents in Japan depicted the reason of massacre was the false propaganda by military, police, repressing association to Korean and described the places of massacre as well; Kametido in Tokyo, Kanagawa, Chiba, Saitama, and Kunma- around 6,600 people were killed. Not only Korean but many of Chinese and Japanese socialist were also murdered by Japan according to textbook of General Assocation. The author looked into Mindan’s reaction on massacre by last ten years of ‘Mindan Newspaper’ from 2003 to 2013. They had been commemorated this genocide by ceremonies, seminars, lectures, and exhibitions. They actively noted on their textbook. Tokyo and its area were the main locations to do those events and even nationwide were held as well but joint project with Japanese experts, regional investigation, and on the spot survey weren’t there. The society of Korean residents in Japan has been trying to commemorate Korean massacre in 1923 during Great Kanto earthquake for a long time. Including Mindan & General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, many of scholars and activists were actively there.

역사 속 재일조선인 의료와 복지의 한계 : 현재의 코로나19 속 상황에서 1920년대 전반 오사카방면위원회의 존재적 한계 보기

김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-

現在地球はコロナ19の危機の中にある。こうした危機は本質的であり、我々の暮らしの現像的側面に対する部分的、臨時的、外面的収集策では絶対克服できないという事実を感知しなければならない。公害と感染、自然の破壊、そして伝染病の伝染につながる現像は、韓国の社会が自然環境であるという側面の本質的制限である。このような問題は個人の次元ではなく社会的、ひいては地球的次元のことと、歴史的、特に哲学的論議は切實といえる。歴史の中で見ると、伝染病と社会福祉は国家と資料の問題のみにの位置づけにはならない。特に在日朝鮮人にとって社会福祉は外傷的に存在したと見える。歴史的に見ると、国家と資料を統制しなければ、破局の道を歩んでしまった記録が多く存在する。とりわけ軍国主義日本がこれを示す代表的存在と思う。生は死を前に提議するときに本源的意味があるといえる。こんな人間は構造の中の日常を生きてゆく。在日朝鮮人にとってその世界は単純構造ではなく、集團的統制の中で共同体構成員として生きていったのである。彼らにとって日常は罪の悪に思えるかもしれない。渡港した在日朝鮮人は、都市の下位社会に編入された。彼らは部落民と同等な水尊であるか、これを下回る困難層として存在した。彼ら在日本人の暮らしは始まりからトラウマだった。日常で彼らが安全な居住空間を確認保するのは絶代容易ではなかった。すると、在日朝鮮人は社会福祉の対象で在らなければならなかった。 しかし、方面委員会を通して大阪府の社会福祉事業は、朝鮮の人々を構造的かつ本質的に差別し、社会福祉の名前は無実であった。結局、在日朝鮮人は、社会福祉と医療の死角地に存在しなければならいた。このように、日帝は帝國の構造の中で、植民主義を被壓迫狀態の植民地民に制して日本社会の中在日朝鮮人を福祉以外の空間に位置づけていった。どうやら、大阪府の方面委員会は、その実とすることができる。在日朝鮮人は対象化されている中で、統制の対象として存在した。この研究は、日常の医療と福祉の植民地的限界と、統制構造の反人道と危險性を指摘するための小さな試みです。 Currently, the Earth is in the midst of a crisis of covid-19. We must recognize that such a crisis can never be overcome by a partial, temporary, or external remedy for the phenomenon aspects of our lives in nature. The phenomenon that leads to pollution, contamination, destruction of nature, and the creation of infectious diseases are another pattern of intrinsic limitations that our society is deviating from. Such a problem is not at the individual level, but at the social and even global level, and historical and especially philosophical discussions are urgently needed. In history, infectious diseases and social welfare do not result only in problems of state and capital. In particular, social welfare seems to have been traumatic for Koreans in Japan. Historically, if the state and capital are not controlled, there are many records that have led to a catastrophe. In particular, I think militaristic Japan is a representative of this. Life can be said to strengthen its original meaning when it presupposes death. Such a human being lives his daily life in a structure. For Koreans living in Japan, the world was not just a structure but a member of a community under collective control. For them, daily life may have been considered a sin. Korean residents in Japan were incorporated into lower-class urban communities. They existed as poor people who were equal to or below the level of the villagers. The lives of these Koreans in Japan have been traumatized from the beginning. It was never easy for them to secure a stable living space in their daily lives. Then, Koreans in Japan should have existed as an object of social welfare. However, the Osaka government’s social welfare project through a welfare committee has structured and essentially discriminated against Koreans from Japan. The name of social welfare was a nameless one. In the end, Koreans in Japan had to exist in blind spots of social welfare and medical care. As above, Japan forced colonialism to the oppressed colonists in the structure of the empire and established itself in a space other than welfare for Korean residents in Japanese society. In a way, the Osaka Prefecturel welfare Committee is the very essence. Korean residents in Japan were subject to control while being targeted. This study is a small attempt to point out the colonial limitations of everyday health care and well-being and the anti-humanity and risks of the control structure.

1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 사건이 재일한인 사회에 주는 현재적 의미-민단과 총련의 주요 역사교재와 『민단신문』의 기사를 중심으로-

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.33 No.-

This paper was written to identify current response of Mindan in terms of Great Kanto earthquake in 1923 and its massacre of Korean residents in Japan. To verify this, the author made certain that of Mindan’s textbook and counterpart of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan’s narrative attitude. Especially, the author examined stream of history textbook of Korean residents in Japan preferentially. Summing up the contexts, textbook of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan could have been considered as North Korea textbook but which is partially right and wrong. On the other hand, Mindan’s narrated in thematic on ‘History of Korean resident in Japan’. In particular, description of post-war period, it has limitation of historic facts in various point of views. Also, the textbook didn’t’ testify number of Korean victims and references. For example, it estimated five to six thousands of the dead but there were no mention of Koreans’ action on massacre. However, General Association of Korean Residents in Japan depicted the reason of massacre was the false propaganda by military, police, repressing association to Korean and described the places of massacre as well; Kametido in Tokyo, Kanagawa, Chiba, Saitama, and Kunma- around 6,600 people were killed. Not only Korean but many of Chinese and Japanese socialist were also murdered by Japan according to textbook of General Assocation. The author looked into Mindan’s reaction on massacre by last ten years of ‘Mindan Newspaper’ from 2003 to 2013. They had been commemorated this genocide by ceremonies, seminars, lectures, and exhibitions. They actively noted on their textbook. Tokyo and its area were the main locations to do those events and even nationwide were held as well but joint project with Japanese experts, regional investigation, and on the spot survey weren’t there. The society of Korean residents in Japan has been trying to commemorate Korean massacre in 1923 during Great Kanto earthquake for a long time. Including Mindan & General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, many of scholars and activists were actively there.

해방 공간 재일조선인 어린이 잡지 『어린이통신(通信)』의 서술 경향 -주요 기사와 연재물을 중심으로-

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한일민족문제학회 2018 한일민족문제연구 Vol.34 No.-

Since the liberation in 1945, Korea residents in Japan formulated ‘Korean federation in Japan(Choryeon)’. Department of culture in Choryeon published for children magazine-‘Children Report’ which was decided for publish in June 1^st in 1946 and 1^stpublish issue printed in July1^st in same year. The magazine was published in months from first issue to eighth issue(July1^st-October15^thin1946). Writers of Children Report were elementary school compilation committee who were member of Choryeon. Although writers wrote various points of views but mostly they noted stances of Choryeon. Not only historian but literary men, aritist, scientists co-wrote the magazine. Children report was composed of preface, cover, song, children’s song, news, forums and so on-which focused mainly on history, literature, and science. One of historical serial from Children Report was ‘Proud of Nation’; portrait of dogfight (1-5), Rain gauge (1-6), Observatory (1-7), Portrait of black tortoise, and ‘Old People’ by Lim Gwangchul. In detail of old people were two feet monkey (1-1), stone replaces wood (1-2), beginning of farm (1-4), and Earthquake (1-7). Lim Gwangchul, historian, described early age of history by invention of tool. He also explained history of earthquake. Lee Eunjik dramatized ‘Chunhyangjeon’ by point of children’s view. Lee described hierarchy of Chosun dynasty by Yangban(aristocrat) and Sangnom(plebeian) so that he explained new type of human creature. What he urged in certain story was that he imagined harmonized society between two different classes. Children Report shown two serials of science; ‘cell story’ and ‘DDT story’ by Lim Youngjoon, ‘Nuclear world’ by Park Joonyoung. The cell story explained fundamental unit of life is cell and its contents and cellular multiplication. ‘Nuclear world’ elucidated elements, compounds, elixir plant, the solar system and so on. These kinds of serials were depicted by many of experts who focused social, class consciousness, and professionality. Children Report was classic magazine for children which involved Choryeon’s political ideas.

재일조선인 역사 서술의 3·1운동에 대한 기억 : 재일조선인의 각종 역사교재와 임광철의 역사인식을 통해

김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2020 한일민족문제연구 Vol.38 No.-

This study reviewed the contents of memories of the March First Independence Movement through the historical narrative system of the Korean residents’ community in Japan. The description of the March 1st Movement of Mindan(在日本大韓民国 民団) and The General Association of Korean Residents in Japan(在日本 朝鮮人総聯合会) can be seen as the basis for research by South Korea, Japan and North Korea. In the case of Mindan, the understanding of the March 1st Movement, a turning point in the movement, is believed to have led to the content. The General Association of Korean Residents in Japan(在日本朝鮮人総聯合会) actively evaluated the subject and historical significance of the March First movement from depicting Kim Il-sung family to Yoo Gwan-soon in their description. In fact, the narrative system for the March First Independence Movement by Koreans in Japan is thought to be the original form of historical textbooks and research during the Japanese Federation of Korean Residents in Japan (在日本朝鮮人連盟). The draft version of the Chosun History Textbook described the preparation process, situation of the March 1st, and the subsequent situation. The book called the outcome of the March First Independence Movement was that reform of Japanase colonial strategy of Korea and the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. From The ‘Children’s History(어린이國史-下)’ introduced Wilson’s national self-determination of the people and the essence of the March first Independence Movement as a nationwide event. It also pointed the limitations of national representation. Specially, Lim Kwang-chul(林光澈)’s writings could be drawn keen attention in the research history of the March First Independence Movement of Korean residents in Japan. He tried to develop a discussion on the March First Independence Movement in a realistic demand in ｢三一運動 に於ける歷史的なもの-一つの方法論的考察-｣. In particular, he believed that it was necessary to understand the March First Movement dialectically from a practical point of view. Lim Kwang-chol developed discussions on three topics; first was causality, second was leadership and third was historical significance. First, he noted that the cause of the March first Independence Movement was the land survey project, which resulted in forced deceptive land exploitation. Second, he cited the feudal indigenous landlord class, specifically the Cheondoist and Christian forces as his leadership. Third, the historical significance of the March first Independence Movement was that the struggle(fight) is the only way for the Korean people to live. His book, ‘The History of Chosun’, Lim Gwang-cheol defined the March first Independence Movement as a part of the ‘Chosun’s idea of independence movement’. In his article, Lim Kwang-chul left the point that it should be paid attention to continued research on land issues related to the March First Independence Movement. His study of the March First Movement revealed the causuality, leadership and historical significance that contributed to the subsequent provision of a large narrative system for the March First Movement research. It is also true that the limitations of his research on the March First Independence Movement related to land issues after his research that have failed to produce full-fledged results since then. Especially, from international point of view, Lim Kwang-chul actively attempted to evaluate the March First Independence Movement. I looked at the memories of the March First Independence Movement of Koreans in Japan through various history textbooks and research achievements by Lim Kwang-chul. Memories of the March First Independence Movement have been changed with the passage of time. However, the perception of the revolutionary contents of the March First Independence Movement and the nature of the March First Independence Movement are not been 本研究は、3·1運動に関する在日朝鮮人社会の歴史記述体系による記憶 の内容を検討してみた。 在日本大韓民国民団と在日本朝鮮人総聯合会の3·1運動の記述は、国 内と日本、北朝鮮の研究を土台したものと見ることができる。在日本大韓民国 民団の場合｢運動の転換点｣という3·1運動への理解が代表的に、その内容 につながったと思われる。在日本朝鮮人総聯合会は3·1運動に対する叙述も 金日成一家中心の叙述から運動の主体と歴史的意義を積極的に評価し、柳 寛順に注目している。 実際、在日朝鮮人による3·1運動に対する叙述体系は、在日本朝鮮人連 盟時期の歴史教材と研究で確認するのが原型と考えられる。『朝鮮歷史敎材 草案』(上)では準備過程、当日の様子、その後の状況を述べ、3·1運動の 成果を日本の植民地朝鮮統治政策の改編と大韓民国臨時政府の樹立とし た。『어린이國史』(下)ではウィルソンの民族自決主義の紹介と3·1運動の本 質を全民族的事件として紹介している。そして、民族代表の限界を指摘してい る。 このような在日朝鮮人3·1運動の研究史では、林光澈の文章が注目され る。林光澈は、｢三一運動に於ける歷史的なもの-一つの方法論的考察-｣において現実的な要求から3·1運動について議論を展開しようとした。具体的に は、実践的観点から3·1運動を弁証法的に理解することが必要だということ だ。林光澈は3つのテーマについて議論を展開するが、①原因、②指導勢 力、③歴史的意義であった。第一に、3·1運動の原因を土地調査事業で強 制的欺瞞的な土地収奪があったという事実に着目した。第二に、彼は指導勢 力として封建的な土着地主階級、具体的には天道教勢力とキリスト教勢力を挙 げた。第三に、3·1運動の歴史的意義を取り上げるが、闘争だけが朝鮮民 族の生きる道だということだ。このような林光澈は『朝鮮歷史讀本』で、3·1運 動は“朝鮮の独立運動思想”の会期的なことと規定した。 林光澈は自身の文章で、3·1運動に対する土地問題と関連した持続的な 研究に関心が要請されるという点を残している。林光澈の3·1運動に関する研 究は、原因、指導層、歴史的意義を明らかにし、3·1運動研究の大きな叙 述体系を提供するのに寄与した。同氏の研究以降、土地問題に関する3·1運 動に対する研究が、以後本格的な成果を出せなかった限界を明確に記憶する ことも必要だ。特に国際的な視点で林光澈は三一運動の評価を積極的に試み た。 在日朝鮮人の3·1運動の記憶を各種歴史教材と林光澈の研究成果を通じ て見た。一時期を超えた3·1運動に対する記憶は、時間の流れとともに変わっ てきた。しかし、3·1運動が持つ革命的内容に対する認識と、3·1運動の本 質は変わらなかったと言える。

일제시대 재일조선인사 속의 ‘탄압과 박해’에 대한 연구

김인덕(Kim In-Duck) 강원대학교 인문과학연구소 2006 江原人文論叢 Vol.15 No.-

재일조선인의 역사 속에서 탄압과 박해, 그리고 학살의 문제는 존재 그 자체가 역사 속에 기억되는 것이 그리 즐거운 일은 아니다. 그럼에도 불구하고 탄압과 박해는 객관적인 역사적 사실로 존재했고, 그 속에서 조선인은 삶을 영위했던 것이다. 주요한 네 가지의 탄압과 박해의 역사는 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 관동대지진은 진재가 아니라 학살이었다. 학살은 조직적으로 자행되었다. 일제는 사회운동을 탄압하면서 눈에 가시였던 조선인을 쓸어내려고 했다. 관동대지진은 적어도 6천명 이상의 조선인이 죽어갔던 탄압과 박해를 넘은 죽음의 역사였던 것이다. 둘째, 선진적인 활동가 김천해는 감옥에서 야수적인 일제의 탄압에도 불구하고 옥내 투쟁을 전개했다. 그는 감옥에서 1930년 3ㆍ1운동 기념투쟁, 메이데이투쟁 등을 주동했고, 특히 옥중에서도 『감방신문』을 발간하여 이론적으로 무장해 갔다. 그리고 공판투쟁을 통해, 비록 감옥 안이지만 탄압에 정면에서 맞서 싸웠다. 셋째, 강제연행은 일제에 의해 1939년 이후 1945년 8월 일본 패망까지 자행되었다. 이 때 일제는 노무동원, 병력동원, 준병력동원, 여성동원 등을 통해 자신들의 요구에 따라 물자와 인력을 수탈해 갔다. 이러한 조선인에 대한 강제연행은 조선인을 전선과 노동현장에 끌고 갔고, 결국 제국 일본에 충성을 다하지 않으면 죽음으로 귀결되었다. 넷째, 해방 공간인 1948년 한신교육투쟁은 조선인이 조선인으로 살아가고 성장할 권리를 지키기 위해, 미ㆍ일의 권력에 대항해서 일어났던 사건이었다. 이것은 재일조선인 스스로가 규정하듯이, 자위를 위해 일어났던 역사적 사건이었다. 이상과 같은 ‘박해와 탄압’의 역사는 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 계획적인 탄압과 박해가 자행되었고, 그것은 학살로 이어졌다. 둘째, 박해와 탄압은 민중의 투쟁력을 자극했다. 셋째, 박해와 탄압에 맞선 투쟁은 끝내 승리를 획득했다. 넷째, 재일조선인사 및 우리 민족운동사 속의 이정표로 자리 매김되고 있다. On a history of Korean residents' in Japan, problems issued by suppression, persecution, and massacre are not pleasant as being remembered. Although oppression and torment were existed as an objective fact, Korean residents' in Japan could have carried their lives on. The great four histories of suppression and torment can be summarized. First of all, the great Kanto earthquake(1923) was more like a massacre than an earthquake disaster ; the massacre was indulged systematically. Japanese imperialism had tried to clean Koreans (who were eyesore) out through coercing social movements. It was the history over suppression and persecution with at least 6,000 people's death. Second of all, futuristic activist Kim Chun-hae(金天海) kept unfolding struggles in a prison even though he had experienced brutal pressure from Japanese. Memorial conflict of March 1st, May day conflict were took the lead by Kim and throughout publishing 'a cell paper'(『감방신문』), he had equipped himself in theory. In addition, he had faced suppression even though he was in the prison. Third, compulsory execution(강제연행) had Japanese own way from 1939 to August 1945. At this time, Japanese imperialism plundered materials and human powers with mobilization of labor, military, and women who were what they required. These kinds of compulsive haul had been advanced in various ways, Japanese made Koreans be loyal to Japanese empire if casualties don't, Japanese brought them to war vessel or labor field and slaughter Koreans. Last, the Hanshin educational struggle(한신교육투쟁) was against the United States and Japan's authorities to defend Koreans' rights to live as a Korean. As Korean residents in Japan say, it was the historical event for the self-protection in the early era. Such persecution, suppression-histories can be organized by following statements. First, intentional suppression was continued by persecution. Second, suppression and torment stimulated people's power of strife. Third, eventually, struggle gained victories from oppressions. Fourth, it became a milestone for history of Korean residents' in Japan and Korean people movements.

식민지시대 강제연행 실태

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한국민족운동사학회 2001 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.29 No.-

The period of “Forced Migration” was generally during the years 1939 to 1945. The first period is from Sep. 1939 to Feb. 1942, and it was used ,what is called, the method of “recruitment”. The second one was from Mar. 1942 to Aug. 1944. At that time, Korean Labour Association - an extra departmental body of the government - general of Korea was a mediator of workers and the main group of recruitment. Namely it was the period of Government-directed. The third one was from Sep. 1944 to Aug. 1945. By the application of National Mobilization Orders, “Forced Migration” was committed in public without distinction. Japan Government, Korean Government-general and its subordinate officers had deeply intervened in Forced Migration since the first period. The survey of actual condition is as follows; Labour Recruitment among forced migration tended to concentrate in about 16~22 year old men during the years 1943 to 1945 and they were sent to the whole Japan. Particularly it was proved that a great send-off party was held with band all together in case of large-scale migration. When they were migrated forcibly, they concentrated at elementary school, town hall and then they were sent to the country or city. Soon they went to Busan, Yeosu by train. Finally they generally arrived at Shimonoseki, Hakada by ship. Korean who went to Japan were sent to the whole Japan by train or truck. Mostly they were arranged at mine, a site of construction, and military establishments. One Korean was killed per rail-road line or one prop one. In those days, when a Korean entered the mine, he thought it “the death” and when he came out of the mine, he felt greatly relieved. In case of labour mobilization, they worked too much from 6 A.M. to 6~8 P.M. In the field they were given a blow simply because they were poor at work and almost Korean workers experienced the blow. They lived in a boarding house and 7~10 persons used a same room at least or they must live in a temporary military building, a barrack, nagaya, hamba etc. Korean workers were in need of food. Shortly they were pressed by hunger. They ate miscellaneous cereals. After having meal, they drank water and were full of stomach with water. They hardly got their wages and they drew a empty pay envelope written the nominal wages. As they protested against it, Japanese usually promised that they would get the wage in all when they return home. But there were few in that case. The company staffs in the field prevented them from breaking way, but continued to bolt in the shape of opposition. With the defeat of Japan(1945. 8. 15), many Korean workers wanted to return home but a few of them came their country by ship served by company. A large number of people remained abroad or chose the returning home through the private ship. As we examined above this, Forced Migration surely existed. Though we admitted the diversity of the contents, it is certain that there was substantial force. Besides no doubt that Forced Migration was the direct product of the colonial rule of Imperial Japan.

정주와 이주사이의 동아시아; 일제강점기 오사카 조선촌의 식문화

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2013 동방학지 Vol.163 No.-

전후 암시장과 조선촌에서 출발한 재일조선인의 일상적인 가정요리가 지금은 일본 사회의 식생활에 자리매김되면서 외식산업, 유망 업종으로 성장해 가고 있는 것도 부정할 수 없는 사실이다. 오사카 조선촌은 일제강점기 이후 재일조선인 문화 속 식문화의 중심적 역할을 하고 있다. 그것은 역사성과 현재성에서 확인된다고 할 수 있다. 재일조선인의 다문화공생적 요소를 식문화는 공간에서 식민지성을 유지하면서도 표출하고 있다. 그 중심이 조선촌이다. 식민주의적 관점에서 볼 때, 오사카 조선촌 중심의 조선 문화가 일정하게 일본 내에서 형성되는 것을 존중해야 한다. 그리고 일본 정부가 이를 정책적으로 지원하여 이른바 조선시장을 공설시장으로 만들 것을 주장하기도 했다. 오늘날에도 재일조선인의 삶은 조선촌으로 대변할 수 있다. 역사적으로는 재일조선인이 조성한 조선촌은 조선의 ‘해방구’였다. 일본어도 제대로 모르는 채 낮 동안의 노동에 시달린 조선인이 밤이 되어 돌아왔을 때 아무 거리낌 없이 쉴 수 있는 곳이 바로 조선촌이었다. 고추가루, 김치, 조선말이 있어 그 가운데만 있어도 위안이 되는 장소였다. 조선촌에서는 지연과 혈연적 상호부조가 잘 이루어졌으므로 취직 등 생활상의 편의를 쉽게 얻을 수도 있었다. 최근의 식문화를 놓고 볼 때 한국문화의 발신지의 역할을 하고 있다. 역사성과 함께 오사카 조선촌은 한국 음식의 본거지가 되고 있다. 다양한 한국 음식과 문화가 이곳의 이미지를 형성하고 그 속에서 재일조선인 문화는 일본 사람을 모아내고 있는 것이다. 전전의 일본 정부가 파악하듯이, 재일조선인은 일본에 와 있는 동안에는 무엇보다 돈(金)이 중요했다. 때문에 먹을 것이나 위생, 생활의 즐거움에 대해서는 부차저인 것으로 생각하기도 했다. 따라서 식사는 주로 밥과 소금, 야채로 해결하고, 부식은 장, 츠케모노, 생선 말린 것 등이 전부인 생활도 했다. 주요한 것은 식문화는 사실 생활의 필요에서 삶을 유지하는 방편이었기 때문에 유지되기도 했다는 점이다. 필자는 한민족의 고유한 식문화의 장점을 살리려는 노력이 다양한 지점에서 전개되지 않으면 재일조선인의 독특한 식문화의 유지, 발전은 어려다고 생각한다. 그것은 일본 사회가 갖고 있는 본질에 기인한다고 생각한다. Since the broken of war, some of typical food from Chosun villages in Japan now became normal home meal for Japanese. It is inevitable that these foods being food service industry with good prospects. Osaka Chosun village has been having a main role of food culture since Japanese colonial era. It is clearly shown by history and nowness. Commensal multi-culture fact of Korean residents in Japan would be shown by food culture and Chosun village is in the center. From a colonial point of view, Osaka Chosun village should be acknowledged that chosun culture were partially rooted by Chosun village. Also, Japanese government supported in policy and they urged made this town as a public market. Still, the life of Korean residents in Japan would be symbolized by Chosun village. Historically, a town where Korean residents in Japan made was their own area under rebel control. A foreigner who was not able to speak Japanese had a rough day and he or she were getting their own rest at Chosun village. Red pepper powder, Kimchi, and Korean was there so that they were being comforting. Not only psycological comfort, but regionalism, kinship were made their life in actual ways. When we see the current food culture, this was the place of dispatch for Korean culture. With the historic facts, Osaka Chosun Village(Korean Village) is now base of Korean food. Various foods and culture made brand new image of Korea and Korean culture by Japanese. As previous Japanese government known, Korean residents in Japan thought money was their key problem. Therefore food, hygeine, life, interests were all secondary thoughts. They normally had meal with rice, salt, vegetable and additionally they had certain sauces, tsukemono, and a bit of fishes. Bottom line is that food culture could have been sustained because they had to eat in certain ways. I myself strong believe that an effort which Korean residents in Japan made to retain Korean own food culture eventually developed Korean residents in Japan`s unique food culture. Without this, we could not imagine current Korean food culture. This clearly arose from essence of Japanese society.

일제시대 여수지역 강제연행에 대한 고찰

김인덕(Kim In-Duck) 부산경남사학회 2008 역사와 경계 Vol.67 No.-

The following contents are the researching comparison of compulsive haul in Yeosu (where is the small city placed in Chunra-do)and other compulsive haul in Korea. First of all, in a view of period, method, and object, Yeosu compulsive haul had been converged in 1943 and 1944. The period of Yeosu citizen being pulled along by force as a soldier was from 1938 till 1945. Also, civilians attached to the military was in 1942 for two years. Secondly, the way of mobilized shape of Yeosu compulsive haul was quite various lieu of family member, while on board shipping craft, and with neighborhoods. Regions of Yeosu citizen’s mobilization were domestic, Japan, Philippine, and Manchuria. There was also people who trained for a year before they sent to other region. On the middle of them, Yeosu citizen who were resided in Japan were included, returnee in alive but most of all were killed in battle. Third, seeing the hauled place, people who were in Yeosu had trailed to all the area in Japan and even Pacific Ocean. In particular, Hokkaido, Osaka, Kyushu, South Sea islands were the main regions for compulsive haul. A noticeable thing was that people who were from Yeosu normally undertaken in a fleet in terms of their experiences near coast. For these sorts of compulsive haul in Yeosu was similar to Changnyung-Gun and Nonsan-Gun. First, there is a analogous to period, types of people, and region. Second, most of people hauled worked on agriculture. In a different way, Yeosu compulsive haul was the passage of Japanese imperialism for railroad and passengership. Second, the remaining military installations could be inferred as a point of strategic importance.