休休庵 坐禪文에 관한 연구

이원숙 한국선학회 2009 한국선학 Vol.23 No.-

덕이본『육조단경』을 통해 더 잘 알려져 있는 남악의 21대 法嗣인 몽산 덕이선사의 저술 가운데 「휴휴암 좌선문」은 몽산의 좌선관은 물론이요 뜻있는 수행자들의 지침서가 되는 좌선문이라 할 수 있다. 참선과 좌선이 혼용되어 사용되고 있지만 몽산의 이 「휴휴암 좌선문」에서는 좌선의 특징에 대해 작법이나 심신의 상태 보다는 선의 경지, 또는 선의 안목에 대해서 좌선의 정의를 내리고 또한 선의 안목을 좌와 선으로 분석하여 계단식으로 심오하게 전개되어 있음을 알 수 있다. 또한 좌선의 정의를 다시금 하나의 정의로 함축하여 설명하고 있지만 결국에는 이 또한 선의 특징인 不立文字요 言語道斷의 자리임으로 마무리 하고 있다. 「좌선문」에는 또한 좌선의 경지를 이루기 위해 뜻있는 수행자들이 끊임없는 정성심으로 참구노력하면 결국에는 나가대정의 상태요, 대기대용의 큰 깨침의 소식인 㘞地一聲의 체험을 얻을 것이라 하였고 이러한 몽산의 좌선문은 물론이요 몽산의 선사상이 담긴 『몽산법어』의 유입과 고려의 승려는 물론이요 사상적 인물들도 몽산과의 교류를 통해서 그의 사상이 전해져 고려말에서 조선을 거쳐 근대의 한국선계에 많은 영향을 끼치고 있음을 살펴 볼 수 있다. This thesis is a study of Mengshan's (蒙山 德異 1231~?) The Xiuxiu Yan Discourse on Za-Zen (休休庵坐禪文). I studied Mengshan's practice, surveying both his life and his writings. Mengshan was the twenty first Zen [Ch'an, Son] Master from Nanyue Huairang (南嶽 懷讓) during the Yuan dyanasty (元) in China. Mengshan lived in retirement to a hermitage named Xiuxiu Yan and The Xiuxiu Yan Discourse on Za-Zen was filed in his work Menshan's Dharma Words (蒙山法語). Through this writing, he wanted to express his thoughts on sitting meditation (Za-Zen). The Xiuxiu Yan Discourse on Za-Zen suggests a definition for Za-Zen. Since he was a Zen master who practiced K'an-hua Zen's (看話禪) Koan on the character Wu (無 no, not) , and was also a practitioner who emphasized the significance of San-Zen (參禪), his definition of sitting meditation (Za-Zen) is thought to be an instruction for an improved practice of San-Zen. While the distinction between San-Zen and Za-Zen is not clear, it may be said that the subject matter of The Discourse on Za-Zen developed a good eye for Zen, whereas the practice of San-Zen is to reach the state of Za-Zen though a pragmatic practice. In this study, it is pointed out that the characters in The Xiuxiu Yan Discourse on Za-Zen were recorded differently; and studied in the structure of The Discourse on Za-Zen, were the meaning in the title Xiuxiu Yan, and Za-Zen's definition, made by distinguishing between Za and Zenand also by synthesizing them. Also examined in this study, was the significance to encourage practitioners to apply greatly to extraordinary situations. It further mentioned the receptive nature of The Discourse on Za-Zen for the three religious teachings [Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism]. Mengshan's thoughts regarding sitting meditation (Za-Zen) have also had a deep influence on Zen circles in Korea. Although he never came to Korea, it seems as though his thoughts had been transmitted through associations with Korean Zen Masters and the intellectual class of Korea.

韓国人日本語学習者における日本語のザ行音とジャ行音の習得について

藤田蘭子(Fujita, Ranko) 한국일본문화학회 2018 日本文化學報 Vol.0 No.79

This paper empirically investigates and analyzes the acquisition of the Japanese “Za-gyō-sounds” (za, zu, and zo) and “Ja-gyō-sounds” (ja, ju, and jo) by Korean learners. There are four research questions addressed here: (1) Do Za-gyō-sounds and Ja-gyō-sounds differ in how they are heard by Korean learners depending on their Japanese proficiency level?, (2) is there is a significant difference among the Za-gyō-sounds (za, zu, and zo) as heard by Korean speakers?, (3) is there is a significant difference among the Ja-gyō-sounds ( ja, ju, and jo) as heard by Korean speakers?, and (4) is there is a difference between the Za-gyō-sounds and Ja-gyō-sounds as heard by Korean speakers? The following results were obtained: (1) There was no difference in the hearing ability between Korean learners of Japanese at the beginner and intermediate levels, (2) there was a significant difference among the Za-gyō-sounds (za, zu, and zo), (3) there was also a significant difference among the Ja-gyō-sounds (ja, ju, and jo), and (4) there was no statistically significant difference between the Za-gyō-sounds and Ja-gyōsounds but there were significant differences between zu and ju and between zo and jo. From these results, I have empirically demonstrated that the acquisition of Japanese Za-gyō-sounds and Ja-gyō-sounds is different to those predicted in the contrastive linguistic analysis of Korean and Japanese.

오스만제국 데브시르메 재상 시대의 시작 : 베지리 아잠(Vezir-i A’zam) 자아노스 파샤(Zağanos Paşa)

이영희(YoungHee Lee) 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2020 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.52

In Ottoman Empire, İlmiye and Turkish noblemen were appointed as Vezir-i A’zam. Starting with Zağanos Paşa, however, government officials from Devşirme were appointed as Vezir-i A’zam. Zağanos Paşa was a government official from Devşirme, making huge contributions to the development of Ottoman Empire as a teacher and political companion to Mehmed II. Not only did he support Mehmed II in Battle(Siege) of Constantinople, but he also led the battle successfully. After being dismissed from the position of Vezir-i A’zam, he led an expedition to Mora and Trabzon successfully. It was Zağanos Paşa that opened the era of Devşirme Vezirler devri in Ottoman Empire. The government officials from Devşirme won many conquest wars along with Padishahs of Ottoman Empire, turning Ottoman Empire into a global empire. The present study thus set out to shed new light on the life of Zağanos Paşa that was from Devşirme. 오스만조는 베지리 아잠(Vezir-i A’zam)에 일미예(İlmiye), 튀르크 귀족 들이 임명되었다. 하지만 자아노스 파샤를 시작으로 데브시르메(Dev- şirme) 출신 관료들이 베지리 아잠에 임명되기 시작하였다. 자아노스 파샤 (Zağanos Paşa)는 데브시르메 출신 관료로 메흐메드 2세(Mehmed II)의 스승이며 정치적 동반자로 오스만조의 발전에 많은 이바지를 하였다. 자아 노스 파샤는 메흐메드 2세의 콘스탄티노플 공성전을 지지하였고, 공성전을 성공적으로 수행하였다. 이후 자아노스 파샤는 베지리 아잠에서 해임된 이 후 모라(Mora), 트라브존(Trabzon) 원정을 성공적으로 수행하였다. 자아노스 파샤를 시작으로 오스만조는 데브시르메 재상들의 시대(Dev- şirme Vezirler devri)가 시작된다. 데브시르메 출신 관료들은 오스만조 파디 샤들과 함께 수많은 정복 전쟁을 성공적으로 완수하면서 오스만조는 세계제 국을 건설하게 된다. 그러므로 데브시르메 출신인 자아노스 파샤의 생애를 통해서 새롭게 조명해보고자 한다.

ZI 및 ZA형 웜기어의 치합전달오차 해석

이태훈,서준호,박노길 한국트라이볼로지학회 2018 한국윤활학회지(윤활학회지) Vol.34 No.6

Automobiles and systems requiring high gear ratios and high power densities generally use worm gears. In particular, as worm gears have a small volume and self-locking function, home appliances such as refrigerators and washers consist of worm gears. We can classify worm gears into cylindrical worms and rectangular worms. According to the AGMA standard, there are four types of cylindrical worms, ZA, ZN, ZK and ZI, depending on the machining of the worm shaft. It is preferable to use a ZI-type worm shaft, which is a combination of a worm wheel having an involute helical tooth surface and a conjugate tooth surface. However, in many cases, industries mostly use ZK, ZN, and ZA worm shafts because of the ease of processing. This paper presents numerical approaches to produce ZI and ZA worm surfaces and worm wheel. For the analysis of the transmission error of a worm gear system, this study (1) generates surface profile functions of ZI profile worm gear and worm shaft based on the common rack theory, (2) adopts the Newton-Raphson method for the analysis of the gear surface contact condition, and (3) presents and compares the corresponding transmission errors of ZI and ZA worm gears.

한국인학습자의 일본어 ざ행음 습득에 관한 종단적 분석

진종복 ( Jong Bok Jin ) 한국일본어교육학회 2015 日本語敎育 Vol.0 No.71

This study analyzed Korean learners’ acquisition process of za-gyo-sounds and the actual process of acquisition using longitudinal spontaneous speech data of three Korean JSL learners. As the result, the following facts were found. First, error had a higher frequency of occurrence when the occurrence position of za-gyo-sounds was an initial rather than the middle. However, it is necessary to check the objectivity through further analysis. Second, as the error occurred regardless of the time of the investigation, za-gyo-sounds was difficult to acquire for Korean learners as the speed of acquisition was too slow. Third, the error of za-gyo-sounds appeared to be concentrated in particular vocabulary. This implies that pronunciation instruction of vocabularies with a high frequency of error can greatly reduce the error rate of za-gyo- sounds. Furthermore, it means that instructing and correcting a particular vocabulary item, depending on the learning topic and stage, can contribute to the improvement of the pronunciation capabilities of learners.

阿含 經典에 보이는 部派 所属의 판단 기준으로서의 律的 요소 : 六諍本을 一例로

정진일 인도철학회 2012 印度哲學 Vol.0 No.34

Discussions on the Sarvāstivāda and Mūlasarvāstivāda works have often focused on the differences in diction between the Sanskrit versions of the Āgama texts, namely those from Eastern Turkestan and those from Gilgit. Thereby the general consensus of opinion seems to have been that the Sanskrit Vinaya texts from Eastern Turkestan, which show congruency with the Shisong-lü, derive from the same Buddhist school as the Āgama texts found in the same region. The Āgama texts from Eastern Turkestan and those contained in the so-called Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya from Gilgit are, apart from differences in diction, by and large congruent, whereas the Vinaya texts differ from each other considerably. This circumstance has led scholars to assume that the two Buddhist schools possessed their own Vinaya traditions, but shared an Āgama tradition. The Za-ahanjing, i.e. the Chinese Saṃyuktāgama, supposedly derives from the same tradition as the so-called Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya. This assumption is also supported through a comparative study of the former with the Vinaya texts of different traditions. And so we may safely infer that the Buddhists who passed down the Za-ahanjing were very closely related to, or were the same as, those who passed down the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya. On the other hand, a comparison of the sūtras preserved in the Shisong-lü with those in the Za-ahanijing and the Sanskrit parallels from Eastern Turkestan as well as Gilgit seems to suggest that the Shisong-lü derives from a textual tradition different from that of the other three. This view is corroborated through further passages in the Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra of the Dīrghāgama containing the story of the ‘Cremation of Buddha's Body and Distribution of the Relics'. The story in the Eastern Turkestan version of the Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra finds parallels in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya as well as in the Shisong-lü, and is congruent with that preserved in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, but shows considerable differences from the Shisong-lü version. The congruency between the Sanskrit Āgama texts from Eastern Turkestan and the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya does not seem to have been confined to the Āgama citations, or to the narrative portions. In the Saṅgīti-sūtra reconstructed on the basis of Sanskrit fragments from Eastern Turkestan there are passages on the six roots of contention(Skt. ṣaḍ vivādamūlāni). These passages show a striking similarity to the corresponding portion in the Adhikaraṇavastu from Gilgit, a degree of similarity which cannot be observed between the Shisong-lü and the so-called Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya. From this point of view, it is tempting to assume that the Buddhists who passed down the Āgama tradition found in Eastern Turkestan possessed a Vinaya corpus which rather looked like the Vinaya from Gilgit than the Shisong-lü, possibly with specific features in diction corresponding to those of the Āgama texts. Seeing that the existence of both Vinaya traditions has been proven in Eastern Turkestan, admittedly in unequal frequencies for whatever reason, a reconsideration of the relationship between the Āgama texts from Eastern Turkestan and the so-called Sarvāstivāda Vinaya tradition including the Shisong-lü, appears to be indispensible. 동투르키스탄에서 발견된 아함 전적을 전승한 불교인들은 十誦律보다는 오히려 根本説一切有部律과 유사한 율장을 계승하였을 가능성이 있다. 그 율장 또한 같은 지역에서 출토된 아함 전적에 보이는 용어상의 특징을 포함하고 있었을 가능성이 없지 않다. 이처럼 두 종류의 율장이 동투르키스탄에 존재하였음이 입증된 이상 동투르키스탄 출토의 아함 전적과 十誦律을 포함한 소위 説一切有部律 사이의 관계는 재고할 필요가 있다. 十誦律에 포함된 아함 구절이 동투르키스탄에서 발견된 아함 전적과 공통된 근원을 시사하지 않을 뿐 아니라, 후자에 포함된 소수의 율적 요소들도 十誦律과 같은 부파에서 유래한다고 하는 추측을 확증하는 것 같지는 않다. 동투르키스탄 출토의 아함 전적과 소위 説一切有部律이 같은 부파에 속한다고 보는 것은 아직 확정하기 곤란한 상정이다. 논자는 여기서 衆集經 중의 六諍本에 관한 구절의 산스크리트본을 새로 복원하여 이를 滅諍事(Adhikaraṇavastu) 중의 해당 부분과 倂置함으로써 이 문제의 해결에 기여하고자 한다.

투고 논문 : 아함(阿含) 경전(經典)에 보이는 부파(部派) 소속(所屬)의 판단 기준으로서의 률적(律的) 요소: 륙쟁본(六諍本)을 일례(一例)로

정진일 ( Jin Il Chung ) 인도철학회 2012 印度哲學 Vol.0 No.34

동투르키스탄에서 발견된 아함 전적을 전승한 불교인들은 十誦律보다는 오히려 根本說一切有部律과 유사한 율장을 계승하였을 가능성이 있다. 그 율장 또한 같은 지역에서 출토된 아함 전적에 보이는 용어상의 특징을 포함하고 있었을 가능성이 없지 않다. 이처럼 두 종류의 율장이 동투르키스탄에 존재하였음이 입증된 이상 동투르키스탄 출토의 아함 전적과 十誦律을 포함한 소위 說一切有部律 사이의 관계는 재고할 필요가 있다. 十誦律에 포함된 아함 구절이 동투르키스탄에서 발견된 아함 전적과 공통된 근원을 시사하지 않을 뿐 아니라, 후자에 포함된 소수의 율적 요소들도 十誦律과 같은 부파에서 유래한다고 하는 추측을 확증하는 것 같지는 않다. 동투르키스탄 출토의 아함 전적과 소위 說一切有部律이 같은 부파에 속한다고 보는 것은 아직 확정하기 곤란한 상정이다. 논자는 여기서 衆集經 중의 六諍本에 관한 구절의 산스크리트본을 새로 복원하여 이를 滅諍事(Adhikaranavastu) 중의 해당 부분과 倂置함으로써 이 문제의 해결에 기여하고자 한다. Discussions on the Sarvastivada and Mulasarvastivada works have often focused on the differences in diction between the Sanskrit versions of the Agama texts, namely those from Eastern Turkestan and those from Gilgit. Thereby the general consensus of opinion seems to have been that the Sanskrit Vinaya texts from Eastern Turkestan, which show congruency with the Shisong-lu, derive from the same Buddhist school as the Agama texts found in the same region. The Agama texts from Eastern Turkestan and those contained in the so-called Mulasarvastivada Vinaya from Gilgit are, apart from differences in diction, by and large congruent, whereas the Vinaya texts differ from each other considerably. This circumstance has led scholars to assume that the two Buddhist schools possessed their own Vinaya traditions, but shared an Agama tradition. The Za-ahanjing, i.e. the Chinese Samyuktagama, supposedly derives from the same tradition as the so-called Mulasarvastivada Vinaya. This assumption is also supported through a comparative study of the former with the Vinaya texts of different traditions. And so we may safely infer that the Buddhists who passed down the Za-ahanjing were very closely related to, or were the same as, those who passed down the Mulasarvastivada Vinaya. On the other hand, a comparison of the sutras preserved in the Shisong-lu with those in the Za-ahanijing and the Sanskrit parallels from Eastern Turkestan as well as Gilgit seems to suggest that the Shisong-lu derives from a textual tradition different from that of the other three. This view is corroborated through further passages in the Mahaparinirvada-sutra of the Dirghagama containing the story of the ``Cremation of Buddha``s Body and Distribution of the Relics``. The story in the Eastern Turkestan version of the Mahaparinirvada-sutra finds parallels in the Mulasarvastivada Vinaya as well as in the Shisong-lu, and is congruent with that preserved in the Mulasarvastivada Vinaya, but shows considerable differences from the Shisong-lu version. The congruency between the Sanskrit Agama texts from Eastern Turkestan and the Mulasarvastivada Vinaya does not seem to have been confined to the Agama citations, or to the narrative portions. In the Sangiti-sutra reconstructed on the basis of Sanskrit fragments from Eastern Turkestan there are passages on the six roots of contention(Skt. sad vivadamulani). These passages show a striking similarity to the corresponding portion in the Adhikaranavastu from Gilgit, a degree of similarity which cannot be observed between the Shisong-lu and the so-called Mulasarvastivada Vinaya. From this point of view, it is tempting to assume that the Buddhists who passed down the Agama tradition found in Eastern Turkestan possessed a Vinaya corpus which rather looked like the Vinaya from Gilgit than the Shisong-lu, possibly with specific features in diction corresponding to those of the Agama texts. Seeing that the existence of both Vinaya traditions has been proven in Eastern Turkestan, admittedly in unequal frequencies for whatever reason, a reconsideration of the relationship between the Agama texts from Eastern Turkestan and the so-called Sarvastivada Vinaya tradition including the Shisong-lu, appears to be indispensible.

삼체형과 일체형 비구면 인공수정체 삽입 후 전방부 계측치와 굴절력의 비교

김혜선,이동민,안지민,김응권,김태임,Hye Sun Kim,Dong Min Lee,Ji Min Ahn,Eung Kweon Kim,Tae Im Kim 대한안과학회 2012 대한안과학회지 Vol.53 No.12

Purpose: To compare the anterior chamber depth (ACD), anterior chamber volume (ACV), anterior chamber angle (ACA) and refractive change after cataract surgery between 3-piece and 1-piece aspheric intraocular lens (IOL) implantation. Methods: The present study consisted of 16 patients (25 eyes) having 3-piece aspheric Tecnis<sup>Ⓡ ZA9003 IOL and 21 patients (30 eyes) having 1-piece aspheric Tecnis<sup>Ⓡ ZCB00 IOL. The ACD, ACV, and ACA were measured using an anterior eye segment analysis system (Pentacam, Oculus, Wetzlar, Germany) preoperatively and postoperatively 1 week and 1 month. Refractive outcomes were evaluated using an autokeratometer. Results: When comparing the 3-piece (Tecnis<sup>Ⓡ ZA9003) and 1-piece (Tecnis<sup>Ⓡ ZCB00) IOL with the same optic, ACD, ACV, and AVA increased significantly after cataract surgery. The 1-piece IOL showed deeper ACD than the 3-piece IOL at postoperative 1 week and 1 month. Postoperative refraction showed slight myopic shift compared with target diopter, but was stable in both groups. Conclusions: There was significant increase in ACD, ACV, and ACA after cataract surgery in both IOL-inserted groups. Results showed stable refraction after cataract surgery in both groups. Consideration of the A-constant will be needed because of myopic change with the 1-piece IOL.

ZA형 웜기어 유연체 및 강체모델의 접촉 응력 해석

최재훈(J. Choi),서준호(J. Suh),박노길(N.G. Park),이태훈(T. Lee) 한국트라이볼로지학회 2019 한국트라이볼로지학회 학술대회 Vol.2019 No.4

치유 공간으로서의 한국고대 사찰-신라 흥륜사를 중심으로-

이현숙 신라사학회 2019 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.46

This paper aims to explore how the Buddhist temple of Silla became a healing place as the Christian monastery was in medieval Europe. It is based on The Dharmaguptaka Vinaya, known in Chinese as the Sifen lü 四分律 (Vinaya in four parts), and Heung-ryun-sa Temple 興輪寺 of Silla, which was served as a healing space for sick persons from the 6th century. The Sifen lü became an important regulation in Buddhist life as an aristocrat Buddhist monk Za-jang 慈藏(590-658), who had returned from Tang China in 643. He emphasized the disciplines of Upavasatha 布薩 in the daily life of Silla Buddhist monk after he had got the power. In the Sifen lü, there were the regulations of nursing person Kanbing jie 看病戒 and sick person Bingren jie 病人戒. This made Buddhist monk as a healer and Buddhist temple became a kind of hospital as a place of healing and treating sick people. Therefore, not only the royalties and aristocrats but also commoners and the poors wanted to get healing in temple. Having a large space, temples had gradually become the center of healing disease in Unified Silla(676-935). For example, the Heung- ryun-sa Temple, was believed established for the first temple in Silla as an compensation of curing princess in 5th century. In the reign of Queen Seondeok 善德女王(rg. 632-648), Milbon an Esoteric Buddhist monk got the power of Heung-ryun-sa Temple through the treatment of the Queen with the Sutra of Bhêchadjaguru 藥師經. According to a legend of Samguk-yusa 三國遺事 (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), a fermented paste of Heung-ryun-sa cured the people who had got bitten by tiger. It reveals that Silla temple use to provide medicine to sick person. According to a stone inscription of the late 9th century, Heung-ryun-sa Temple had a master of incarnation 呪師. It reminds me that in East Asia, Buddhist monk was allowed to do incarnation because it costed very cheap to treat people as well as solving problems of people who could not afford to taking expensive medicine. 본고는 동아시아 사회에서 사찰이 서양 중세의 기독교 수도원과 같이 질병을 치료하는 공간으로도 이용되었다는 인식 하에, 한국 고대 사찰이 치유의 공간의 역할을 하였던 점을 사분율과 흥륜사를 중심으로 고찰한 것이다. 사분율은 당에서 귀국한 자장이 신라 사찰 내에 중국의 삼강제와 포살제를 수용하여 규율을 강조함에 따라, 승려생활에서 중요한 법규가 되었다. 사분율에는 간병계, 병인계 등이 있어 사찰내 질병 치유 기능이 중요시 되었다. 이에 왕공 귀족 뿐 아니라 가난한 자들까지 사찰 내에서 치유를 얻고자 하였다. 대형 공간을 가지게 된 사찰은 점차 민간에서 질병 치유의 중심이 되었다. 흥륜사는 신라의 사찰 가운데 치병과 관련하여 가장 많은 이야기가 전해 내려오는 곳이다. 이는 밀본법사가 『약사경』으로 선덕여왕을 치료하여 흥륜사를 접수한 이래 치병과 관련된 활동을 하는 사찰로 자리매김한 것으로 보인다. 흥륜사의 전통은 신라 하대에도 지속되었다. 주문으로 질병 치유하는 법은 가난한 이를 위해 가장 효과적이었다. 신라말까지 흥륜사에 呪師라는 직임이 있었던 것은 저렴한 비용으로 질병 치료를 위시하여 속세의 근심거리를 해결하고자 하였던 사회적 요구에 부응한 것이다.