중일전쟁기 조선총독부의 금집중 정책

박현 한국근현대사학회 2010 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.55 No.-

This study aims to explain the gold centralization policies in Korea under Japanese colonial rule during the Sino-Japanese War. The Government-General in Korea established a gold distribution system in order to centralize gold, which was the international method of payment, within the Japanese government. However, due to low purchasing prices, hoarding, smuggling and the moral hazard of Korean gold purchasers, some of the gold in colonial Korea was never transferred to the Japanese government. In order to solve this problem, the Government-General modified its policy taking the situations into consideration. It established the Korean Gold Purchasing Company (Chosŏnsangummaeib) and set up a policing force to supervise illegal exports of gold and finally installed a new incentive system that rewarded anyone who reported gold transactions on the black-market. Yet, due to the Government-General’s concern about any possible agitation by Koreans, authorities decided to postpone any survey on how much gold was held by the civilian population. Instead, the Government-General made great efforts to use the Movement to Mobilize the National Spirit through which to encourage Koreans to sell their gold voluntarily. This line of action by the Government-General showed how conditions in colonial Korea restricted the economic policies of the Government-General. As the war expanded and the economic control was strengthened, the difference between the gold centralization policies of the Japanese government and those of the Government-General was reduced. This study aims to explain the gold centralization policies in Korea under Japanese colonial rule during the Sino-Japanese War. The Government-General in Korea established a gold distribution system in order to centralize gold, which was the international method of payment, within the Japanese government. However, due to low purchasing prices, hoarding, smuggling and the moral hazard of Korean gold purchasers, some of the gold in colonial Korea was never transferred to the Japanese government. In order to solve this problem, the Government-General modified its policy taking the situations into consideration. It established the Korean Gold Purchasing Company (Chosŏnsangummaeib) and set up a policing force to supervise illegal exports of gold and finally installed a new incentive system that rewarded anyone who reported gold transactions on the black-market. Yet, due to the Government-General’s concern about any possible agitation by Koreans, authorities decided to postpone any survey on how much gold was held by the civilian population. Instead, the Government-General made great efforts to use the Movement to Mobilize the National Spirit through which to encourage Koreans to sell their gold voluntarily. This line of action by the Government-General showed how conditions in colonial Korea restricted the economic policies of the Government-General. As the war expanded and the economic control was strengthened, the difference between the gold centralization policies of the Japanese government and those of the Government-General was reduced.

일제강점기 조선인 군사훈련 현황

표영수 숭실사학회 2013 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.30

아시아ㆍ태평양전쟁기 일제는 21만여 명의 조선인들을 일본 군대의 군인으로 강제동원하였다. 그리고 일제는 조선인 군인동원을 위하여 다양한 방법으로 조선인에 대한 군사교육 및 훈련을 실시하였다. 이와 같은 일제강점기 조선인에 대한 군사훈련 방식은 학교교육과 사회교육, 그리고 조선총독부 군사훈련기관을 통한 군사훈련으로 구분된다. 이 가운데 학교 교육에서는 교련을 통하여 군사훈련이 이루어졌다. 그리고 학교에 진학하지 않은 일반 청년에 대해서는 일본어 교육과 ‘황민의식’의 주입은 물론 기초적인 군사훈련을 실시하기 위하여 사회교육의 차원에서 청년훈련소를 비롯하여 조선청년특별연성소, 장정훈련소 등 다양한 형태의 기구를 설치, 운용하였다. 또한 일제는 1938년 육군특별지원병제도의 실시와 함께 ‘조선총독부육군병지원자훈련소’를 설치 운영하는 한편 1943년에는 해군특별지원병제도의 실시에 따라 ‘조선총독부해군병지원자훈련소’를 설치하였다. 그리고 1944년 징병제가 실시됨에 따라 기존의 ‘조선총독부육군병지원자훈련소’를 폐지하고 징병대상자들을 대상으로 ‘조선총독부군무예비훈련소’를 설치하였다. 이들 조선총독부육군병지원자훈련소와 해군병지원자훈련소, 군무예비훈련소는 조선인 군인동원을 위해 조선총독부와 조선군사령부에 의해 직접 설치, 운영된 군사훈련기관으로서의 성격을 가지는 것이었다. 이상과 같은 일제의 조선인에 대한 군사훈련은 전쟁의 장기화와 전장에 확대에 따라 조선인을 군인으로 동원하였을 때 일본 군대에 적응할 수 있도록 하기 위한 것이었다. 당시 각각의 군사훈련 내용을 살펴보면 우선 1942년 이후 육군 현역 장교가 배속된 학교의 교련 교수시간은 중학교의 경우 5년간 총 430시간의 교련과 23일간의 야외연습을 실시하였다. 그리고 이와 같은 학교교육의 군사훈련은 실업학교, 사범학교, 양성소, 대학예과전문학교, 전문학교, 대학 등 상급학교에서도 교련 및 야연연습 시간이 각기 책정되었다. 또한 보통학교 졸업 이후 상급학교에 진학하지 않은 청년들에 대한 사회교육과 관련하여 청년훈련소 본과의 경우 4년간 총 350시간의 교련이 실시하였고, 조선청년특별연성소의 경우 1년간 총 200시간의 교련 및 근로작업을 실시하였다. 특히 조선청년특별연성소의 경우 이곳에서의 연성과정을 통하여 군인 및 노무자로 동원하였다. 그리고 조선인 군인동원이 본격적으로 실시됨에 따라 설치된 조선총독부육군병지원자훈련소의 경우 구체적인 시간은 확인할 수 없으나 주된 훈련 내용으로 보통학과와 술과로 이루어져 있으며, 이 가운데 술과의 경우 교련이 포함되어 있다. 조선총독부해군병지원자훈련소의 경우 6개월의 훈련기간 동안 보통학 500시간과 술과 340시간으로 책정되어 있었으며 이 가운데 술과의 경우 해군동원과 관련하여 직접적인 군사훈련이 실시된 것으로 보인다. 조선총독부군무예비훈련소에서의 훈련은 주당 총 39시간의 교육시간이 책정되어 있었으며 제1부의 경우 2개월(1944년도의 경우 40일), 제2부의 경우 6개월(1944년도의 경우 5개월)로 이루어져 있다. 그리고 주당 39시간 가운데 일본어와 교련이 각기 10시간(26%)씩 가장 많은 시간이 배정되어 주로 일본어 보급과 군사훈련에 중점을 두고 있었던 것으로 확인된다. In the period of Asia-Pacific War, the Japanese imperialism forced 2.21 million of Koreans to mobilize the Japanese army. And the Japanese imperialism conducted the military education and training in various ways in order to mobilize Koreans to the Japanese army. The ways of military training to Koreans in Japanese colonial period was divided into school education, social education, and military education through the institutions of military education of the Japanese Government General. In these, the school education was conducted by high school drill. And the Japanese Government General established and operated in the aspect of social education the various forms of institutions such as Korean Youth Special Camp, Youth Adult Training Center, including Youth Training Center, and conducted the basic military training, as well as educated the Japanese language and infused the sense of people of the Japanese emperor to those who did not enter school. The Japanese imperialism established and operated the Army Training Center for Volunteer of the Japanese Government General along with enforcement the Army Special Volunteer System in 1938, and the Navy Training Center for Volunteer of the Japanese Government General according to enforcement of the Navy Special Volunteer System in 1943. As the conscription was enforced in 1944, the existing ‘Army Training Center for Volunteer of the Japanese Government General’ was abolished and ‘Preliminary Camp of Military Affairs of the Japanese Government General’ was established for the draft. Army Training Center for Volunteer of the Japanese Government General, Navy Training Center for Volunteer, and Preliminary Camp of Military Affairs was installed directly by the Japanese Government General and Korean Military Headquarters in order to mobilize the Koreans to Japanese army, which had the character as a military training institutions. The military training of the Japanese imperial to Koreans, as the war was protracted and the battlefield was expended, intended to adapt Koreans to Japanese army, when they was mobilized to it. Looking at the contents of each of the military training, after 1942 the instruction time of the school that assigned the army active officer was in the case of middle school total 430 hours of school drill and 23 days of field training during 5years. And in the senior school such as trade school, a teacher-training institution, training school, Preparatory a vocational school, technical school, university, these military training of school education also involved the training time of the school drill and field training. In the case of social education to those who did not enter senior school after graduation from primary school, the regular course of Youth Training Center educated the school drill in total time of 350 hours during 4 years, and Korean Youth Special Camp educated the school drill in total time of 200 hours during 1year and conducted the labor work. Especially, Korean Youth Special Camp mobilized Koreans to army and laborers through the soft curriculum. The Army Training Center for Volunteer of the Japanese Government General installed as the military mobilization was conducted on a full scale seemed to have the primary department and art department involving the high school drill in the main education program, although we could not confirm the specific time for education. The Navy Training Center for Volunteer of the Japanese Government General arranged the education time for respectively 500 hours of primary education and 340 hours of art department involving directly military education for navy mobilization. The training of Preliminary Camp of Military Affairs of the Japanese Government General involved the time for education of 39 hours per week, and Department1 involved 2months(40days in 1944), and Department2 6 months(5 months in 1944). And The time for education of Japanese language and high school drill was respectively 10 hours(26%) which was the very much time, through this, it was seemed to focus on the diffusion of Japanese language and the military training.

1920년대 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』의 “副業” 기사에 나타난 조선총독부의 의도와 현실

정혜인 숭실사학회 2019 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.43

‘Joseonmoon-Joseon(『朝鮮文 朝鮮』)’ is one of the journals issued by the Japanese Government General of Korea during the Japanese occupation. There are a number of previous studies that revealed the ruling logic of the Japanese Government General of Korea and signs of the times through articles published by the Japanese Government General of Korea However, ‘Joseonmoon-Joseon’ is dealt with only peripherally and no full-scale research has been done. Therefore, it is necessary to examine the ruling logic of Japanese Government General of Korea and its period through ‘Joseonmoon-Joseon’. The period was specified as the 1920’s. In the 1920s, a new media circumstances was formed with the appearance of the so-called National papers, the Dong-A Ilbo and the Joseun Ilbo. In this condition, the Japanese Government General of Korea promoted the policy and administration of the Japanese Government General of Korea through its publication ‘Joseonmoon-Joseon’, which was published as a mixed style of Korean and Classical Chinese. The Japanese Empire established a plan to increase the number of rice. Because of this the single-crop farming system was strengthened in the Joseon agricultural industry, focusing on rice. Also the rural economy has become more vulnerable. The Japanese Government General of Korea encouraged farmers to do sideline to stimulate the economy and promoted it through ‘Joseonmoon-Joseon’ Therefore, I reviewed articles on sideline work in the 1920’s ‘Joseonmoon-Joseon’. The sideline article was mainly composed of encouraging sideline, the status of sideline in each province of Joseon, the prospect of sideline business, and Joseon Sideline-products Exhibition. In particular, articles related to the Joseon Sideline-products Exhibition, which was held in October 1923, were mass-produced. All the reviews of Joseon Sideline-products Exhibition were written by Korean and this was defined by the intention of the Japanese Government General of Korea. The reasons for the Japanese Government General of Korea‘s promotion of sidelines were improving the economy of farmers, promoting rural areas, and improving local economy, but the rural reality of Joseon could not be improved because sidelines were not the primary solution. In addition to encouraging sideline, the sideline articles were also aimed at identifying the status of industries in various parts of the Joseon. 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』은 조선총독부가 일제강점기 동안 발행한 기관지 중 하나다. 조선총독부 발간 기관지 및 신문의 기사 내용을 통해 조선총독부의 지배논리, 식민지 시대상을 밝혀내는 여러 선행연구들이 있었다. 그러나 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』에 대해서는 지엽적으로만 다루어지고 본격적인 연구는 이루어지지 않았다. 이에 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』 기사를 통해 조선총독부의 지배논리와 그 시대상을 살펴보고자 한다. 여기에서는 시기를 1920년대로 특정하였다. 1920년대는 소위 민족지라 불리는 동아일보, 조선일보가 등장하여 새로운 언론지형이 형성되었다. 이런 상황 속에서 조선총독부는 국한문 혼용체로 발간된 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』을 통해 조선총독부의 정책과 시정을 선전하였다. 일제는 1920년대 조선 농업 정책으로 산미증식계획(産米增殖計劃)을 수립하고 이로 인해 조선 농업은 쌀을 중심으로 한 단작농업화가 강화되면서 농민경제는 더욱 취약해졌다. 조선총독부는 농가 경제 활성화를 위해 부업을 장려하였고 이를 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』을 통해 선전하였다. 이에 1920년대 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』에 나타난 부업 관련 기사 기사를 검토하였다. 부업 기사는 부업 장려, 조선 각 도별 부업 현황, 부업 전망, 조선부업품공진회 기사가 주를 이루고 있었다. 특히 1923년 10월 개최된 조선부업품공진회와 관련된 기사들이 집중적으로 양산되었다. 필진의 경우, 일본인이 다수를 차지했다. 조선총독부의 의도에 따라 기고자들의 입장이 규정지어진 부분도 엿볼 수 있는데 조선부업품공진회 관람평의 필자들은 모두 조선인인 점이 그러하다. 조선총독부가 내세웠던 부업 장려의 이유는 농가의 경제 향상, 농촌 진흥, 지방 경제력 향상 등이었으나 부업은 근원적 해결책이 아니었기에 조선의 농촌현실은 개선될 수 없었다.부업 기사는 부업 장려 외 조선 각지의 산업 현황을 파악하고자 하는 목적도 있었다.

始政5年 記念 共進會와 미술관 전시에 대한 소고

김인덕 한국민족운동사학회 2010 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.64

공진회는 만들어진 공간이었다. 어떤 물품이 수집되고, 분류되며, 전시되었는가. 그리고 조선인은 여기에서 무엇인가. 이러한 질문에 조선총독부는 주목하지 않았다. 그들이 보여주고 싶은 것은 따로 있었던 것이다. 그것은 왜곡된 식민지 조선 문화와 조선 통치의 성과였다. 공진회에는 조선 각처는 말할 것도 없고 일본과 중국 등지에서 온 관람객을 포함하여, 누계 116만여 명이 입장했다. 얼마나 많은 사람들이 이 공간을 관람했는가는 조선총독부에게는 중요했다. 결국 관제 동원과 조직화된 행정 지원이 이를 위해 작용했던 것이다. 1915년의 공진회는 만들어진 홍보공간이었다. 빛나는 조선 문화 보다는 열등한 조선 문화, 제국에 눌린 조선의 왕권, 일본자본주의를 학습하는 장소였다. 이러한 공진회의 전시장은 총 제13부 이외에 7개의 특별관이 별도로 마련되었다. 문제는 공진회의 전시가 기본적으로 역사성과 문화성이 결여되었고, 동시에 비교 전시를 통해 현실의 정치와 문화를 상대화시켰으며, 종국적으로 조선총독부의 효율성을 과시하는 공간이 되어 ‘제국의 목적’에 충실했다는 점이다. 미술관의 전시는 미술관ㆍ미술 분관이 중심이었다. 여기에 미술과 고고자료가 전시되었다. 미술관 1층은 불교문화로 시작되었다. 역사성이 완전히 무시된 골동품으로 조선의 문화를 전시했다. 공진회가 열렸던 1915년 조선총독부는 ‘조선’ 역사의 설명은 전혀 의도하지 않았다. 미술관 2층은 불교문화의 진수로 대장경을 전시하고, 조선시대 회화를 통해 조선시대 문화를 규정하고자 했다. 그리고 미정리 상태의 활자와 각종 서적 등도 전시에 동원되었다. 물론 고적조사에 기초해 발견된 전국의 주요 대형 유물 등은 무의미하게 미술관 안과 밖으로 옮겨졌다. 이러한 공진회 때의 미술관인 석조 건물은 조선총독부 박물관의 본관이 되었다. 개관한 조선총독부박물관 본관은 박물관 건물로 지어진 것은 아니었다. 기능적으로 엄연히 미술관이었다. 이러한 조선총독부박물관의 전시는 1923년의 내용을 우선 확인할 수 있다. 1923년 전시는 공진회 때의 미술관 1층의 전시 내용은 경주 남산 약사불, 석굴암 부조, 각종 발굴품, 미술품 등이 부분적으로만 확인된다. 본관 2층의 전시는 공진회 때의 2층 동실의 조선 회화 중심, 2층 서실의 현대 회화 중심의 전시에 변화가 있었다. 변화의 핵심은 본관 1층 동실에 낙랑, 대방 등에서 발굴된 유물이 전시되었다는 것과 수정전 등에 중국에서 수집하여 온 유물들이 전시되고 있는 정도이다. 이상과 같이 공진회 미술관은 사후를 생각하고 건립 당시부터 조성되었다. 그러나 다른 공진회의 전시 공간과 외형적 차이는 있었으나 본질적으로 다르지 않았다. 여기에 조선총독부는 무엇이 전시되는지가 중요하지 않았다. 따라서 유물의 역사성의 배제되었고 유물의 주인인 조선인은 철저하게 소외되었다. 이 가운데 본질은 왜곡되어 자연스럽게 일본적 심미안과 불교 중심적 문화재관이 그대로 적용되었다. 특히 여기에는 학문적 성과와 연구자들의 조선 현지 조사가 주요하게 작용했다. 소외된 조선인은 왜곡된 역사관을 전시를 통해 학습을 강요받았다. 이것이 조선총독부가 공진회 미술관에서 의도한 것이었다. 이것은 조선총독부박물관의 초기 전시로 그대로 이어졌고, 내용적으로는 세련되었다. 결론적으로 공진회가 조선인과 외국인에게 조선을 식민통치하는 합목적인... Competitive exhibition was manufactured space. Japanese General-Government did not only disdain on the species, classification, display of goods and articles but also what the Korean is in this particular place. They wanted to show people that distorted colonial culture of Korea and outcomes from ruling Korea. Over millions of people who included needless of all over Korea, Japan and China visited this exhibition. The numbers of visitor were extremely significant for Japanese General-Government. Therefore, manufactured mobilizing by government and systematized administrative support played key role of exhibition. Exhibition in 1915 was well-manufactured publicizing space. This was not the place study about splendid culture of Chosun dynasty but Chosun’s inferior quality, suppressed sovereign by imperialism, and Japanese capitalism. The problem was that exhibition was absence of historicity, cultural meanings at the same time, they relativized politic and culture through comparative exhibition. Eventually, this place devoted to Japanese general-government’s efficiency which was purpose of imperialism. Art gallery was mainly about gallery and annex. Fine arts and archeological materials were exhibited in this gallery. Japanese displayed chosun dynasty with antiques lack of historical meaning. At the time of 1915 when exhibition held, Japanese general-government didn’t intend to explain history of chosun. On the second floor, the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras placed as essence of Buddhist civilization and paintings of Chosun era which was their definition of chosun culture. Additionally, unclassified printings and many types of book were rallied. Of course that major relics from all over Korea based on studying historical remains moved pointlessly to in and out of gallery. All the artifacts in gallery were the symbol of Japanese general-government’s administrative power. Stone building, art gallery of competitive exhibition, became main building of Museum of ‘Japanese government general of Korea’. When they open the main building, this was not for the building for museum. Functionally, it was art gallery. This exhibition of Japanese government general of Korea museum could be certain in 1923. In 1923 exhibition, first floor was displayed by Bhaiṣajyaguru in Namsan, Kyung-ju and seokguram mural, excavation, art works. Change of second floor of main building of museum different with exhibition was that composed with east side-chosun paintings, west-side modern paintings. The core of alternation was that first floor east side exhibited by artifacts excavated and relics from China were displayed in Sujungjeon. Competitive exhibition art gallery was built with the idea of post-exhibition. It did not have many differences with other exhibition spaces but it was not fundamentally different. Japanese government general of Korea didn’t pay attention to the relics that exhibited. Frequently, historical fact were excluded and the owner of these relic, Korean, were completely shunned. With that, Japanese esthetic senses and Buddhist standpoint of cultural assets were naturally applied with distorted essences. Alienated Chosun people were forced to study with distorted historical place. This is what Japanese government general of Korea intended from exhibition gallery. This experiences and know-how were interacted with very first version of ‘Museum of Japanese government general of Korea’ also sophisticated in contents. To conclude, like exhibition tried to get agreement from Korean (Chosun people) and foreigners with teleological reasons that their colonial ruling, exhibition art gallery was completely distorted. Simultaneously, Japanese industry was transplanting by exhibition art works and the purpose of spreading Japanese culture was realized by art gallery. Distorted historical place mainly about Japanese culture and accepting Japanese culture transplanting started since the competitive exhibition art gal...

전시체제기 교육확충정책과 일본인 교원의 조선 이입

윤현상 역사문제연구소 2023 역사문제연구 Vol.27 No.1

During the wartime period, the educational expansion policy of the Japanese Government-General of Korea was implemented in tandem with its Kominka policy. The Japanese Government-General of Korea confirmed its Japanization education policy and affirmed that it would swiftly expand the education for the Joseon people, and it was pivotal to secure teachers to teach the growing number of students. However, the recurring problems regarding the Korean teachers’ ideology made the Government-General hesitant to increase the number of short-term Korean teachers on a large scale. Thus, to “foster Japanese characteristics” under the Kominka policy, the Japanese Government-General of Korea focused entirely on securing Japanese teachers. As a result, 83.1% of the rising number of teachers was Japanese. Japanese teachers during wartime either were ① educated in normal schools in Joseon or ② immigrated to Joseon after becoming teachers in Japan. Some Japanese teachers educated in normal schools in Joseon were children of Japanese settlers in colonial Korea, but most of the teachers entered the school right after graduating from secondary schools in Japan and studied in Joseon for only a short period. In addition, over 600 teachers were sent to Joseon from Japan. In other words, the majority of the Japanese teachers whose number rose in the late 1930s were originally from Japan. The Japanese Government-General of Korea’s initiative to introduce more Japanese teachers faced difficulties starting in 1939. First, as the treatment of teachers in Joseon worsened in the late 1930s, the treatment of teachers in Japan improved which made it less economically attractive to move from Japan to Joseon. Moreover, the amendment of the military service act led to lower demand for Japanese students enrolling in normal schools in Joseon, and the dispatch of Japanese teachers from mainland Japan was also restricted. As a result, the Japanese Government-General of Korea’s plan to supply Japanese teachers reached a limit, and the shortage of teachers was filled with Korean teachers. This was why the number of Korean teachers, especially temporary teachers, increased dramatically from 1940 to 1942. Nevertheless, as long as the Japanese Government-General of Korea’s belief was firmly rooted in the belief that the “Japanization” of Koreans could be achieved when the “Japanese spirit is taught by Japanese teachers,” the dispatch of Japanese teachers was something that could not be stopped. The Japanese Government-General identified the rise in Korean teachers as a problem and continued requesting more Japanese teachers to be sent to Joseon from mainland Japan. Although increasing the number of Japanese teachers was costly, the Japanese Government-General of Korea did not have a choice but to recruit more Japanese teachers for the Kominka policy. Such was the contradiction and limitation of colonization. And because of the colonial education finance system, the entire burden was later imposed on the shoulders of Koreans. 전시체제기 조선총독부의 교육확충정책은 황민화정책과 쌍을 이루어 전개되었다. 조선총독부는 황민화교육 방침을 확정하면서 조선인 교육을 빠르게 확충할 것을 천명하였는데, 이로 인해 늘어나는 학생을 가르칠 교원을 확보하는 것이 중요했다. 그러나 계속해서 발생하던 조선인 교원의 사상 문제는 조선총독부가 단기강습 조선인 교원을 대규모로 확충하는 것을 주저하게 했다. 따라서 황민화정책하에서 ‘일본인적 성격을 단마’하는 교육을 시행하기 위해 조선총독부는 일본인 교원을 확보하는 데 매진했다. 그 결과 1930년대 후반 증가한 교원의83.1%는 일본인이었다. 전시체제기 일본인 교원은 ① 조선 내 사범학교를 통해 양성되거나, ② 일본에서 교원이 된 후 조선으로 이입되는 두 가지 방법으로 충원되었다. 조선 내 사범학교를 통해서 양성되는 일본인 교원 중에는 재조일본인의 자제도 있었지만, 상당수는 일본에서 중등학교를 마치고 연습과/강습과만을 조선에서 이수한 사람들이었다. 여기에 일본에서 조선으로 이입되는 교원이 매년 600여 명을 상회했다. 즉 1930년대 후반 늘어난 일본인 교원의 대부분은 일본 출신 일본인 교원이었다. 1939년을 기점으로 조선총독부의 일본인 교원 초빙은 어려움에 부딪혔다. 우선 1930년대 후반 조선의 교원 대우가 나빠지는 사이, 상대적으로 일본의 교원대우가 좋아지면서 일본에서 조선으로 오는 경제적 이득이 감소했다. 여기에 「병역법」이 개정되어 일본인의 조선 내 사범학교 진학 수요가 감소하고, 또 일본 본국에서 교원의 해외파견을 제한했다. 그 결과 조선총독부의 일본인 교원 수급 계획은 한계에 부딪혔고, 부족한 교원은 조선인으로 충당하였다. 1940년부터1942년까지 조선인 교원, 그중에서도 촉탁교원이 급증하는 것은 이 때문이었다. 그러나 조선총독부가 조선인의 ‘황민화’가 ‘일본인이 일본 정신을 부식’해야이룰 수 있다고 생각하는 한, 일본인 교원의 초빙은 멈출 수 있는 성질의 것이아니었다. 조선총독부는 조선인 교원의 증가를 문제시하면서, 일본 본국에 더많은 일본인 교원을 조선으로 보내달라고 계속해서 요구했다. 일본인 교원의 증원은 매우 큰 비용을 수반하는 것이었음에도 조선총독부는 황민화정책을 위해계속해서 일본인 교원을 충원할 수밖에 없었다. 이는 식민지의 모순이자 한계였다. 그리고 그 부담은 식민지 교육재정의 구조상 고스란히 조선인의 부담으로돌아오게 될 것이었다.

1910년대 조선총독부의 뽕나무 재배정책과 조선인의 대응

김란 한국민족운동사학회 2023 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.- No.116

본고는 1910년대 조선총독부의 뽕나무 재배정책에서 발생된 강제 배부의 문제와 조선인의 대응을 분석하였다. 특히 기존연구에서 주목하지 못하였던 1910년대 개량종 뽕나무 재배정책의 원인과 3·1운동 시기 뽕나 무 재배정책에 대한 조선농민의 불만을 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 개량종 뽕 나무 배부 및 재배의 문제점과 조선농민이 3·1운동에 참여하는 다양한 계 기를 밝혔다. 개항 후 조선은 잠업이 단순한 농업이 아니라 제사-견직업으로 연결될수 있는 산업으로 인식하였다. 이러한 목적에 따라 대한제국은 양잠진흥 정책을 실시하였지만, 1906년 통감부가 설치되면서 양잠진흥정책은 제 대로 시행되지 못하였다. 병합 후 조선총독부는 조선을 일본 내 부족한 식량과 자본주의 발전을 위한 보충지로 개편하는 정책을 시행하였다. 조 선총독부는 일본 개량종 이식 품종으로 미작·면작·잠업·축우를 선정하였 다. 이 중 잠업이 선정된 것은 잠업을 통해 생산되는 고치가 일본의 공업 화를 장기간 지원하는 역할을 하였기 때문이다. 잠업을 실행하기 위해서는 누에의 먹이인 뽕나무가 확보되어야 했다. 뽕나무는 잠업과 제사업의 가장 기본원료이다. 조선총독부는 잠업을 장려하기 위해 조선농가에 개량종 뽕나무를 배부하여 재배하게 하였다. 조 선총독부는 개량종 뽕나무를 각종 지원금을 통해 조선농촌에 빠르게 배 부하였다. 그 결과 개량종 뽕밭이 증가하였고, 이는 개량종 누에고치 생 산량의 증대로 이어졌다. 그러나 조선총독부는 재래 양잠 지역에도 강압 적으로 개량종 뽕나무를 재배하게 하였고, 재래 뽕나무와 누에고치를 불 태웠다. 개량종 뽕나무는 조선기후에 맞지 않은 경우가 있었고, 재래종에 비해 관리법이 어려워 시간과 노동력이 필요하였다. 또한 개량종 뽕나무는 조 선농민의 식재 여부와 관계없이 매년 강제 배부되었다. 행정기관은 강제 배부된 개량종 뽕나무에 대금을 청구하여 조선농민들의 불만은 쌓여가 고 있었다. 1910년대 조선총독부의 뽕나무 재배정책에 대한 조선농민의 불만은 3·1운동이 일어나자 표출되었다. 3·1운동 시기 조선농민의 뽕나무에 대 한 불만은 거의 전국적으로 나타났다. 조선농민들은 뽕나무 묘목을 불태 워 군중을 선동하거나 배부된 뽕나무를 면장에 집에 버리는 등 조선총독 부의 뽕나무 배부 정책에 대해 직접적으로 불만을 터트렸다. 이는 1910 년대 뽕나무 배부로 시작한 양잠의 장려 정책이 조선 농촌의 상황을 제대 로 파악하지 않은 채 일본 원료 공급만을 위해 진행되었기 때문이다. 조선총독부는 3·1운동으로 혼란한 시기인 1919년 4월 24일에 ‘조선잠업령’을 내려 뽕나무 생산과 잠종제조의 매매를 감독·단속하였다. 이는 일본 제사 자본이 조선에 진출할 기틀을 마련하기 위해서였다. 한편 1920년대가 되면서 잠업을 장려하는 지역에서는 1910년대와 같이 뽕나 무를 강제 배부하고 대금을 청구하였다. 그러자 조선 농민들은 뽕나무 배 부 및 재배에 대한 부당함을 신문에 기고하거나 군에 고발서를 제출하여 직접적으로 비난하였다. This study analyzed the coercive distribution problem which took place during the mulberry planting policy by the Japanese Government-General of Korea in the 1910s and the response by the Joseon people. In particular, this study examined the cause behind the enforcement of mulberry planting policy in the 1910s and the Joseon farmers' complaints toward the policy during the March 1st Independence Movement, which had not drawn attention in previous studies. This identified the correlation between problems in distributing and planting improved mulberries and a variety of motivations for participating in the movement. After opening to foreign trade, Joseon perceived sericulture not as a mere agricultural industry but an industry which can be directly connected to the silk-reeling and silk goods industry. According to this objective, the Korean Empire implemented the sericulture promotion policy but it was not properly conducted because of policies of the Residency-General established in 1906. After the forced annexation in 1910, the Japanese Government-General of Korea carried out several policies to reform Joseon as a base of food supplies and accumulation of capital for Japanese empire[Japan]. The Japanese Government-General of Korea designated crops like rice, cotton, sericulture, and cattle as items to be replaced with improved ones from Japan. Among them, sericulture was selected because cocoons played the role of supporting Japan's industrialization for a long time. Mulberries, which silkworms lived on, had to be secured to implement sericulture. Mulberries are the base material of sericulture and the silk-reeling industry. The Japanese Government-General of Korea ordered Joseon farms to cultivate improved mulberries. The Japanese Government-General of Korea swiftly distributed improved breed mulberries to Joseon farms through all sorts of support funds. As a result, improved mulberry fields increased, leading to the increase of improved breed silkworm production. However, the Japanese Government-General of Korea forced improved mulberry planting on farmers of conventional sericulture, burning indigenous mulberries and silkworms. Improved mulberries were not only unsuitable for the climate of Joseon, but also requiring more hours and labor to manage than conventional ones. Nevertheless, improved mulberries were forcibly distributed every year without consideration for Joseon farmer's mind about the planting. In addition, administrative agencies charged price for the mulberries, aggravating discontents among the Joseon farmers. The Joseon farmers' discontents at the mulberry planting policy was expressed with the beginning of the March 1st Independence Movement. During the movement, the complaints appeared in almost every region of the country. Joseon farmers directly expressed complaints about the mulberry distribution policy by inciting crowds to burn the mulberries and dump them at the front of house of village head. It meant that the sericulture improvement policy beginning with mulberry distribution in the 1910s was implemented for Japanese raw material supply without proper understanding of Joseon's agricultural situations. The Japanese Government-General of Korea issued 'Choson Silk Raising Farm Law(朝鮮蠶業令)' on 24 April 1919, even during a turbulent time since the March 1st Independence Movement, superintending mulberry production and distribution and cracking down on illegal trade of silkworm. It was intended to establish the framework for Japanese silk-reeling capital to invade Joseon. After that time, in the 1920s, the authorities only distributed mulberries and charged the price to farmers who live in certain encouraged regions to engage in sericulture. Consequently, it made the farmers take collective actions, such as to announce the injustices of the mulberry distribution in newspapers or to file an complaint with the persons responsible for the work.

일제의 財政顧問部 조직과 운영(1905~1907)

김혜정 한국민족운동사학회 2015 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.83

The Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers was organized specifically for the purpose of the readjustment of financial affairs under the Japanese Financial Adviser Megata Tanetaro(目賀田種太郞), who was dispatched to Joseon for this mission in accordance to the 1st Japan-Korea Agreement(第 1次 韓日協約) of August 1904. For three years since its establishment in January 1905 until its disorganization on October 31, 1907, the Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers served to subordinate Korea's financial administrations under the Japanese control. The organization of the Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers consisted of the Headquarters of Advisers, in charge of the central government finance, the Branches and Offices affiliated to the Branches, in charge of provincial finance. The organization of provincial organs was launched as of July 1907 when the investigation was completed on the finances: the Branches and their affiliate Offices in 13 provinces, and the Department of Inspection(監部) for the supervision of the Branches and the Offices. The structure of the Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers was a replica of the Japanese provincial financial organization, Tax Inspection Bureau(稅務監督局). The Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers staffed itself completely with Japanese: starting with three officials, the number grew to 316 by the time of its disorganization. The constitution of the Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers officials was Japanese government officials and non-government officials in the half-and-half ratio. The government officials were mostly from the Exchequer(大藏省), especially in the Tax Inspection Bureau and Monopoly Bureau(專賣局), obviously because the major roles of the Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers were to collect taxes and increase the source of revenues. They came to Korea mostly at the request or invitation by Megata, but the high salary was among the motives for undertaking these posts in Korea. While those who took the Adviser's post as Japanese government officials were experienced and in their 30's, those who were not government officials were inexperienced without the passage of the civil service examination(文官試驗). These non-government officials served as panimgwan(判任官) in charge of provincial finance, often creating conflicts with local Koreans from lack in work experiences. About 61% of the Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers officials continued their work until after the Korea-Japan Annexation, working in strong solidarity with officials of the Japanese Resident-General and Government-General of Korea. This is an evidence that Japanese colonial policies towards Korea had been in progress by a meticulous design from the time of the first Japan­Korea Agreement of August 1904. The chronological progress of the Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers major activities includes the currency reorganization in 1905, facilities enterprises and an increase in revenue in 1906, and an increase of taxpayers and revenue in 1907. In the first half of the period, the Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers pursued activities geared for general reforms in financial structure, while its activities in the latter part of the period were for an increase in revenue. This was aimed at Japanizing Korea's financial structure at the expense of Korea. The Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers activities were a comprehensive result of the policies put forward by Japan, Resident-General Itō Hirobumi(伊藤博文), and the Japanese Financial Adviser Megata intermixed with Korea's given circumstances at that time. While the Bureau of Japanese Financial Advisers was disorganized when the 3nd Korea-Japan Agreement came into effect, its activities were continued by the Japanese Resident-General(統監府) and the Japanese Government-General of Korea(朝鮮總督府), constituting the foundation of the financial structure and policies to plunder Korea's economy and ind... 재정고문부는 제 1차 한일협약의 결과 파견된 재정고문 메가다 다네타로(目賀田種太郞)가 재정정리를 수행하기 위해 설치한 재정기관이다. 1905년 1월에 설치되어 1907년 10월 31일 폐지될 때 까지 약 3년여 동안 한국의 재정을 일본에 예속시키기 위한 활동을 수행했다. 그 조직은 중앙의 재정을 담당하는 고문본부와 지방의 재정을 담당하는 지부(支部) 이하 부속기관으로 나누어진다. 지방조직은 재정에 관한 조사가 완료된 1905년 7월부터 조직되기 시작했으며, 13도에 설치된 지부와 그 하부조직인 분청(分廳)이 있었고, 지부와 분청을 감독하기 위한 감부(監部)가 설치되었다. 이것은 일본의 지방재정기구인 세무감독국(稅務監督局) 제보를 이식한 것이었다. 재정고문부에 고빙된 관리는 모두 일본인으로 처음에는 3명에 불과했으나 폐지될 무렵에는 316명으로 증원되었다. 이들은 재관자(在官者)와 비재관자(非在官者)로 나누어지는데 그 비율은 50대 50이었다. 재관자는 주로 일본에서의 관직을 그대로 유지한 채 부임한 대장성(大藏省) 관료였고, 특히 세무감독국과 전매국 소속 관리가 많았다. 재정고문부의 주요 활동이 세금의 징수와 세원의 확대에 있었기 때문이다. 이들이 한국에 오게 된 이유는 재정고문 메가다의 권유나 초청에 의한 경우가 많았고 고액의 월급도 이유 중 하나였다. 재관자들이 주로 업무경험이 풍부한 30대의 관리였던 반면 비재관자는 주로 문관시험을 거치지 않은 비경력자들이 많았다. 비재관자는 대부분 판임관으로 지방재정을 담당했는데, 업무경험의 부족으로 한국인과 많은 마찰을 빚었다. 재정고문부 관리 가운데 61%는 병합 후 조선총독부 관리로 계속 활동하여 통감부ㆍ조선총독부 관리와 강한 연계성을 보여준다. 이러한 사실은 일제의 식민지화 정책이 제 1차 한일협약 이후부터 주도면밀하게 이루어졌음을 보여준다. 재정고문부의 연도별 주요 활동은 1905년에는 화폐정리사업과 지출의 감소, 1906년에는 시설사업과 세입의 정리, 1907년에는 세입의 증가와 징세기관의 확장이었다. 전반기에는 재정구조의 전반적인 개혁을 목적으로 하는 활동이 주로 이루어졌고 하반기에는 세입의 증가를 위한 활동이 주로 이루어졌다. 이것은 한국의 재정구조를 일본화하고 그 비용을 한국에서 조달하기 위한 것이었다. 이러한 활동은 일본의 정책과 통감인 이토 히로부미(伊藤博文)의 정책, 재정고문 메가다의 정책이 복합적으로 반영된 결과였다. 재정고문부는 제3차 한일협약의 실시로 폐지되었지만 그 활동은 통감부와 총독부로 이어져 일제강점기 식민지경제의 토대가 되었다.

일제시대(日帝時代) 조선총독부발행(朝鮮總督府發行) 한국아동용어학독본(韓國兒童用語學讀本)에 나타난 한자어(漢字語)와 한문(漢文)

심경호 ( Kyung Ho Sim ) 한국한문교육학회 2009 한문교육논집 Vol.33 No.-

Under the rule of Japanese Imperialism, on the one hand nationalistic intellectuals endeavored to teach children Korean language, but on the other hand Joseon Government-general mainly taught children `the national language` and secondarily taught Korean language and Chinese writing. The education of Korean language and Chinese writing executed by the Joseon Government-general was aimed at reinvigorating the education of `the national language`, not at advancing Korean language. Their most important purpose of teaching Korean language was to make children loyal to Japanese Imperialism. Then, these language educational policy of the Joseon Government-general was related to the organized moral education through publishing the `Sooshinseo(修身書)`. This study is on how the Joseon Government-general used sino-Korean and Chinese writing in the elementary school Language textbooks. The language textbooks for children published by the Joseon Government-general have some effect on Korean language and sino-Korean as follows. (1) The language textbooks for children published by the Joseon Government-general emphasized the relations between Chinese character, Chinese writing, sino-Korean and Korean language. And the Joseon Government-general taught children both Chinese writing and sino-Korean, to advanced their Korean language proficiency. On the basis of these points, we can watch the formation processes and the development direction of Korean language. (2) However, the language textbooks for children published by the Joseon Government-general mentioned very difficult sino-Korean vocabulary, as if it had been written for intellectual people. In additional, classical Chinese usage - `卽하야, 因하야, ~하는 樣이, 如何, 勿論, 可謂` - remained in the Korean textbook[朝鮮語讀本]. So, we lost the chance to purify Korean language. (3) The Joseon Government-general officially recognized the sino-Korean vocabulary that had been hastily made under the rule of Japanese Imperial, and widely taught children it. So, the organization of Korean language vocabulary was very complicated. (4) The Joseon Government-general selected some Chinese writings as the text, those were mostly about loyalty, filial piety, moral training and social assimilation. So Korean student couldn`t enhance their nationalism and their will to revolt gainst authority. Hereafter, it requires that we research how sino-Korean Vocabulary and Chinese Writing in the Language Textbooks for Children published by the Joseon Government-general affected the formation of sino-Korean and the education of classical Chinese in Korea. And it need to research on the relations between the Korean education of classical Chinese, the policy of the Japanese Ministry of Education and the policy of the Taiwan Government-general.

중일전쟁시기 범한생(范漢生) 경성총영사의 친일활동과 조선화교 사회의 변동

이정희 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2018 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.48

This paper aims to analyse pro-Japanese movement’s cause of Fan Han-sheng of consul-general of Seoul during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Fan Han-sheng visited the Japanese Government-General to expressed his will to participate in the Provisional Government of the Republic of China on December 17. After he proclaimed, he visited Beijing to obtain their approval to become a new government’s consul-general at Seoul from Wang Ke-min and Japanese Northern China Army. In spite of officers’ resist of Chinese Consulate General at Seoul, he forced to switch party flag and emblem of the Kuomintang to Five colored-Flags of new government with the assistance of Japanese military police headquarters in Korea. On December 29, after having successfully raised the Five-colored Flag, he ordered each consulate to raise the flag. Therefore, by January 4, 1938, all consulates raised the Five-colored Flag, in effect closing down all offices of Chiang Kai-shek’s National Government. When the raising of the Five-colored Flag was complete, he forced all the Chinese Chamber of Commerce around the nation to voice support for the provisional government, and beginning with Chinese Chamber of commerce in Seoul and Incheon, all of them are recorded as having announced their support be the end of January 1938. On February 3, 1938, He called a meeting of representatives of overseas Chinese organizations, summoning 22 heads of Chinese Chamber of Commerce from around the country, and organized the Federation of Chinese Chamber of Commerce Association in colonial Korea, the help realize the provisional government’s credo of ‘peace and anti-communism’. On the same day, he also held newly assigned consuls’ meeting. There are three factors in his turning to provisional government from Chiang Kai-shek’s nationalist government. Firstly, he was opposed to Chiang Kai-shek’s anti-Japanese policy and procommunism. Secondly, he was willing to help their consuls and overseas Chinese in Korea. Thirdly, he made a judgement that he and his families’s life were not able to be guaranteed by Chiang Kai-shek’s nationalist government.

日帝時代 朝鮮總督府發行 韓國兒童用語學讀本에 나타난 漢字語와 漢文

심경호 한국한문교육학회 2009 한문교육논집 Vol.33 No.-

일제의 강점 시기에는 민족주의 지식인들이 아동들을 위한 조선어 교육에 부심하는 한편, 일제의 朝鮮總督府는 아동들에게 ‘국어’를 교육하고 부수적으로 조선어와 한문을 가르쳤다. 조선총독부의 조선어 및 한문 교육은 ‘국어’ 교육의 활성화를 위한 방편이었지, 조선어 자체의 발전이나 한문 지식의 확대를 위한 것이 아니었다. 또한 국어, 조선어, 한문 교육은 모두 식민지의 아동을 ‘忠良한 國民’으로 形成시키는데 주된 목적이 있었다. 이러한 언어 교육은 조선총독부가 修身書를 편찬하여 아동의 정신교육을 체계적으로 실시한 것과 상호 연관이 있었다고 생각된다. 본고는 조선총독부가 조선어 혹은 ‘국어’를 교육하기 위해 편찬한 普通學校 語學讀本에서 한자어와 한문을 어떻게 활용했는지 일별하였다. 朝鮮總督府發行 韓國兒童用語學讀本이 韓國人의 韓國語와 漢文에 끼친 영향은 다음과 같다고 개괄할 수 있다. (1) 朝鮮總督府發行 韓國兒童用語學讀本은 한국어와 한자, 한자어, 한문의 관련성에 주목하고 식민지 아동에게 민족어인 한국어를 일정한 정도로 교육하기 위해 한자, 한자어, 한문의 교육을 병행했다. 이 점은 한국어 형성의 역사를 고찰하고 한국어 발전의 방향을 가늠하고자 할 때 한 가지 주요한 관점을 제시했다고 할 수 있다. (2) 하지만 朝鮮總督府發行 韓國兒童用語學讀本은 한자와 한문에 대해 素養을 지니고 있는 사람들을 대상으로 삼기라도 한 듯, 어려운 漢字와 漢字語를 지나치게 많이 사용했다. 또한 朝鮮語讀本은 ‘卽하야, 因하야, ∼하는 樣이’ 등 「漢字+한글어미」의 語法이나 ‘如何, 勿論, 可謂’ 등 한문어투의 표현을 溫存시키고 敎範으로 삼음으로써 韓國語의 自己醇化의 기회를 빼앗았다. (3) 開化期以後 日帝時代에 걸쳐 急造되거나 輸入된 한자어들을 사실상 標準語로 公認하고 널리 교육시킴으로써 韓國語 語彙의 구성을 더욱 복잡하게 만들었다. (4) 漢文의 교육은 개인의 修身(孝, 交友 등 포함)과 사회적 同和를 강조하는 원문들을 주로 선별함으로써, 학습자들이 민족주의의 저항 의식과 반봉건의 진취적 정신을 고양시킬 여지를 남기지 않았다. 朝鮮總督府發行 韓國兒童用語學讀本의 한자, 한자어, 한문의 응용이 이후 한국의 한문 소양 형성과 한문 교육 방향에 어떠한 영향을 미쳤는지에 대해서는 향후 고찰이 필요하다. 또한 朝鮮總督府의 한문 교육 방향이나 내용이 臺灣總督府의 한문 교육정책이나 일본 文部省의 교육 방침과 어떤 관계에 있는지에 대해서도 종합적인 비교 연구가 필요하다. Under the rule of Japanese Imperialism, on the one hand nationalistic intellectuals endeavored to teach children Korean language, but on the other hand Joseon Government-general mainly taught children ‘the national language’ and secondarily taught Korean language and Chinese writing. The education of Korean language and Chinese writing executed by the Joseon Government-general was aimed at reinvigorating the education of ‘the national language’, not at advancing Korean language. Their most important purpose of teaching Korean language was to make children loyal to Japanese Imperialism. Then, these language educational policy of the Joseon Government-general was related to the organized moral education through publishing the ‘Sooshinseo(修身書)’. This study is on how the Joseon Government-general used sino-Korean and Chinese writing in the elementary school Language textbooks. The language textbooks for children published by the Joseon Government-general have some effect on Korean language and sino-Korean as follows. (1) The language textbooks for children published by the Joseon Government-general emphasized the relations between Chinese character, Chinese writing, sino-Korean and Korean language. And the Joseon Government-general taught children both Chinese writing and sino-Korean, to advanced their Korean language proficiency. On the basis of these points, we can watch the formation processes and the development direction of Korean language. (2) However, the language textbooks for children published by the Joseon Government-general mentioned very difficult sino-Korean vocabulary, as if it had been written for intellectual people. In additional, classical Chinese usage - ‘卽하야, 因하야, ~하는 樣이, 如何, 勿論, 可謂’ - remained in the Korean textbook[朝鮮語讀本]. So, we lost the chance to purify Korean language. (3) The Joseon Government-general officially recognized the sino-Korean vocabulary that had been hastily made under the rule of Japanese Imperial, and widely taught children it. So, the organization of Korean language vocabulary was very complicated. (4) The Joseon Government-general selected some Chinese writings as the text, those were mostly about loyalty, filial piety, moral training and social assimilation. So Korean student couldn’t enhance their nationalism and their will to revolt gainst authority. Hereafter, it requires that we research how sino-Korean Vocabulary and Chinese Writing in the Language Textbooks for Children published by the Joseon Government-general affected the formation of sino-Korean and the education of classical Chinese in Korea. And it need to research on the relations between the Korean education of classical Chinese, the policy of the Japanese Ministry of Education and the policy of the Taiwan Government-general.