새 정부의 경제 분야 국정과제 검토 및 입법 전망 -활력이 넘치는 공정경제를 중심으로-

이혁 ( Lee Hyuk ) 한국상사판례학회 2017 상사판례연구 Vol.30 No.3

The new administration presented five-year policy roadmap and 100 tasks on July 19. The State Affairs Planning Advisory Committee, the de facto Commission on Presidential Transition of the Moon administration, presented 100 tasks under five major policy goals - political reform, a fair economy, welfare, balanced regional development and peace on the Korean Peninsula. The new administration`s policies was based on the philosophy of The People`s country, just the Republic of Korea, On economic issues, the roadmap was planed for the economic policy of “Income-led Growth”, so that many of 100 tasks focused on job creation, operation support system for small business. To do this, the new government will make every efforts to forge a fair economic system by laying the axe to the root of conglomerates` unfair transaction. To achieve the 26 economic tasks by next year, the government will regulate chaebol by constructing a economic system where shareholders of mother company could sue board of directors, including members of chaebol families of a subsidiary company. This commercial law amendment is expected to prevent the chaebol`s arbitrary management, which have been tolerated. To activate small shareholder`s management participation, the government will also revise commercial law as the way of mandatory electronic voting. First the government will practice policies that do not need revison of law. By 2018 at the latest, the government plans to strengthen the National Assembly`s cooperation to procure the passage of an act. The new government`s roadmap, however, encounters barriers : the National Assembly hurdles. A great part of the policies need enactment or revision of laws, and it will never be easy to lead the way to plans of the government as the opposition party is now a majority. The success or failure of the new administration is ultimately dependent on the legislation of the law, so it is desirable that the practices of the new policies should be carried on through a system of comprehensive cooperation with the National Assembly, as well as through a will of reformation.

A New-Institutional Economics Perspective of Corporate Governance Reform in East Asia

Sung-Hee Jwa 서울대학교 경제연구소 2000 Seoul journal of economics Vol.13 No.3

In this brief paper, we demonstrate that corporate governance structures as well as the distinct roles of government and private corporations in economic systems may be propitiously modeled from the new-institutional economics perspective. Our theoretical model and analysis leads us to strongly suggest that East Asian governments limit the scope of public policy so as to determine the institutional environment for corporate governance structures while leaving the details of internal control systems to be decided upon by the corporations in the pursuit to maximize their survival probabilities. Furthermore, for good corporate governance in this part of the world, not only the internal control systems but even more urgently the external control mechanisms, should be firmly established and strengthened, without losing sight of the prevailing economic and cultural values.

중국의 경제전략: 성장과 균형의 관계를 중심으로

지만수 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2005 한국과 국제정치 Vol.21 No.1

This research analyzes the economic strategy of China's new government. New government should solve urgent problems such as serious economic disparity and jobless growth. The concept of balanced growth is a Chinese way of dealing these problems. However, the new government's economic strategy mainly focuses on escaping jobless growth rather than diminishing economic disparity. Their major economic policies like the macro economic adjustment in 2004, so-called new-type industrialization, reviving plan on Northeast area, rural development initiative confirm this direction. To harmonize high growth rate and job creation, China need to develop a new model of economic development.

신제도주의: 정부론에 관한 연구, 1960-2000

김왕식 ( Wang Sik Kim ) 한국행정사학회 2015 한국행정사학지 Vol.37 No.-

Much scholarly effort has been devoted to understanding the persistent differences between rich and poor societies. In the search for why, dependent theorists attribute poor economic performance of Third World Nations to capital invasion by First World Nations from 1960s to 1970s. Recent works in Public Administration have been increasingly focused on the role of government and institutions in economic performance. New institutional theorists, opposing existing theoretical perspectives that regard state as a dependent variable, focus on the autonomy and capacity of the government. This paper argues that among the two different institutional approaches, historical institutionalism, tending to see individuals as rule-following satisfiers, is more effective than economic institutionalism as see them as all-knowing rational maximizers. Historical institutionalism especially shows its effectiveness in pointing towards the importance of multiple logics in the interaction of governments and markets in the development process from 1960s to 1990s. It will continue to draw attention in the multiple trajectories of economic policy and governmental development available to present-day developing countries. However, in order to develop a more useful approach for various individual problems and topics, we need to integrate other approaches flexibly.

유로존 위기 이후 유럽의 ‘새로운 경제 거버넌스’와 노동시장 구조개혁

유형근 비판사회학회 2022 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.134

이 글은 유로존 위기 이후 유럽연합의 ‘새로운 경제 거버넌스(이하 NEG)’를 분석하 고, 그것이 유럽의 노동시장 구조개혁에 미친 영향을 파악하고자 한다. NEG는 유럽의 통화동맹 체제의 구조적 결함과 거버넌스의 한계를 극복할 목적으로 신자유주의적 위기 관리의 목표하에 신속히 도입된 유럽 차원의 법률, 조약, 협정, 권고 등의 앙상블을 지칭 하는 것이다. NEG의 핵심에는 유럽의 경쟁력을 회복하기 위해서는 구조개혁, 특히 임 금억제와 노동시장 유연화를 통한 비용 및 가격 경쟁력의 제고가 필수불가결하다는 논 리가 깔려 있다. 이를 실현하기 위해 NEG 장치들은 재정정책을 넘어서 전반적인 거시 경제정책의 감독의 틀을 체계화하고 강화했으며, 임금교섭을 포함한 국민국가 수준의 노동시장 정책에 개입할 새로운 권한을 유럽연합에 부여했다. 이 글은 유로존 주변부에 대한 한시적 금융지원을 대가로 시행된 ‘트로이카’의 긴축 및 구조개혁 조치와 더불어, 상시적인 NEG 장치들의 작동을 통해 유로존 중심부 국가들에게도 가중된 노동시장 구 조개혁의 압력을 분석한다. 이를 통해 유로존 위기 이후 유럽의 경제통합에서 나타나는 통치성의 전환에 주목하고 그것이 유럽 노동운동의 곤경을 어떻게 심화시키고 있는지 살펴볼 것이다.

The Impact of Government Development Policy on Land Investment and Land Price: Evidences from Linyi

Shengyang Zhong(종성양),Ziyang Zheng(정지양),Zhao Liu(유초) 한국콘텐츠학회 2021 한국콘텐츠학회논문지 Vol.21 No.12

토지는 중국 정부의 중요한 자원이다. 부동산 토지 개발은 도시경제 발전의 중요한 부분이다. 이 논문은 중국 임기시를 중심으로 정부 개발 정책이 토지개발 및 토지 가격에 어떤 영향을 주는지 연구하였다. 정부는 도시계획, 신도시 개발, 경제 개발 특별구 설립하는 여러 가지 개발 정책을 통해서 토지개발 및 토지가격에 큰 영향을 준다. 이 논문은 린이 시에 있는 196개 토지개발 프로젝트과 관련 있는 데이터를 수집하였다. 수집한 프로젝트들은 세 가지 지역에 위치한다(린이시의 옛 구역, 신도시 지역, 경제 개발 특별구). 논문에 활용한 데이터는 개발토지의 투자액, 토지가격, 토지면적, 건설면적, 건설밀도, 토지위치 등이다. 부동산 개발의 투자액 및 토지가격은 종속변수로서 회귀 모형을 만든다. 토지개발 및 토지가격에 대한 영향 변수를 분석한다. 정부 개발 정책은 토지개발 및 토지가격에 미치는 영향의 합리성을 찾아서 향후의 개발 정책에 반영할 수 있는 의견을 제공할 수 있다. Land is key natural resource that Chinese government actually owns. Real estate and land development have played an important part in China’s urban development and economic development. The Chinese local governments’ land development policies can mainly be characterized as the establishment of economic development zones and the development of new towns. Given the great importance of these measures, we can expect that these policies can generate noticeable impacts on land development and land price. However, little research has explored these impacts empirically. Using the data collected from land development projects of three districts in Linyi city—old town, new town, economic development zone, this paper attempts to investigate the impact of government development policy on land development and land price. This research chooses investment amount and land price as dependent variables. The multiple regression results demonstrate that the local government’s land Development policies can affect land investment size and land price significantly. As we have noticed, the target of government development policy is to make use of urban land resources more scientifically and efficiently. Based on my empirical analysis, some useful insights can be provided for improving our understanding concerning the effects of these government land development policies.

세계화, 민주화, 한국의 발전주의 생산레짐과 복지체제의 재편

정무권 한국사회정책학회 2008 한국사회정책 Vol.14 No.2

This paper aims at explaining how the Korean production and welfare regimes have changed as a result of the Kim Dae Jung government's economic and welfare reforms since the financial crisis in 1997. From the theoretical perspective this study takes up globalization and democratization as main variables with the varieties of capitalism in which the reciprocal relationship between the production and welfare regimes are elaborated. As a methodological tool to explain these changes, it uses the logic of 'idea' recently developed in the new institutionalism. 한국에서의 신자유주의적 개혁은 선진 복지국가들과 달리 복지국가의 대응으로 나온 것이 아니라, 발전국가의 대응으로 나왔다(하연섭, 2006). 물론 세계화라는 환경변화와 신자유주의 사조가 이러한 한국적 맥락에서의 신자유주의적 대응을 더욱 촉진, 강화시켰다. 그리고 김대중 정부의 복지개혁은 당시의 한국의 발전주의 복지체제의 특성이 기본적인 사회안전망이 매우 취약하였기 때문에 김대중 정부의 대대적인 신자유주의적 구조조정을 원활하게 수행하기 위한 대응이었다. 따라서 신자유주의 경제구조조정에서도 그 사회가 사회안전망이 취약하면 복지가 확대되는 것이 가능한 것이다. 문제는 정치적 지배연합의 성격과 국가복지 확대의 내용이 어떤 특징과 성격을 갖느냐 하는 것이다. 이를 위해, 생산적 복지의 아이디어와 정치과정, 그리고 개혁내용을 중심으로 분석해 본다.(2) 생산적 복지 개혁의 아이디어: 민주화, 발전주의, 신자유주의 결합

중국의 신형도시화 과정 중에 출현한 유령도시의 유형별 특성과 시사점

김경환(Kim, Kyunghwan),이정표(Lee, Jeongpyo) 한국아시아학회 2019 아시아연구 Vol.22 No.2

본 연구는 주택개발 후 팔리지 않고 밤에도 인적이 드믄 중국의 유령도시의 특성을 경제지표와 부동산지표를 통해 파악하고자 하였다. 부동산이 중국 가계와 정부경제에 차지하는 비중이 적지 않음을 감안하면 이에 대한 특성 파악은 중요하다. 유령도시에 대한 통계자료가 부족한 가운데 본 연구는 중국 표준순위연구원의 유령도시지수를 바탕으로 유령도시가 실제인가? 실제라면 어떤 유형별 특성을 가지고 있는지 분석하였다. 연구결과, 중국의 유령도시는 경기침체로 인한 전락보다는 지방정부의 무리한 주택개발일 가능성이 크다. 따라서 중국정부는 향후 지방정부의 신도시 개발이나 주택개발을 억제하고 기존의 주택재고를 해소하기 위해 노력할 것이다. 그러나 소득과 주택가격의 격차가 큰 점을 감안하면 중국 중소도시의 유령도시화 현상은 당분간 지속될 가능성이 크다. The purpose of this study was to identify the type-specific characteristics of China"s ghost towns, which were not sold after housing development through economic indicators and real estate indicators. Considering that real estate accounts for a considerable portion of Chinese households and the government"s economy, it is important to identify the characteristics of the real estate. Under the circumstances of a lack of statistical data on ghost towns, this study based on the “ghost town index” this study analyzed the existence of ghost towns and their type-specific characteristics. The results of the study are as follows. Ghost towns in China are more likely to be over-developed homes by local governments than they are reduced by economic recession. Therefore, the Chinese government will work to curb future local governments" development of new towns. Given the wide gap between income and housing prices, however, the ghost towns phenomenon is likely to continue for the time being in small and medium-sized Chinese cities.

태국 2016: 푸미폰 국왕의 서거와 정치·경제적 불확실성

김홍구 ( Kim Hong Koo ),이미지 ( Lee Mi Ji ) 한국동남아학회 2017 동남아시아연구 Vol.27 No.2

The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej`s death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin`s party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.

윤석열 정부의 대북정책·한미관계 방향과 정책적 과제

남광규 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2022 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.8 No.1

The direction of Yoon Seok-yeol's North Korea policy and foreign relations can be summarized as "first U.S.-South Korea relations, later inter-Korean relations," "first international cooperation after inter-Korean cooperation," and "first denuclearization after peace." At the same time, it is expected that the it will be more active on North Korean human rights issues than Moon Jae In government. The Yoon Seok-yeol administration's policy toward the U.S. is aimed at a "comprehensive strategic alliance" that expands the international role of the Korea-U.S. alliance by normalizing the Korea-U.S. alliance and restoring cooperation. This is expected to strength the Korea-U.S. economic alliance and technology alliance in the international supply chain. In order to smoothly operate the Korea-U.S. alliance, efforts to cooperate with South Korea, the U.S., and Japan are expected to be strengthened by restoring relations with Japan. If North Korea makes a high-intensity provocation, it will resume its strategy to deter the North Korea and will resume the actual joint exercise between South Korea and the U.S.. Since the Yoon Seok-yeol administration's foreign relations are likely to flow around the U.S., opposition and checks from China and Russia will be inevitable. In this regard, since a new Cold War atmosphere is likely to form in Northeast Asia, South Korea needs a high level of ability to coordinate diplomatic and security issues between the U.S., China, and the U.S. and Russia to prevent them from getting worse. In this regard, the additional THAAD deployment under the Yoon Seok-yeol administration will be the right time to proceed if North Korea resumes its nuclear test, and participation in the Quad should be strategically approached according to the timing and conditions.