광주국악사의 전개와 명고 김성권의 역할- 8.15 해방 이후를 중심으로 -

이명진 판소리학회 2011 판소리연구 Vol.31 No.-

Gwangju in South Korea was where Korean traditional music had been educated and its traditional opera companies had actively given their performances since Korea was freed from the rule of Japanese imperialism, and thus many masters flocked there. In those days there lived many men of taste in Gwangju, who were wealthy and enjoyed their traditional music and was dedicated to supporting it. In the 1950s the traditional music lost competitiveness, but in Gwangju there were many men of taste. Meanwhile, the traditional music in Gwangju(Gwangju-Pansori) suffered greatly with Park Dong-Sil’s defecting to North Korea. As Gwangju-Pansori had passed down to Kim Chae-Man and Park Dong-Sil, his defection drove it into a crisis of disappearance. But fortunately, many masters have upheld it since Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule. As a result, in Gwangju various schools such as Boseong-Sori, Dongchoje, Dongpyeonje and others have retained the history of Gwangju-Pansori. This study is focused on Kim Sung-Gwon(1926–2008), a master of Pansori who engaged in his activities with Gwangju as his stage from when Gwangju -Pansori was gulped down by the angry waves. In addition, it is within bounds to say that his family laid in the foundation of Gwangju-Pansori. His great-uncle Kim Chae-Man, was a master of Pansori who lived in Sokgol in Gwangju and turned out the renowned such as Park Dong-Sil, Seong Won-Mok, Gong Chang-Sik, Han Sung-Tae and others. Moreover, his father was a renowned singer and contributed to the development of Korean traditional opera by establishing an organization, HyeopRyulSa. Thanks to the family, Kim Sung-Gwon naturally came across how to sing the traditional songs and to play the drum from childhood, and as a result became a professional singer and drummer. In particular, he was appointed to be a human cultural asset in 1991. But regrettably, records fail to show the course of his life, which was an insuperable disadvantage of rural artists. This study is to arrange the postcolonial history of Korean traditional music in and around Gwangju, as well as to inquire into the historical activities of Kim Sung-Gwon. Hereat the postcolonial history of Korean traditional music was divided into three phases, i.e., phase I (independence–the 1950s), phase II (1960–1985) and phase III (1986–2009). This study looked into the activities of Kim Sung-Gwon as to changes in his life, role and status in the history of Korean traditional music. The results of this study showed that in the history of traditional music in Gwangju, Kim Sung-Gwon achieved the followings:First, he was the pivotal figure in passing down Gwangju-Pansori for generations. Second, he did not stick to his own style but came up with Gwangju Drumming on the basis of old-fashioned drumming. Third, he performed a role of a great drummer in Gwangju and upheld local art. 광주는 해방이후 국악교육과 창극단체의 활동이 매우 활발했던 지역으로 수많은 명인·명창들이 찾아든 곳이다. 당시 광주에는 부유한 풍류객이 많았고, 이들은 판소리를 즐기며 후원도 아끼지 않았다. 1950년 경 중앙에서 판소리가 경쟁력을 잃었을 때에도 광주에는 무수한 풍류객이 있었다. 한편 광주판소리는 박동실의 월북으로 인해 크게 흔들렸고, 심지어 ‘김채만-박동실’로 이어지는 판소리는 절멸의 위기에 봉착하기도 했다. 하지만 해방이후 지역을 중심으로 꿋꿋하게 활동한 명인·명창들로 인해, 오늘날 광주에는 보성소리, 동초제, 동편제 등 여러 유파들이 아우러져 광주지역의 개성 있는 판소리사를 써내려가고 있다. 본고에서 논의한 명고 김성권은(1926~2008) 광주국악사의 가장 굴곡적인 시기부터 광주를 무대로 하여 평생을 활동한 명인이다. 게다가 그의 집안은 광주판소리의 초석을 이루는 역할을 했다. 그의 종조부인 김채만은 광주 속골에 거주했던 명창으로 박동실, 성원목, 박종원, 공창식, 한성태 등 내로라하는 제자들을 길러냈다. 그의 부친 역시 소리꾼으로 활동하며, 협률사를 조직해 창극의 발전에 힘썼던 인물이다. 이런 가족사로 인해 김성권은 어린 시절부터 오랫동안 판소리와 고법을 몸에 익힌 전문적인 소리꾼이자 고수이며, 1991년에는 중요무형문화재 보유자로 인정되었다. 하지만 아쉽게도 김성권의 기록이나 발자취는 거의 찾아보기 힘들다. 이는 중앙이 아닌 지방에서 활동하는 인물이 가지는 약점이기도 하다. 본고에서는 해방이후 광주를 중심으로 펼쳐졌던 국악사를 정리하고 그 전개양상 속에서 김성권이 어떤 구심점 역할을 수행했는가를 살펴보고자 하였다. 특히 해방이후의 광주국악사를 1기(해방~1950년대), 2기(1960년~1985년), 3기(1986년~2009)로 나누고, 해당 시기별 김성권의 생애사적 변화, 국악사적 역할과 위상 등을 주목하였다. 이를 통해 보았을 때 광주국악사의 전개 속에서 김성권이 이룩했던 성과는 첫째, 집안 대대로 광주판소리 전승계보를 지속적으로 이어갈 수 있는 구심점으로서의 역할, 둘째, 김성권류의 판에 박히지 않는 고제 고법을 통해 광주고법을 정립, 셋째, 광주지역의 고수로써 꿋꿋하게 지역을 수호하는 거목이었다는 점 등으로 요약할 수 있다.

Negotiating Urban Identities

Yuri Chang(장유리) 현대미술사학회 2016 현대미술사연구 Vol.0 No.40

본 논문은 1995년에 개최된 제1회 광주 비엔날레와 안티 비엔날레를 연구함으로써 예술을 통한 광주의 도시 정체성 형성과정을 살펴본다. 광주 비엔날레는 김영삼문민정부의 광주 민주화 운동 기념화 사업의 일환으로 기획되었다. 기념화 사업은 광주의 도시 정체성을 민주화의 성지이자 예술의 고장(예향)이라는 두 가지 이미지로 구축하고자 하였다. 이러한 가운데 첫번째 광주 비엔날레는 “경계를 넘어서” 라는 주제 아래 국가, 인종, 이데올로기, 그리고 종교 등의 경계들을 타파하고 세계 공동체의 공존을 독려하는 국제적 이벤트로서 전지구화 시대를 맞이한 광주를 국제적 예술 도시로 도약시키고자 하는 대규모 전시였다. 한편 광주의 예술인들과 시민들은 정부 및 외부 인사들의 주도로 이루어지는 국제 행사가 광주의 참된 정체성, 즉 민주화 정신을 제대로 구현하지 못한다고 비판하였다. 결국 광주-전남 미술인 공동체의 주도로 안티 비엔날레인 “광주 통일 미술제”가 망월동 묘지에서 열리게 되었다. 이는 사회참여와 민족주의를 지향하는 광주 지역 작가들이 광주희생자들 추모하고, 생존자들을 위로하며, 민족의 화합을 염원하는 행사였다. 즉, 국제적 예술 도시와 세계 공동체의 공존을 광주의 이미지로 내세운 비엔날레와 대조적으로 안티 비엔날레는 광주 민주화 운동의 희생 정신과 한국의 민족 정신을 강조하였다. 본 연구는 이러한 갈등 상황을 통하여 도시의 역사적 기억을 특정 단체들과 기관들이 자신들의 관심과 이익에 따라 재편하고 어떠한 미학적 틀로 담아낼 것인가에 대하여 갈등하고 토론하였는지 살펴본다. The 1995 Gwangju Biennale was a mega-scale international art show, planned as one of the civilian government’s commemoration projects of the May 18th Gwangju democratization movement in 1980. The main exhibition of the biennale, “Beyond the Borders,” expanded the meaning of the pro-democracy movement’s resistant spirit to the artistic progress, which overcome borders of nations, races, ideologies and religions. The event demonstrated the ambition to construct the Gwangju image as not only the city of democracy but also the world-leading cultural arena. Some members of the Minjung art group and the Gwangju local artists, however, asserted that the Biennale failed to represent Gwangju because it mostly celebrated the globalized cultures of the world, while lacking the locality of the city. During the Biennale period, they held a separate event named The 1995 Gwangju Unification Art Festival at Mangwol Cemetery as a way of opposing the state-sponsored biennale and restoring May 18th spirit as the core identity of the city. Such disparity between the state-run biennale and the unofficial art festival shows the conflicting urban identities of the new Gwangju - a city of art versus a mecca of democracy. The conflict between the Biennale and the local art group can be read as a struggle on choosing what should be the collective memories of Gwangju and what kind of aesthetics can describe image of Gwangju. In addition, this controversy illustrates the diverse interest groups’ discussions on who can create the common memory and the frame of history of Gwangju.

광주비엔날레 인력 구조 및 교육 현황을 통해 본 문화인력양성의 과제

천윤희(Chun Yoon hee) 한국예술경영학회 2006 예술경영연구 Vol.9 No.-

The Gwangju Biennale is an international event that exhibits contemporary art. In a broad sense, the Biennale is regarded as a complete product of contemporary culture and art that is generated through works of contemporary art. Consumers can experience a numerous amount of cultural services during the Gwangju Biennale. In as much, this also implies that the Gwangju Biennale should expand its horizons, up until now limited to professionals in the field of art. This action will foster local citizens to play specific roles in contributing to the Gwangju Biennale. They could provide a better understanding of Gwangju and the Gwangju Biennale while transforming the city and local culture surrounding the Biennale site into assets as well. The ultimate strategy is to foster “cultural mediators” at the Gwangju Biennale. By enhancing the means by which visitors can appreciate culture through creating a communication channel between cultural products and users through the cultural mediators, this will allow for users to create their own cultural knowledge base, layer by layer. In fact, when the personnel structure of the Gwangju Biennale is reviewed, hundreds of professionals who participate each year are building field experience, including the Secretariat staff, volunteers, docents, exhibit interns and assistants, installation and removal assistants, human resources for festivals, and other various areas. The event is shifting from an artist and curator driven function to a venue for cultural participation and a gateway and gathering place for many potential professionals seeking their life’s work in the creation of culture and art, cultural planning (production), and art administration. Meanwhile, training programs for specific targets are also offered by identifying pivotal areas where contemporary art and users intersect. They include art & film lectures, contemporary art classes open to citizens, the Docent Training Program (a curriculum training docents to help visitors appreciate exhibits), and a Teacher Training Program for art teachers. The Gwangju Biennale needs to take another look at the importance of “human-power development and education” while establishing a more comprehensive and integrated policy in the context of offering quality as a return to improve Gwangju’s local culture. It is hoped that those participating directly and indirectly in the Gwangju Biennale, which is considered a foundation of education and field training and a training center of culture-oriented personnel for Gwangju, will further educate cultural leaders and serve a lasting role in the successful hosting of the Gwangju Biennale. They will be assets to Gwangju, a cradle of culture, and the program can serve as a model for creating synergy.

삼국(三國)·통일신라시기(統一新羅時期)의 무등산(無等山)과 광주(光州)

변동명 ( Byeon Dong-myeong ) 전남대학교 호남학연구원 2021 호남학 Vol.- No.69

삼국에서 통일신라에 이르는 사이의 무등산을 광주 지역사회와 연관시켜 검토하였다. 광주의 역사적 흐름에 비춰 무등산을 조망함으로써, 이 산과 관련된 사람들의 지난날을 훑어보며 그 면모의 일부나마 드러내는 것을 겨냥하였다. 먼저 無等山의 名號를 광주의 고을 명칭과 연결지어 다룸으로써 이 산을 광주 지역사회와의 관련 속에서 이해하는 발판을 마련한 다음, 이어서 無等山 信仰과 無等山歌 그리고 開仙寺址 石燈을 소재로 삼아 주로 통일신라시기의 무등산 내지는 그로써 표상되는 광주 지역사회의 움직임을 더듬어 헤아렸다. 無等山은 늦어도 통일신라 이래 武珍岳이라 불렸다. 무등산이라는 명호가 등장한 것은 고려시기에 들어서였다. 무진악과 무등산은 同語의 異表記로 간주하는 게 보통이다. 그 독음과 의미를 두고는 견해가 대립하는데, ‘무돌뫼’ 혹은 ‘무들뫼’로 달리 읽으면서 각각 ‘무리지어 모인 돌[石]의 산’ 혹은 ‘물[水]이 있는 들녘의 산’으로 풀이한다. 그런데 ‘武’의 일본어 독음인 ‘다케(たけ)’에서 ‘독’[石]이 연상된다. ‘武珍岳’을 ‘독돌뫼’로 읽고 그 의미를 ‘石石山’으로 새기면, 동일어를 중첩해 복수형을 표시한 것으로 이해하여 ‘돌들로 이루어진 산’이라는 풀이가 가능하다. 산마루의 장대한 암석군이 돋보이는 이 산의 명호로서 제격이거니와, 그러한 무진악이 景德王의 漢化政策과 고려왕조의 성립이라는 변화를 거치면서 武等岳(山)을 거쳐 無等山으로 정착되어 오늘에 이르렀다. 광주의 옛 이름으로는 武珍州가 대표적이다. 무진악에서 유래하였거니와 아마도 백제에서는 武珍郡이었던 듯싶은데, 통일신라에 들어 무진주가 성립하면서 고을의 주된 명호로 자리를 잡았다. 광주의 다른 옛 이름인 奴只는 냇물이 흐르는 들녘을 연상시킨다. 광주의 옛 이름들이 무등산 및 그 앞의 들녘에서 유래한 바, 그곳을 터전으로 삼아 온 지역민의 삶을 표상한다는 점에서 자못 함축적이다. 아울러 고을의 주된 명호가 무진주라는 점에서 무진악 곧 무등산이 광주 지역사회를 상징하는 존재임을 확인할 수가 있기도 하다. 무등산신앙은 광주 일원에서 전해오는 민간의 풍속으로서, 무등산을 주재하는 것으로 여겨지는 산신을 숭배하는 전통 관습이다. 광주의 유력한 토착세력을 상징하는 전통시기의 정치적이며 사회·문화적인 습속이었는데, 통일신라에서는 그러한 무등산신앙을 小祀에 편제하여 중앙의 규제를 받도록 정하였다. 왕경을 중심으로 일원적인 통치체제를 정비하는 일환이었는데, 광주의 토착세력은 신라 중앙의 그러한 정책에 꽤나 협조적이었다. ‘무진고성’(무등산고성)의 축조라든지 그 결과 탄생한 무등산가에 함축된 광주 지역사회의 동향에서 헤아릴 수가 있었다. 신라의 백제 병합으로 신라 중앙과 접촉을 시작한 이래, 광주의 토착 유력계층은 중앙귀족에게 협조하는 타협의 길을 걸었다. 중앙귀족과의 연계를 발판으로 삼아 광주를 이끄는 전통적인 유력 사회계층으로서의 위치를 다지며, 나아가 노령 이남에서 토착세력을 대표하는 위상을 확보하고 또 지켜나가고자 하는 게 통일신라시기 광주 지역사회의 선택이었다. 이후 9세기 前半에 이르도록 광주 지역사회의 그러한 방침은 대체로 일관되고 유효하게 작동하였다. 무등산신앙과 무등산가를 더듬어 광주 지역사회와의 관계 속에서 무등산의 존재 의미를 되짚었거니와, 이 산이 광주나 다름없는 상징적 존재임을 거듭 확인할 수가 있었다. 9세기 말엽 광주에 甄萱의 後百濟가 들어섰다. 신라 중앙과 타협하고 중앙귀족에게 협조하던 지역 토착세력이, 기왕의 고식적인 방책을 버리고 왕경 경주의 통제에서 벗어나 독자세력으로 자립하였다. 무등산 開仙寺址 石燈의 銘文에는 그처럼 이제까지와 다른 길을 선택하기에 이른 광주 지역사회의 분위기가 담겨 전한다. 진성여왕 5년(891) 10월 무렵 새겨진 石燈記에 의하면, 開仙寺라 전하는 사찰에서 토지를 매입하는 佛事에 국왕이나 왕실은 관여하지 못하였다. 신라 중앙의 경우도 기껏해야 관여했을 가능성이 짐작되는 정도에 지나지 않았다. 당시 국왕이라든지 신라 중앙에서는 해당 佛事에 가능한 한 참여해야 할 필요가 있었으며, 더불어 그러한 중앙의 요구를 반영하고자 지역사회의 일부에서 애를 썼음에도 불구하고, 그런 수준에 그쳤다. 광주 지역사회의 분위기가 신라에 호의적이지만은 않았음을 암시한다. 아직 신라 중앙과 완전히 단절된 것은 아니었다. 그렇지만 전반적으로 反新羅的인 기운이 만연한 가운데, 저들과의 관계를 되짚으며 새로운 활로를 모색하려는 지역 토착세력의 은밀한 준동이 있었다. 眞聖女王 6년(892) 견훤이 자립하여 스스로 왕을 칭하기에 이르기까지 광주 지역사회의 분위기는 그러하였다. This paper examined Mudeungsan Mountain during the three kingdoms and the Unified Silla period in connection with the Gwangju community. By looking at Mudeungsan Mountain in light of the historical trend of Gwangju, it aims to reveal at least a part of the people’s past lives connected with the mountain. First of all, by connecting the name of Mudeungsan Mountain with the name of the town in Gwangju, it laid the foundation for understanding the mountain in connection with the Gwangju community. And based on the faith of Mudeungsan Mountain, Mudeungsan Song and the stone lantern at Gaeseonsa Temple site, it mainly examined Mudeungsan Mountain and the movement of the Gwangju community represented by it during the Unified Silla period. Mudeungsan Mountain was called Mujinak since the Unified Silla period at the latest. It was during the Goryeo Dynasty that the name Mudeungsan appeared. It is common to regard Mujinak and Mudeungsan as the same words but written differently. There are conflicting views on the reading and meaning. Differently read as “Mudolmoe” or “Mudeulmoe”, they are interpreted as “the mountain of stones gathered in groups” or “the mountain in fields with water”, respectively. However, it reminds us of “Dok”(石) in “Dake”(たけ) which is the Japanese reading sound of “mu(武)”. If “Mujinak(武珍岳)” is read as “Dokdolmoe”, and the meaning is “doldolsan(the mountain of stone and stone)”, it is understood as a plural form by overlapping the same words, and it is possible to interpret the word “the mountain of stones”. It is a perfect name for this mountain, which stands out for its magnificent rock groups. As such Mujinak went through the changes of King Gyeongdeok's Hanwha policy and the establishment of the Goryeo Dynasty, and it was settled as Mudeungsan after passing through Mudeungak(Mudeungsan) and reached today. As the old name of Gwangju, Mujinju is representative. It originated from Mujinak, and it seems that it was probably called Mujingun in Baekje. But when Mujinju was established in the Unified Silla period, it became the main name of the town. Noji, another old name of Gwangju, reminds us of a field where a stream flows. The old names of Gwangju originated from Mudeungsan and the field in front of it, and it is implicit in that it represents the lives of local residents who had lived there. In addition, considering that the main name of the village is Mujinju, it can be confirmed that Mujinak, or Mudeungsan Mountain, is a symbol of the Gwangju community. The faith in Mudeungsan Mountain is a folk custom passed down from the Gwangju area, and is a traditional custom of worshiping the mountain gods who are believed to preside over Mudeungsan Mountain. It was a political, social, and cultural custom in the traditional period that symbolized the influential indigenous power of Gwangju. In the Unified Silla period, the faith of Mudeungsan was organized in rituals to be regulated by the central government. It was part of the reorganization of a unified governing system centered on the capital, and the indigenous powers of Gwangju were quite cooperative with the policy of central Silla. It can be estimated from the construction of “Mujingoseong” (an Old Castle in Mujin, Mudeungsangoseong) and the trends in the Gwangju community contained in the Mudeungsan song. Since the start of contact with the center of Silla by Silla's annexation of Baekje, the indigenous and influential classes of Gwangju had taken a compromise path to cooperate with the central nobility. Based on the connection with the central nobility, it was the choice of the Gwangju community in the Unified Shilla period to establish its position as the traditional influential social class leading Gwangju and furthermore to maintain the status of the indigenous power in the southern region of Noryeong mountain range. Later, until the first half of the 9th century, such policy of the Gwangju community was generally consistent and effective. By looking into the faith of Mudeungsan Mountain and the Mudeungsan song, the meaning of the existence of Mudeungsan Mountain in the relationship with the local community of Gwangju was retraced, and it was repeatedly confirmed that this mountain is a symbolic existence that is Gwangju. At the end of the 9th century, Later Baekje was established in Gwangju by Gyeonhwon. Local indigenous forces that compromised with the central government of Silla and cooperated with the central aristocracy, abandoned their previous tricks, and emerged as independent forces getting out of the control of the capital Gyeongju. The record of the Stone Lantern at Gaeseonsa Temple Site in the Mudeungsan Mountain contains the atmosphere of the Gwangju community, which had taken a different path than before. According to the writings engraved on the stone lantern in the 5th year of Queen Jinseong(891) around October, neither the king nor the royal family were involved in purchasing land at a temple known as Gaesansa Temple. In the case of central Shilla, it was estimated that it was only possible to be involved in the purchase. At that time, the king or the central Silla needed to participate in the work of Buddhism as much as possible, and in spite of the efforts of some of the local communities to reflect the demands of the central government, it was limited to that level. It shows that the atmosphere of the Gwangju community was not favorable to Silla. It was not yet completely cut off from the center of Silla. However, in the midst of the anti-Silla-like atmosphere in general, it is a part where the secret movement of the local indigenous forces trying to find a new way to retrace the relationship with them is detected. In the 6th year of Queen Jinseong(892), the atmosphere of the Gwangju community was like that while Gyeonhwon became independent and called himself king.

광주권번을 통해 본 광주지역 판소리의 전승양상

이명진 ( Lee Myung Jin ) 한국공연문화학회(구 한국고전희곡학회) 2018 공연문화연구 Vol.0 No.36

광주권번은 호남의 대표적인 권번으로 일제강점기부터 1951년 광주국악원이 창립되기 이전까지 광주지역의 국악교육을 수행한 곳이기도 하다 광주국악원 역시 광주권번의 후신으로 광주의 국악교육에 관심이 많았던 지역 유지들이 힘을 모아 세운 기관이다 따라서 근현대 광주 국악사를 거론할 때 광주권번은 빠지지 않는 이름이다 그럼에도 광주권번 자체는 물론관련 연구 등은 아직 미비한 상황이다. 지금까지 파악된 광주권번에 대한 연구는 권번운영과 무용 분야에 집중되어 있었다 그런데 광주는 지역적 특성상 판소리가 활성화되었던 곳이다 1918년 당시 기생에 대한 기록인 _조선미인보감_에 의하면 다른 지역에 비해 광주권번의 기생들은 판소리에 특화되어 있기도 했다 또한 광주권번에서 강사로 활동하고 또 학생으로 교육을 받았던 인물들 중 오늘날 대중적으로 알려진 수많은 명창들이 있다 이들이 증언하는 광주권번과의 인연은 광주지역의 판소리 전승을 이해할 수 있는 중요한 자료들이다 하지만 광주권번과 판소리의 상관성은 아직까지 제대로 연구된 바 없는 실정이다 특히 광주권번에 관한 판소리 명창들의 증언은 현재 파편적으로 존재하고 있어 그 가치를 드러내지 못하고 있다. 광주권번과 광주국악원의 창립은 광주지역 국악인 양성교육을 위한 초기사설학원으로서 판소리 교육의 중요한 기반이 되었으며 광주지역의 국악을 본격적인 궤도에 올린 중요한 계기가 되었다는 점에 의의가 있다 이에 필자는 곳곳에 파편적으로 존재하는 명창들의 증언을 한 곳에 모으는 작업에 중요성을 두고 본 논문을 작성하였다 이를 통해 광주권번과 광주국악원에서 활동했던 명창들의 활약을 재구성할 수 있었고 일제강점기부터 1973년경까지 광주지역의 판소리 전승양상과 가치를 확인할 수 있었다 이 논문을 기점으로 광주지역 판소리에 대한 관심이 증대되고 관련 연구가 보다 활발해지기를 기대한다 As Gwangju Gwonbeon(meaning of a gisaeng call-office) was representative Gwonbeon in Honam area, it educated gugak(Korean traditional music) from the period of Japanese occupation to 1951, the year of foundation of Gwangju gugak center. As Gwangju Gwonbeon’s later self, Gwangju gugak center was also an institution that local influentials interested in the education of gugak of Gwangju region cooperated and built. Therefore, Gwangju Gwonbeon should be considered when premodern and modern history of gugak in Gwangju is mentioned. However, the studies of Gwangju Gwonbeon as well as related studies are still thin. Previous researches related to Gwangju Gwonbeon are mostly focused on the operation and dance of Gwonbeon. However, Gwangju was a region where Pansori was invigorated. According to 『Joseonmiinbogam』, a record of gisaeng(Korean geisha) in 1918, gisaengs of Gwangju Gwonbeon were specialized in Pansori as compared with those of other regions. In addition, today, there are many master singers of Pansori heard by people, among persons who were educated and a lecturer in Gwangju Gwonbeon; therefore, their oral statement is important materials for understanding transmission of Pansori in Gwangju. Nevertheless, the relationship between Gwangju Gwonbeon and Pansori was not studied yet. Especially, oral statement of master singers of Pansori related to Gwangju Gwonbeon was collected partly, as a result, it is not recognized as valuable research materials. Foundation of Gwangju Gwonbeon and Gwangju gugak center became an important basis for education of Pansori as early private institute educating Korean classical musicians in Gwangju. And it is also meaningful as the trigger that gugak in Gwangju was begun in earnest. Therefore, the purpose of this study is reconstruct activities of master singers who worked in Gwangju Gwonbeon and Gwangju gugak center and is to examine transmission and value of Pansori in Gwangju from the period of Japanese occupation to 1973, collecting oral statement of master singers related to Gwangju Gwonbeon. Finally, this study might be helpful for expanding the interest in Pansori and activating related studies.

문화경관(Culture landscape)으로서 광주천 다리의 의미 탐색

송하인(Song, Ha In) 한국사회과교육연구학회 2024 사회과교육 Vol.63 No.4

There are more than 50 bridges in Gwangju River from Mudeungsan Mountain, the origin of Gwangju River, to the point where the Yeongsangang River meets. The Gwangju River Bridge is a cultural landscape created by Gwangju people interacting in time and space. Understanding the bridges of Gwangju River strengthens Gwangju's identity. However, until now, the Gwangju River Bridge has not been recognized as a cultural landscape, and sufficient research has not been conducted. Therefore, in this study, the Gwangju River Bridge was set as a cultural landscape, and how the Gwangju River Bridge has changed over time and what it means to us were examined. As a result of the study, the Gwangju River Bridge was built one by one from the upper to lower Gwangju River over time. During the Joseon Dynasty, the natural environment called Gwangju River prevented the exchange of status. Since it was mainly made in the form of trees and stone bridges, exchanges between the yangban and the common people were not active. During the Gwangju River purification project in Japanese colonial era, the Gwangju River Bridge was changed to a modern concrete form, and accordingly, there was a reorganization of power and wealth. In the modern era, the Gwangju River Bridge is transforming into a great art and leisure space. As such, Gwangjucheon Bridge has various meanings over time, and social studies education should continue to work on knowing the meaning and thinking about how to create a new one.

광주 흥학관의 장소성 연구

이동순 한민족문화학회 2023 한민족문화연구 Vol.83 No.-

흥학관은 최명구가 기증한 공간으로 광주의 중요한 일을 결정하는 장소로 존재한다는 사실을 확인하였다. 즉 흥학관은 광주 청년운동의 거점 공간이며, 광주 노동운동의 거처이며, 민족운동과 민족교육 현장으로 자리매김 된다. 흥학관은 광주청년운동의 거점 공간으로 광주청년회와 광주청년연맹, 광주소년연맹, 광주부인회가 흥학관에서 탄생했고 그곳을 거점 삼아 활동을 전개하였으며, 광주 노동운동의 거처로서 흥학관은 광주노동공제회를 비롯한 노동조합이 흥학관에 자리를 잡고 차별 없는 세상을 향한 목소리를 높였으며 민족운동의 근거지이자 민족교육의 현장으로 근대 광주를 가장 잘 보여준 공간이 흥학관이었던 것이다. 그리고 신간회 광주지회를 비롯하여 야학과 유치원, 간이학교가 되었던 흥학관은 광주교육의 산실로서 제도교육을 대신한 곳이기도 하다. 시대의 변천 속에서 해방 후 광주시의회로 쓰였던 흥학관은 일반인에게 매도된 뒤 흔적도 없이 사라졌지만 공간이 없다고 해서 장소성을 상실한 것은 아니다. 따라서 공간이 장소가 되기까지 흥학관에서 있었던 특별한 경험은 장소성으로 구현되어 기억되고 역사가 되어 흐른다는 것을 확인한 셈이다. Heunghakgwan was a space donated by Choi Myung-gu and confirmed that it exists as a place to determine important tasks in Gwangju. The location of Heunghakgwan was confirmed through the fact that it was the base space of the Gwangju Youth Movement, the residence of the Gwangju Labor Movement, and the site of national movement and national education. As a base space for the Gwangju Youth Movement, the Gwangju Youth Association, the Gwangju Youth Federation, the Gwangju Youth Federation, and the Gwangju Women’s Association were born at Heunghakgwan, and activities were carried out based on Heunghakgwan. As the residence of the Gwangju Labor Movement, Heunghakgwan was established in Heunghakgwan by labor unions, including the Gwangju Labor Mutual Aid Association, and raised the voice of workers toward a world without discrimination. In addition, Heunghakgwan was the base of the national movement and the site of national education that best showed the modern Gwangju spirit. Heunghakgwan, which became a night school, kindergarten education, and simplified school, including the Gwangju Branch of Singanhoe, is the birthplace of Gwangju education and replaced institutional education. Heunghakgwan, which was used as the Gwangju City Council after liberation amid the changes of the times, disappeared without a trace after being sold to the general public, but the lack of space does not mean that it has lost its place. Therefore, it was confirmed that the special experience at Heunghakgwan until the space became a place was embodied, remembered, and passed as a history.

광주지역 교방과 권번, 광주시립국악원의 한국전통춤 교육 연구

공진희 영남춤학회 2023 영남춤학회誌 Vol.11 No.1

The goal of the study is to advance reforms in dance education for the future by providing a summary of the past, present, and future of Korean traditional dance education in Gyo Bang, Kwon Byeon, and Gwangju Gugakwon. Gyobang, Kwonbun, Gwangju Gugakwon, and Gwangju National Gugakwon—the centres of Korean traditional dance education in modern and contemporary Gwangju-are the categories and subjects of the study. The research approach was based on interviews with Yein, who attended Gwangju Gugakwon from 1950 to 1984, as well as a literature review, data analysis, and interview survey. The traditional dance education in Gwangju is vital as a learning environment because it serves as the basis for the fork dance that represents Korea and is passed on through the school system and titles. Additionally, Gwangju Gugakwon was founded to train Gugak musicians and place an emphasis on the development of local musical talent through thorough instruction in Honam singing, dance, and music. Since then, the Gwangju Gugakwon, the first Gwangju National Gugak Center whose management has been formerly under the control of the Gwangju Metropolitan Government, has taken the lead in the succession of traditional dances. As a result, the emphasis of Korean traditional dance education in Gwangju has been on passing down tradition. Through this flow and thesis, we want to emphasise the need for curricular reforms in dance education in order to develop the human resources that will help the new society built on the legacy of traditional arts generate the inheritance of tradition that is necessary.

문화적 의미를 통해 본 ‘광주의 빛’ 연구

정윤정(Jeong, Yun Jeong),김진아(Kim, Jin A) 한국전시산업융합연구원 2014 한국과학예술융합학회 Vol.17 No.-

광주의 지명에서 유래된 ‘빛고을’은 1980년대부터 광주를 지칭해온 별칭이다. 이를 계기로 광주시는 광산업을 적극 진흥하기 시작했고, 빛의 모티브를 문화산업으로 확장?적용해 왔다. 특히 ‘빛’은 광주시에서 최근 몇 년간 개최된 문화예술 관련 행사와 공간기획에서 독보적인 키워드로 대두되었다. 그러나 산업과 문화행사를 위한 활용에 비해 그 근간이 되는 빛의 의미에 대한 진지한 논의와 연구는 미비하였으며, 광주는 주로 빛의 물리적인 특징에 연계된 경제적 효과 창출에 집중해 왔음을 알 수 있었다. 본 연구는 이러한 문제의식 아래 광주시가 왜 빛이라는 개념을 이용하여 도시를 브랜딩하고 있으며, 광주의 빛이 과연 무엇이고 어떻게 규정되어야하는지에 대한 비평적 고찰을 수행하고자 했다. 우선 빛의 과학적, 정신적, 문화적 정의와 의미를 짚어보고 광주 지명의 역사적 유래와 광산업, 5?18 운동과 관련된 빛의 개념을 추적하였다. 그리고 현재 광주시에서 진행되고 있는 빛 관련 문화행사 중 ‘광주세계光엑스포’와 ‘미디어아트페스티벌’을 분석하고 문제점을 도출하였다. 이러한 문화행사의 확산 속에서 무엇보다 필요한 것은 빛의 의미에 대한 인문학적, 문화적 숙고라 간주하며, 광주의 빛이 나아가야 할 방향에 대해 다음과 같이 제안한다. 첫째, 광주의 빛은 과학기술과 문화예술이 조화를 이룬 융합의 형태를 지향해야한다. 둘째, 동양의 음양사상과 서양의 해체주의를 바탕으로 과학과 예술, 산업과 문화, 물질과 정신 등의 이분법적인 사고와 위계질서들에 대해 도전해가는 과정이어야 한다. 셋째, 광주의 민주, 인권 정신을 바탕으로 이를 실천하는 열린 개념이어야 할 것이다. 지역의 경제 발전이라는 목표 아래 급격하게 진행되어온 문화산업의 흐름 속에서 그동안 소외되어왔던 광주의 역사와 정신을 담은 빛의 의미 및 그 표현에 대한 진지한 연구와 더불어 광주가 지향해야 할 빛의 방향에 대한 논의가 필요한 시점이다. ‘Light Village’ was named after the place name of Gwangju and has been used as another name that indicated Gwangju after 1980s. Emphasizing the name of ‘Light Village’, the city of Gwangju has been literally and actively supporting the optical electronics industry in the subject of ‘light’ and started expanding the scope of the motif of light into the cultural industry. Especially, the light has been in a limelight as a matchless keyword in the field of cultural and artistic events and spaces for the past few years. However, compared to how Gwangju has been branding the city with the light as a major industry or an event, an in-depth discussion of the meaning of ‘Light of Gwangju’ is currently superficially dealt with. This study started from an inquiry as to what was the origin of ‘Light Village’ in Gwangju with an awareness of an issue along with the meaning of the light in Gwangju and also why the city of Gwangju is currently branding the city by using the light. Hereupon, this study was intended to analyze the cultural events and spaces in progress in Gwangju and to define the identity and the meaning of the light in Gwangju based on aforementioned consideration of the light. First of all, the light of Gwangju not only is in the form of industrial light in the perspective of scientific technology but also pursues to the unified form in harmonization with cultural art. Secondly, the light of Gwangju is based on the open thought derived from the harmonization of yin and yang idea East Asia and also de-constructivism in the Western world including the brightness as well as darkness behind. Third, it is suggested to establish the identity of the light of Gwangju in connection with democracy and human right as a spirit of Gwangju and also regard it as an opened concept not in the fixed concept and form but in the relationship. Therefore, it shall be a continuous course for criticizing and removing the trends that exclude dichotomous thought and an order of rank. In the flow of cultural industry of Gwangju city rapidly accompanied for the rapid local economic development, it is of an assignment to identify how to research and develop the light in the history and spirit of Gwangju.

일제강점기 전남 광주의 소방조 창설과 화재

이성우,한규무 숭실대학교 역사문물연구소 2019 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.43

The origin of a modern fire fighting agency in the Gwangju area was the private volunteer fire department formed by the Japanese in 1907. Based on this fire department, the fire fighting service was established in the area in 1911. It was first managed by the veterans' association of Gwangju, and its duties were transferred to the Hygiene and Fire Fighting Association of Gwangju in 1914. They were later transferred back to the office of Gwangju Myeon in 1917. Going through this process, the fire fighting service of Gwangju was closely connected to various institutions of Gwangju including the police and the myeon and eup offices. The executives of the fire fighting service including the director and deputy director were community leaders as private citizens, and most of the members engaged in their respective occupations. Following commands from the police according to the rules, the fire fighting service also performed its roles as a lower or auxiliary organization. They were mobilized to suppress the demonstrations on the March 1 Independence Movement and the Students' Movement of Gwangju. They were frequently dispatched to prevent flood damage and save human lives. An organization for the prevention of flood damage was newly installed in 1935, but members of the fire fighting service also served as members of the organization in many cases. In 1937 when the war footing system was reinforced, the Japanese Empire integrated the fire fighting service and the organization for the prevention of flood damage into the security and defense organization. The new security and defense organization was formed in Gwangju in 1939. The number of fires made a rapid increase in the Gwangju area in the 1930s. Fires happened in the area so often that newspaper articles were published titled "Recent Gwangju under the Curse of Fire Demon" and "Gwangju Town Infamous for Frequent Fires in Recent 4∼5 Years(1934)." The overwhelming cause of these fires was an accident, but arson cases started to emerge due to grudge, foolish passion, and insurance money by the time. The frequency of fires was higher in spring than winter. Most of the fires were caused by a careless accident. The fires happened at houses and stores in many cases. The casualties included six deaths and 14 injuries. Big fire cases of those days included the fires at the Gwangju Youth Center(December, 1925), at the office of Gwangju-kun(September, 1931), at the Sijesa Corporation in Jeonnam(January, 1933), at the Gwangju Jejungwon(October, 1933), and at the Public Primary School of Gwangju(December, 1933). These fires took place at agencies such as youth centers, government offices, factories, hospitals, and schools, suffering enormous damage and having huge impacts on the communities.