‘그린데탕트’를 통한 남북협력의 추진 과제

홍석훈(Sukhoon Hong) 고려대학교 공공정책연구소 2023 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.9 No.2

불투명한 남북관계 속에서도 윤석열 정부는 남북 그린데탕드 등 남북 접경지역을 활용한 남북협력 방안을 제시했다. 윤석열 정부는 110대 국정과제에 ‘남북 그린데탕트’ 구현을 통한 미세먼지, 자연재난 공동대응 등 남북 환경협력 강화와 접경지역의 ‘그린평화지대화’ 방안 등을 담고 있다. 남북관계 개선을 위한 화해협력과 한반도 평화정착을 위해 남북교류협력은 매우 중요하며, 한반도 통일을 준비하기 위해서 지속 가능한 대북정책 추진을 위해서도 다양한 분야에서 남북교류사업이 활발하게 이루어지는 것은 매우 중요하다. 21세기에는 환경, 기후, 젠더 관련 이슈를 안보 정책 틀에 적절하게 통합하려는 노력이 이루어지고 있다. 이러한 포괄적 안보 개념은 남북관계에도 적용될 수 있을 것이다. 특히, 남북 접경지역인 DMZ는 평화적 이용이 가능한 지역으로 이 지역에 관한 남북협력 연구도 중요하다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 DMZ 지역을 활용한 남북협력 증진 방안에 대한 논의를 검토하고, 남북 접경지역을 활용한 ‘그린데탕트’ 정책 등 우리 정부가 추진해야 할 지속 가능한 대북정책 방안을 논의한다. Despite the uncertainty in inter-Korean relations, the Yoon Seok-yeol government proposed a plan for inter-Korean cooperation utilizing the inter-Korean border areas, such as the North-South Green Détende. The Yoon administration's 110 national tasks include strengthening inter-Korean environmental cooperation, such as joint response to fine dust and natural disasters through the implementation of 'North-South green détente', and a plan to 'turn the border area into a green peace zone' With the emergence of the importance of human security in the 21st century, efforts are being made to appropriately integrate gender issues, environment and climate-related issues into the peace and security policy framework, and establish a peace system. The concept of comprehensive security can also be applied to inter-Korean relations. Since the DMZ, the border area between North and South Korea, is a space for peaceful use, research on inter-Korean cooperation in this area have to continue. Therefore, this paper examines discussions on ways to promote inter-Korean cooperation using the DMZ area and discusses sustainable North Korea policy measures that the Korean government should pursue, such as the ‘green détente’ policy using the North-South border area.

북한 체육정책을 통해 본 김정은 시대 취약계층 인권 연구

허정필(Jeongpil Heo) 고려대학교 공공정책연구소 2023 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.9 No.2

The international community and South Korea have long raised concerns about human rights issues in North Korea and called for change in North Korea. This study focused on the social and cultural rights of vulnerable groups among the international community's raising of human rights issues against North Korea, and focused on how North Korea responded and changed. In particular, we confirmed policy responses to and changes in the social and cultural rights of North Korea's vulnerable classes (women, children, and the disabled), focusing on physical education, which has been a priority since Kim Jong-un took power. The main results are as follows: First, it is a response by establishing a legal system. As the international community continued to emphasize the suppression of social and cultural rights of vulnerable groups (women, children, and the disabled) in North Korea, North Korea enacted the “Women’s Rights Guarantee Act” in 2010, revised and supplemented it in 2011 and 2015, and established the “Children’s Rights Guarantee Act.” Enacted in 2010, amended and supplemented in 2014, 「Child Care and Education Act」 amended and supplemented in 2013, 「Childcare Act」 enacted in 2022, 「Protection of Persons with Disabilities Act」 amended and supplemented in 2013, 「Act on Guaranteeing the Rights of Persons with Disabilities」 enacted in 2023. It was enacted in response to issues raised by the international community. Second, there is a change in policy. After Kim Jong-un came to power, North Korea established national policies centered on the field of sports, which is apolitical and can produce rapid results. In particular, a new National Sports Guidance Committee related to the field of sports was established to appoint key people in power and quickly promote national policies. Sports policies were also promoted to promote the social and cultural rights of vulnerable groups. Representative examples include the promotion of the '3.8 Women's Day Festival' event for women, the promotion of a policy to praise female athletes, the encouragement of height growth sports activities for children and youth, and the promotion of youth sports competitions and competitions. We promoted policies to build facilities, establish childcare, treatment, and education systems for the disabled, and foster athletes. Third, there are changes in facilities. To ensure the social and cultural rights of vulnerable groups in North Korea, major social, cultural and sports convenience facilities were built and spaces for enjoyment were provided. Additionally, major recovery centers and schools were newly built and renovated to improve the welfare of the disabled. The main implication of this study is that as the international community continues to raise human rights issues against North Korea, North Korea continues to pursue efforts to comply with international human rights standards in the process of internationalization and globalization. 국제사회와 남한은 대북 인권 문제에 대해 오랫동안 문제를 제기하면서 북한의 변화를 촉구했다. 본 연구는 국제사회의 대북 인권 문제제기 중 취약계층의 사회문화적 권리에 집중해서 북한의 어떻게 대응하고 변화했는지 주목했다. 특히 김정은 집권 이후 우선적으로 강조했던 체육을 중심으로 북한 취약계층(여성, 아동, 장애인)의 사회문화적 권리 정책 대응 및 변화를 확인 했다. 주요 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 법 체계 구축을 통한 대응이다. 국제사회가 북한 취약계층(여성, 아동, 장애인) 사회문화적 권리 탄압을 지속적으로 강조하자, 북한은 「여성권리보장법」을 2010년에 제정하고 2011년과 2015년에 수정보충, 「아동권리보장법」을 2010년에 제정하고 2014년에 수정보충, 「어린이보육교양법」2013년 수정보충, 「육아법」을 2022년에 제정, 「장애자보호법」2013년에 수정보충, 「장애인권리보장법」2023년에 제정하여 국제사회 문제제기에 대응했다. 둘째, 정책의 변화이다. 김정은 집권 이후 북한은 탈정치적이면서도 신속한 성과를 도출할 수 있는 체육 분야를 중심으로 국가 정책을 수립했다. 특히 체육 분야 관련 국가체육지도위원회를 새롭게 신설하여 주요 권력자들을 포진하고 국가 정책을 신속하게 추진했다. 취약계층 사회문화 권리 신장을 위한 체육정책도 추진되었으며, 대표적으로 여성을 위한 ‘3.8부녀절 축제’ 행사 추진과 여성 체육인 칭송 정책 추진, 아동 및 유소년을 위한 키성장 체육 활동 권장과 유소년 체육경기대회 및 시설을 건립하는 정책 추진, 장애인을 위한 보육·치료·교육 체계를 구축하고 체육선수를 양성하는 정책을 추진했다. 셋째, 시설의 변화이다. 북한 취약계층 사회문화적 권리를 위해 주요 사회문화체육 편의시설을 건립하고 즐길 공간을 제공했다. 그리고 주요 회복원, 학교 등을 신축 및 개건하여 장애인들의 복지를 개선했다. 본 연구를 통한 주요 함의로 국제사회가 대북 인권문제를 지속적으로 제기할수록 북한은 국제화·세계화 과정에서 국제 인권 표준을 준수하려는 노력을 지속적으로 추진한다는 것이다.

김정은 시대 문화정책과 남북 문화교류 방향

박영하 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2022 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.8 No.2

In the Kim Jong Un era, North Korean cultural policy can be broadly divided into 'Securing legitimacy through Baekdu bloodline', 'Modernization and internationalization in pursuit of a normal state', and 'Achieving a powerful socialist civilization'. North Korean culture in the Kim Jong Un era can be seen as having a complex character in which the 'national tradition' and 'modern culture' are combined. Based on these characteristics of the cultural policy of the Kim Jong Un era, this thesis examines the status of each culture, such as music, performing arts, dance, and sports, and promotes 'exchanges to form homogeneity' and 'exchanges to restore homogeneity' between the residents of the South and North Korea.' and suggested two directions for inter-Korean cultural exchange. In both South and North Korean societies, a new generation without “memories of war” is growing as a social leader, so future generations must form a new “homogeneity” and lead the process of unification and integration. In addition, the “recovery of homogeneity” of the nation should be promoted together by reflecting on the history of the nation shared by our people. 김정은 시대에 들어와 북한 문화정책의 특징은 크게 ‘백두혈통을 통한 정통성 확보’, ‘정상국가를 추구하는 현대화·국제화’, ‘사회주의 문명강국 달성’으로 구분 지을 수 있다. 김정은 시대의 북한 문화는 기존의 ‘민족적 전통’과 ‘현대적 문화’가 결합된 복합적 성격을 띠고 있다고 볼 수 있다. 이와 같은 김정은 시대 문화정책의 특징을 바탕으로 본 논문은 음악, 공연예술, 무용, 체육 등 각 문화 별 현황을 살펴보고, 남북 주민 간 ‘동질성 형성을 위한 교류 추진’과 ‘동질성 회복을 위한 교류 추진’ 등 2가지 남북 문화교류 방향을 제시했다. 우선 남북한 사회 모두에서 ‘전쟁의 기억’이 없는 새로운 세대가 사회주역으로 성장하고 있으므로 미래세대가 새로운 ‘동질성 형성’을 이루어 통일과 통합의 과정을 주도하도록 하여야 한다. 또한 우리민족이 공유하는 민족의 역사를 함께 되새겨 민족의 ‘동질성 회복’ 역시 함께 추진되어야 한다.

북한인권정책 우선순위에 관한 연구

김윤태(YunTae Kim) 고려대학교 공공정책연구소 2023 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.9 No.2

본 연구의 목적은 북한인권개선을 위한 국가별 인권정책의 현황과 실태를 파악하여 북한인권정책의 중요도와 우선순위를 도출해 북한인권정책 수립과 실행에 유의미한 시사점을 제공하기 위함이다. 먼저, 포커스그룹 인터뷰(FGI)를 활용하여 5개의 정책유형과 20개의 세부과제를 도출하였으며, 계층분석기법(AHP)을 통한 실증분석을 진행하여 북한인권정책의 중요도와 우선순위를 파악하였다. 북한인권정책의 우선순위로는 인권보호(31.8%), 인권외교(24.8%), 인권제도(19.5%), 인권역량(16.1%), 인권대화(7.8%) 순으로 중요한 것으로 파악되었다. 북한인권정책 우선순위 및 최종 중요도에서는 북한인권 피해사례 유엔청원 및 구제활동(1위), 북한인권법의 정상적 이행(2위), 유엔 북한인권결의안 지속 채택(3위), 제3국에서의 탈북자 신변보호 및 안전조치(4위), 이산가족·납북자·국군포로 문제의 해결(5위)을 가장 우선적인 정책과제로 선정됐다. 본 연구는 정책적 시사점으로 ①접근 가능하고, 입증 가능한 북한인권개선 주창, ②강도 높고, 효과적이며, 일관성 있는 대북인권관여의 지속, ③비정상의 정상화를 통한 북한인권법의 정상적 이행, ④국민적 공감대 형성과 사회적 합의 우선, ⑤북한과의 인권대화 및 기술협력의 필요성을 제시한다. This study aims to assess the current state of human rights policies in North Korea, identify key areas for improvement, and suggest the significance of enhancing human rights in the country. Employing focus group interviews (FGI), I identified five policy categories and 20 specific issues, followed by an empirical hierarchical analysis (AHP) to ascertain their relative importance and priorities. The analysis ranked the policy categories as follows: human rights protection (31.8%), human rights diplomacy (24.8%), human rights system (19.5%), human rights capacity (16.1%), and human rights dialogue (7.8%). Regarding detailed policy priorities, the results revealed the most urgent to be petitioning the United Nations and assisting victims of North Korean human rights abuses (1st), effectively implementing North Korean human rights laws (2nd), maintaining the adoption of the UN Resolutions on North Korean Human Rights (3rd), securing protection measures for North Korean defectors in third countries (4th), and resolving issues related to separated families, abductees, and POWs (5th). From these findings, I propose several policy implications: (1) advocating for measurable and verifiable improvements in North Korea's human rights; (2) ensuring robust, effective, and consistent human rights engagement with North Korea; (3) normalizing the execution of North Korean human rights laws by addressing existing irregularities; (4) prioritizing societal consensus and agreement; and (5) stressing the necessity for human rights dialogues and technical cooperation with North Korea.

Research on Intellectual Property Right Dispute among Nations: A Case of "China-EU Geographical Indications Dispute over FETA Cheese" and Implications for North Korea

황기식,Sheng nan wang,Ru xie 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2018 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.4 No.1

According to the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) under World Trade Organization(WTO), geographical indications(GIs) is one of the intellectual property rights. As an important intellectual property, GIs not only have economic value, but also play a significant role in terms of the culture of a region, a nation, and even a country. Therefore, the European Union(EU) takes the intellectual property strategy as an important international conversation, especially the protection of GIs. The 2017 China-EU Bilateral Agreement on GIs has completed the thirteenth round of negotiations.1)This negotiation has also provided many new perspectives for China's geographical indication system. 2)Both China and the EU have a long history and culture. Moreover, there are many high-quality and high-reputation on geographical indication products. At the same time, 3)China and the EU face many challenges in the protection of geographical indication products. 4)For example: Why is there a difference in the concept of geographical indication protection in China? Why are Chinese consumers less aware of GIs? And how can Chinese geographical indication products easily enter into the EU market? This paper compares the geographical indication protection legislation and practice between China and the EU, and analyzes the disputes of the EU and China on the protection of GIs in 2017 with respect to the case of “FETA cheese”, and study the case of “FETA” cheese in the 2002 of EU dispute of GIs. This paper points out the differences between disputed cases of geographical indication protection between China and the EU, and the geographical indication products of China on how they easily enter the EU market and enjoy the same preferential policies as the European Union's geographical indication products offer inspiration and strategic advices. North Korean- South Korea summit on April 27, 2018 and the upcoming US-North Korea summit on June 12, 2018 can be seen that North Korea currently needs economic and market development. The solutions of dispute cases through the analysis of GIs in China and Western countries will provide considerable help and inspiration for the development of North Korea’s future economic market. Currently, on the occasion of the North-South Summit and the North Korea-US Summit, a study of the case of China is considered extremely valuable for North Korea at a time when South Korea and North Korea are attempting to become one state. We hope that this research will trigger further studies on North Korea's changes.

스마트그린 산업단지를 활용한 남북 산업협력 방안

김수정,김영민,정유석 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2022 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.8 No.2

남북관계는 경색국면이 장기화되고, 미국과 중국의 패권경쟁 심화 등의 국제정세가 악화되면서 남북교류협력의 재개가 쉽지 않은 상황이 이어지고 있다. 또한 코로나19 이후 세계 경제 환경은 급격한 변화를 겪고 있다. 이 중에서도 가장 큰 변화는 기후변화 대응과 글로벌 공급망 재편이라는 패러다임의 변화이다. 이러한 글로벌 트렌드에 부합하는 남북경제협력 모델을 구상하여 변화된 환경에 대비하여야 하겠다. 이를 통한 남북공동경제발전의 새로운 방향성을 제시하고 궁극적으로 대북 협력을 모색하는 우리 기업의 새로운 성장 모멘텀 제공을 하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다. 본 연구에서는 변화된 외부적 조건을 고려하여 남북 스마트그린 산업단지를 활용한 남북 산업협력 방안을 제안하였다. 이를 위해 과거 남북 산업협력 추진 경험으로부터의 교훈, 최근 기후위기 대응과 관련한 글로벌 규범 강화, 해외 수출 전략으로서의 공급망 진입 필요성을 전반적으로 살펴보았다. 또한 전 세계가 지향하고 있는 제품 생산 공정의 탄소 감축 및 친환경 생산품을 위한 구상도 포함하였다. 결국 스마트그린 산업단지는 남북 산업협력이 기후위기와 국제 통상질서 변화에 조응한 고도화된 산업협력을 추진한다. 이를 통해 안정적인 공급망을 구축하고 북한은 이에 기초하여 글로벌 공급망에의 진입의 발판을 마련할 수 있다면, 남북 경제협력 추진의 필요성과 동력을 확보할 수 있을 것이다. 남북 산업협력이 친환경적인 방식으로 전개된다면 한국과 북한 모두에게 새로운 기회가 확보될 수 있다. 한국에게는 녹색・친환경 제품의 생산기지 건설을 통해 향후 확산될 글로벌 친환경 공급망에서 역할을 확대하는 기회가 될 수 있다. 북한에게는 양질의 생산품을 소비할 수 있는 기회, 산업 경쟁력을 확보하여 글로벌 공급망에 진입할 수 있는 기회, 산업 생산을 활성화할 수 있는 기회가 확보될 수 있다. 더 나아가 남북 산업협력이 ‘친환경’, ‘친기후’이라는 브랜드로 국제적 인식이 확산된다면 한국은 글로벌 기후위기 대응을 위한 국제협력을 선도하는 원조 공여국으로서의 위상이 강화될 수 있을 것이다.

문재인 정부의 대북정책: 특징과 과제

하상식 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2018 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.4 No.1

This study aims to characterize the Moon Jae-in Government’s Policy on the Korean Peninsula, and to find out some tasks and expectations of the policy. The highest priority of the policy is peace, not reunification. Peace can be achieved, this policy assumes, by denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, which in turn can be achieved by providing security of the North Korean regime. This policy is based on the liberalist perspective on the international politics, prefers a soft-landing to a hard-landing on the course of transition for opening North Korea. This emphasizes ‘engagement’ or carrot as the main policy means, but tries to maintain ‘pressure’ or stick until North Korea shows its willingness for denuclearization. This policy also maintains Korea-led initiative emphasizing inter-Korean reconciliations and cooperation. The strategy for denuclearization is a step-by-step and comprehensive approach based on ‘security-to-security exchange’ manner. The success of this policy depends on developing a ‘win-set’ for the exchange both North Korea and the United States. North Korea should neither try ‘peace with nuclear weapons,’nor the United States ‘unconditional surrender’ without providing North Korea’s regime stability. Here lies the Moon jae-in Government’s role by providing creative compromise proposals and promoting trust between the two.

평화경제 추진 과정 평가와 과제

이혜정(Hae Jung, Lee) 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2020 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.6 No.2

The New Economic Initiative on the Korean Peninsula, which aims to promote balanced development of the national economy and joint prosperity between the two Koreas through the experience of inter-Korean economic cooperation over the past three decades and the results of high-level inter-Korean and summit agreements, can be regarded as the result of intense consideration of the present and future of inter-Korean economic cooperation. The South Korean government s new economic initiative on the Korean Peninsula, the North Korean government s concerns about economic development and stability of the people s livelihoods, and its willingness to revitalize the economic development zone were met to produce the April 27 Panmunjom Declaration and the September 19 Pyongyang Joint Declaration in 2018. The agreement between the leaders of the two Koreas in 2018 is significant in that it reflects the ideas related to inter-Korean economic cooperation that the conservative and progressive camps of the South have so far pursued or conceived. In particular, the fact that North Korea accepted the South s proposal for cooperation in the form of a special East-West Sea zone reflecting its economic development zone policy raises expectations that new economic cooperation on the Korean Peninsula will be possible, which is different from the previous inter-Korean economic cooperation. In light of 33 years of experience in inter-Korean economic cooperation, in order to realize a peace-economy through the new economic initiative on the Korean Peninsula, the principle of reciprocity, support, and cooperation based on the consensus of the international community, national consensus, and the activeness of private proponents should be guaranteed. In order to realize the New Economic Initiative on the Korean Peninsula, it should be based on an understanding of the interests and intentions of its counterpart, North Korea, and it can secure momentum by making neighboring countries on the Korean Peninsula feel that they can become direct beneficiaries of a peace-economy. In order to realize a peace-economy, the government should push ahead with its policies with public support and consensus on balanced development and joint prosperity of the national economy in mind. Creative and active business activities by entrepreneurs are also essential in order to produce economic results of creating new growth engines that the Korean Peninsula s new economic initiative aims to achieve.

지속가능한 한반도의 평화번영을 위한 남북 에너지협력: 남북 에너지넥서스 구축을 중심으로

나용우 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2019 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.5 No.2

This paper tries to search for the new cooperation model between two Koreas, which will make the inter-Korean relationships more sustainable. To meditate the disputes between two actors who have suffered from many conflicts, it is necessary to make mutual confidence building measures. These measures can be realized based on an increase of mutual interests, not a political rhetoric. In this respect, this paper focuses on the energy as a first step of the confidence building mechanism between two Koreas. It is more important that energy cooperation on the Korean peninsula can give important opportunities for making the regional cooperation among the northeast Asian countries as well as the improvement of inter-Korean relations. In this context, this paper analyzes on the current states and problems of North Korean energy. Based on this evaluation, some areas or projects (ex. south Korea-North Korea-Russia pipelines, electric super grid) which expand the mutual benefits of the two Koreas can be extracted. This energy cooperation can be interconnected with each other. Through this energy network, a virtuous circle of Korean energy nexus among security, prosperity and identity can be constructed.

북·중 동맹 관계의 변화 전망- 북한의 제3·4·5차 핵실험에 따른 『인민일보』 보도 분석을 중심으로 -

김에스라,장석준 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2017 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.3 No.1

Since the conclusion of Sino-North Korean Mutual Aid and Cooperation Friendship Treaty in 1961, China and North Korea have achieved a strong partnership over last 50 years. However, sings and symptoms of changes in status of the alliance were detected by internal and external changes in both countries. The alliance seemed to last for an eternity but this change would lead change of perspective of China on issues of the Korean Peninsula in consequence. By analyzing People’s Daily-Organ of Communist Party of China-coverage about 3rd, 4th, and 5th nuclear test of North Korea, this research prospects the change of China in the future. As China is in a dilemma between abandon and complicity, they are keeping their position in Sino-North Korean relationship. China added security interests to its three principles for North Korean denuclearization to avoid look of complicity. In contrast, China also controls the level of sanctions against North Korea to avoid North Korea to leave the alliance. China would prosecute the policy which could optimize the alliance dilemma and this would allows China to plays role of a manager of the nuclear issues of North Korea not a role of problem solver. China will continue seeking the balance on nuclear issues of North Korea.