황시(黃時)간 시(詩) 연구(硏究)

황만기 ( Man Ki Hwang ) 우리한문학회 2011 漢文學報 Vol.25 No.-

The study on Hwang Si-gan has not been reported to the academia yet. Thus, this paper introduces his life, and companionship, also a part of his poems. Hwang Si-gan was from Sangju (present Mungyeong), and was the seventh generation of Hwang Hui(黃喜), whose honored name is Bang Chon (방村). Since after Jangsu Hwang`s clan settled down in Daedor-ri, Sangju, the clan members firmly positioned at the town by the time of Hwang Si-gan. In particular, he showed his talent in writing poems, and the people in those days classed him with Jeong Gyeong-se, also known as his pen name, Ubok, as two greatest poets: Hwang had a distinguished talent in writing poems and Jeong in writing rhythm prose(黃詩鄭賦, pronounced Hwangsi, Jeongbu). Also, Hwang Si-gan was called a member of ``Sangsan Sano`` (商山四老, Four sages in the Mountain, Sangsan) together with Lee Jun(李埈), also known as pen name, Changseok(蒼石); Jeong Gyeong-se (鄭經世), aka Ubok(愚伏); and Jeon Sik (全湜), aka Saseo (沙西). In addition to them, he used to associate with Lee Jeon (李□), aka Wolgan(月澗); Go In-gye (高仁繼), aka Wolbong (月峯), and Go Sang-an(高尙顔), aka Taechon (泰村). Hwang Si-gan was a person who pursued pastoral and secluded life. Even though he entered the government service in his later years, at the age of 67, and promoted to Hyeongjo Jeongnang (刑曹 正郞, a section chief of the Ministry of Punishments), his career in the government post merely resulted from a scholar`s desire to join the conference in the royal court to follow his political ideals, which was usually grown from the classical scholars in those days, his government position was not the ultimate goal of his life. So, he ended his career as government official for five years by quitting the magistrate post of Samga county in the last place, and, eventually, he returned to his home where he could enjoy his pastoral life. Based on his traces as such, this paper investigated his poems by dividing it largely into four categories. First, the paper traced such lifestyle as; not seeking the wealth and honors, but live at your ease even under the state of being poor knowing how to satisfy yourself, in short, Anbinsudo(安貧守道, in literal sense, satisfying with what you have and keeping focused on the righteous path) Second, he had experienced both Japanese invasion of 1592 and the Manchu war of 1636, so then he depicted such hard life in his poems, joy and sorrow, during the years of war in a realistic and vivid manner. Third, Hwang Si-gan had a desire to serve as a government official, so that he entered the government service following the recommendation. Meanwhile, however, the point of his public service career for five years and the goal thereof was returning home. This paper studied his works with a focus on the poems that expressed his feeling and heart in those moments. Lastly, the paper analyzed his life after returning hometown, which he was yearning for even in his dreams, through his poetic pieces

안동지역 효 관련 누정과 시판에 담긴 의미

황만기 ( Hwang¸ Man-ki ) 한국한시학회 2021 韓國漢詩硏究 Vol.29 No.-

This paper is a study of filial piety and poetry among the pavilions in Andong. Andong is the origin of Confucianism widely known as Churojihyang (鄒魯之鄕, the hometown of Confucius and Mencius), and the region of competent men producing many outstanding individuals including Toegye. In Andong from which lots of Confucian scholars have come, numerous pavilions lie scattered around in its mountains, rivers, valleys and streams. Some of them were built for the purpose of compensation or academic studies, but Samgujeong (三龜亭), Aeildang(愛日堂), and Baekwunjeong(白雲亭) are different from other pavilions in that they were built for filial duty. Samgujeong located in Pungsan (豐山) in the western area of Andong was built with the filial love of wishing for longevity of one's mother, Ye Cheon-kwon, rather than for a beautiful scenery. So to speak, it's a pavilion with filial piety. The ideology of filial piety in Samgujeong has been the example of the spirit of the times until now even after 500 years, which helps its visitors to meditate over the meanings of filial piety once again. Aeildang situated in Gasong-li, Yean, in the northeastern part of Andong is the place where Nongam Lee Hyeon-bo(聾巖 李賢輔) fulfilled filial duty. The filial love of Nongam, who made the value of 'filial piety' his priority all his life, is the life philosophy and energy of Nongam's descendants. Above all, the example of putting the ancient story that Lao Laizi of China danced in a rainbow-striped garment to make his parents happy at the age of 70 into practice for his own parents shows the will of practice and philosophy of action dis playing what the agreement of one's knowledge and actions is. Baekwunjeong located in the eastern area of Andong is the pavilion with the old story of Di Renjie of Tang Dynasty and Luo Congyan of Song Dynasty. Cheonggye Kim Jin (靑溪 金璡) picked out the site where he could see the tomb of his father, Kim Ye-beom(金禮範), and his second son had the pavilion built following Kim Jin's will. So to speak, Baekwunjeong has the spirit of filial piety.

송암(松巖) 권호문(權好文)의 시작양상(詩作樣相) 연구(硏究) -시식(詩式)을 중심으로-

황만기 ( Man Ki Hwang ) 한국한문학회 2015 한국한문학연구 Vol.0 No.60

This paper examines the aspects of Songam Kwon Ho-mun``s writing of Chinese poetry. He made constant efforts to write poems through the poem writing methods, such as sasim(四深), yukmi(六迷), yukdae(六對), paldae (八對), cheopjagyeok(疊字格), and geumjeche(禁題體), in particular the poems whose seoleui(設意) and cheolsa(綴辭) were satisfactory. Mokjae Hong Yeo-ha commented that Songam``s poems were hoyang(浩瀁). It means writing poems quite freely. This is the characteristic found in Toegye``s poems, too, and it seems like that Songam intended to succeed his teacher``s mantle in terms of poetry. Kwon Ho-mun didn``t develop his criticism of poems in earnest. Yet, his books reveal his thoughts about how to write poems as they were. Kwon Ho-mun was a writer as a retired scholar, and at the same time, a poet. His recognition as a retired scholar writer has been studied from various angles, and is being sympathized by anyone. However, the interest in Kwon Ho-mun as a poet has been insufficient. Researches on Kwon Ho-mun have been focused mainly on his Korean poetry including Dokrakpalgok and Hangeosippalgok. Compared to which, the studies on his Chinese poetry have been few. Based on 2016 gugyeok Songamjip publishing, I hope widely interest and active research which find to True face of Kwon Ho-mun(權好文)``s Chinese poetry.

화재 황익재의 삶과 학문경향

황만기 ( Hwang Man-ki ) 근역한문학회 2018 한문학논집 Vol.51 No.-

In this paper, the life and academic tendency of Hwajae Hwang Ik-jae, a figure of Sangju region in the 18th century, were examined. Hwang Ik-jae was a person who actively raised an army in the cause of justice and controlled public sentiment as a Somosa during a military coup detat(so called Lee In-jwa's political upheaval). In addition, when he was a Jeolladosa, a Mushnhyeongam, and a Suncheonbusa, he was praised from both officials and people because he not only helped the poor as a politician, but also took good educational policies. Hwajae's academic tendency was categorized into four in this paper. First, because of the regional characteristics of Sangju, Hwajae's studies were based on the exchange with Lee Man-bu who had converted from Geunginamin to Yeongnamnamin and people of Yeongnam in Sangju and Andong, such as Kwon Sang-il and Lee Sang-jeong as well as with Seongho Lee Ik, one of Geunginamin. So to speak, he assumed an integrated attitude towards studies. Second, he accepted Hawjae Toegye's study. As he had respected and missed Toegye since his childhood, he made it a daily habit to be absorbed in reading < Toegyejip >. He constantly continued it even at the place of exile, and wrote poems with the rhyming words of Toegye or quoted Toegye's letters. Third, Hwajae pursued learning of a gradual process. He didn't tolerate skipping grades in order to follow Confucius' teachings, and practiced Yeonggwaeehujin(盈科而後進) because he had accepted Mencius' teachings. Particularly, in the letter to Jeong Jun, he emphasized gradual academic stages that the Four Chinese Classics(四書) including < the Analects of Confucius > and < Mencius > need to be learned first and that < Spring and Autumn Annals >, which was difficult to understand, should be learned lastly. Hawjae always had a learning attitude regardless of social positions when discussing studies, Finally furthermore, and a love of learning to inquire of the one who was as young as his nephew at the lower position in his family tree.

예천(醴泉) 선몽대(仙夢臺)의 장소성과 그 의미

황만기 ( Hwang Man-ki ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2021 嶺南學 Vol.- No.79

본고는 醴泉 仙夢臺의 장소성과 그 의미에 대한 연구이다. 선몽대는 遇巖 李閱道가 그의 나이 26세 때인 1563년에 건립한 것이다. 이열도는 퇴계 이황의 從孫子로 선몽대 건립 후에 퇴계가 직접 편액을 써 줄 정도로 특별한 사랑을 받았다. 이열도는 유년시절부터 퇴계의 조카인 遠巖李㝯와 퇴계의 손자인 李宗道 그리고 松巖 權好文 등과 함께 퇴계의 문하에서 학문을 익혔다. 퇴계가 지은 칠언절구 한 수는 선몽대를 마음을 수양하고 학문을 탐구하는 일반적인 정자와는 다른 측면이 있고, 遊賞의 이미지와도 그 의미에 있어서 차별성을 지니게 하였다. 그리하여 명현석학과 시인묵객들로 하여금 선몽대를 찾게끔 종용하였고, 그 결과 차운시라는 결과물이 창작되었다. 선몽대는 450년이라는 장구한 세월 동안 약포 정탁, 서애 류성룡, 학봉 김성일, 청음 김상헌, 한음 이덕형, 동원 정호선 등의 홍유석학과 송암 권호문, 청대 권상일 등 시인묵객들의 시적소재로 각광을 받았다. 뿐만 아니라 한음의 후손, 동원의 후손, 그리고 청음의 후손은 이곳에 들러 선조의 시판을 보며 조상의 정신을 기리는 추모의 공간으로 재인식함으로 인해 선몽대의 장소성과 그 의미가 더욱 구체화되기에 이른다. 여기에서 우리는 선몽대가 유상처의 기능을 넘어 추모의 공간으로 활용되었음을 알 수 있다. scenic views of Yecheon(醴泉), were examined. Seonmongdae was built in 1563 when Wuam(遇巖) Lee Yeol-do(李閱道) was 26 years old. Lee Yeol-do was Toegye Lee Hwang’s brother’s grandson, and was loved by Toegye so much that Toegye even wrote the tablet of Seonmongdae himself after its construction. Lee Yeol-do studied under Toegye’s instruction with Toegye’s newphew named Wonam(遠巖) Lee Kyo(李㝯), Toegye’s grandson named Lee Jong-do(李宗道), and Songam(松巖) Kwon Ho-mun(權好文), etc. since his childhood. One phrase from the seven-Chinese character-quatrain written by Toegye created a new image of Seonmongdae with that of a Taoist hermit, which was different from the images of general pavilions, that is, self-cultivation and academic study, and also differentiated from the images of enjoyment at leisure in its meanings. Accordingly, noted wisemen, great scholars, poets and calligraphers were encouraged to visit Seonmongdae, and as the result, Chawun poem was created. Seonmongdae had been spotlighted as the poetic material by respectable great scholars, such as Yakpo Jeong Tak, Seoae Ryu Seong-ryong, Hakbong Kim Seong-il, Cheongeum Kimsangheun, Haneum Lee Deok-hyeong, Dongwon Jeong Ho-seon, and poets and calligraphers, such as Songam Kwon Ho-mun and Cheong-dae Kwon Sang-il for the vast reaches of time as long as 450 years. Moreover, the descendants of Haneum, Dongwon and Cheongeum rediscovered Seonmongdae as the place to commemorate the spirit of their ancestors visiting it and reading the poems written by their ancestors, so the placeness and its meaning of Seonmongdae became more specific. Here, we can see that Seonmongdae was used as a place for commemoration beyond the place for enjoyment.

마애 권예의 삶과 낙강정

황만기 ( Hwang Man-ki ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2017 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.60

이 논문은 16세기 초반의 인물인 마애 권예의 삶과 그가 만년에 경영한 낙강정에 대해서 고찰한 것이다. 권예는 조선선비들의 참화로 불리는 4대 사화의 하나인 기묘사화의 중심에 서서 공명정대한 신념으로 이를 극복하고자 노력한 인물이다. 당시 춘추관기사관으로 있던 그는 기묘사화가 일어난 다음날인 1519년 11월 16일에 거사의 발생을 듣고서 25세의 혈기로 국왕 중종을 직접 대면하여 거사의 부당함을 직언하는 등 기묘사화를 슬기롭게 극복하고자 하였다. 그의 과단성 있는 행동은 동방의 현인으로 추앙받는 퇴계 이황에 의해 높이 평가받았다. 또 그가 장수지소로 경영한 낙강정 또한 퇴계가 이곳을 찾음으로 인해 알려지기 시작했고, 이때 읊은 퇴계의 7언 절구 마지막 구의 `판서연(判書淵)` 세 글자로 인해 낙강정은 판서연으로 거듭 태어났다. 판서연으로 거듭난 낙강정은 이후 몇 차례의 중건과 이건 과정을 겪었으며, 2011년 경상북도 지방문화재로 지정된 낙강정에는 현재 낙강정과 판서연 편액을 비롯한 중수기문, 제영시 등 모두 16점의 현판이 걸려 있다. In this thesis, Maae Kwon Ye`s life, a figure in the early 16th century, and Nakgangjeong run by him in his latter days were examined. Kwon Ye was a person who was at the center of Gimyosahwa, one of 4 massacres of scholars in Joseon, and tried to overcome it with impartial faith. At that time, he was working as a Chunchugwangisagwan, and when he heard about the rebellion on November 16, 1519, the next day of Gimyosahwa, and made efforts to overcome Gimyosahwa wisely by meeting King Jungjong face to face and making forthright statements about the unfairness of the uprising with the vigor of a 25-year-old youth. His decisive action was highly estimated by Toegye Lee Hwang revered as a wise man of the East. In addition, Nakgangjeong he ran as Jangsujiso also became known by Toegye`s visit to the place. With the three letters, `Panseoyeon(判書淵)`, in the last phrase of 7eon Jeolgu recited by Toegye, Nakgangjeong became born again as Panseoyeon. Nakgangjeong that had been born again as Panseoyeon went through several reconstructions and relocations later. On Nakgangjeong designated as Gyeongsangbukdo local cultural asset in 2011 hang 16 pieces of signboards in total including Nakgangjeong and Panseonyeon tablets, Jungsugimun, Jeyeongsi and etc.

정탁(鄭琢)의 병법 수용 양상 연구

황만기 ( Man Ki Hwang ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2014 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.25

중국의 병서가 우리나라에 소개된 것은 고려시대부터 이미 있었고, 이를통해 조선 초기에 병서의 주해를 붙이고 우리나라 전쟁 사실 기록과 우리나라 실정에 맞는 병법서가 간행하였다. 게다가 선초 유학자들은 주공(周公)이래로 병학(兵學)이 유가(儒家)와 병존하였다고 인식하였다. 그러나 병서가 유학자들의 필독서로 자리매김하기까지는 여전히 거리가있었다. 이런 병서는 임진왜란 이후 이해와 관심의 폭이 넓어져 더 이상 잡서가 아닌 실용학문으로 그 위상이 높아지게 되었다. 특히, 16세기 이래 조선의 유학자들은 시문(詩文)이나 경사(經史) 이외의 학문은 잡학(雜學)으로 치부하였다. 특히 병서(兵書), 천문, 지리서 등이 유학자들의 외면을 받아 왔다. 정탁은 푸대접의 학문인 병서에 많은 관심을 기울여 왔으며, 두 차례의 중국 사행을 통해서 병법에 대한 지식을 습득하였다. 이는 당시 사회전반에 만연한 성리학중심의 일변도와는 그 궤도를 달리하는 학문적 모습이었다. 그가 병법에 대한 수용적인 측면은 『무경총요』와 『기효신서』, 그리고 명나라 유학자 호환(胡煥)에게 보낸 편지에게 구체적인 양상이 드러나고 있다. 정탁은 이들 병서 속에 담겨진 병법을 효율적으로 이해하고 수용하여 임진왜란이라는 미증유의 국가적 위난을 슬기롭게 극복하는데 일익을 담당하였다. 임진왜란 이후 조선의 유학자들은 병서에 대한 관심을 가지고 더 이상 병서를 천시하지 않고 학문의 영역으로 수용하기 시작하였다. 특히 왜구를 막아내는 것을 목적으로 찬술된 ..기효신서..는 학문의 한 영역으로 부상하기에이르렀으며, 이런 병법서들은 18세기 이후 실학 시대에 오면서 실용적인 학문으로 수용되었다. Since 16th century, Confucian scholars in Joseon regarded the fields of study other than poetry and prose, and Confucian classics and historical records as knowledge of miscellaneous matters. In particular, books on military science, astronomy and geology were neglected by them. However, Jeongtak was very interested in military science, which was being treated poorly. His acceptance of books on military strategies began in full scale when holding the position of the Ministry of War, and he had his own insight into military strategies because he accepted the practical study of Ming Dynasty through his private trip to China twice. This academic attitude was different from the trend of those times centered on Neo-Confucianism which prevailed in the society. He was especially interested in the books of 『Mukyeongchongyo』 and 『Gihyosinseo』. Jeongtak understood the strategies and tactics in those books properly and applied them effectively, and therefore contributed to overcoming the national crisis of Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. After the Japanese invasion of Korea, the Confucian scholars of Joseon began to care about military science and accept it into the area of studies, rather than despised it. Particularly, 『Gihyosinseo』, which was edited for the purpose of

금계 황준량의 산수 의식 고찰 - 한시를 중심으로 -

황만기(Hwang, Man-ki) 사단법인 한국문학과예술연구소 2023 한국문학과 예술 Vol.46 No.-

尹昕의 『溪陰漫筆』 考察

황만기(Hwang, Man-ki) 숭실대학교 한국문학과예술연구소 2016 한국문학과 예술 Vol.20 No.-

본고는 陶齋 尹昕이 저술한 『溪陰漫筆』에 대한 연구이다. 『계음만필』은 3권 3책의 필사본으로 현재 서울대학교 규장각도서관에 소장되어있다. 이 책은 윤흔의 호를 붙여서『陶齋隨筆』이라고도한다. 『溪陰漫筆』에는 서문이나 발문이 붙어 있지 않아 이 책을 집필한 시기, 편찬자의 의도, 집필과정, 서술방식, 서술 체제등에 관한 구체적인 사항을 알 수 없다. 그러나『溪陰漫筆』 卷3의 마지막 기사앞의 내용이 정축년(1637)에 金慶徵의 기사를 미뤄 보건대 1637년 겨울이거나 윤흔이 임종한 해인 1638년 초반으로 추측해 볼 수가 있다. 그리고 漫筆이라는 제목에서 알 수 있듯이 漫錄, 雜錄, 筆談등과 같이 筆記에 속한다. 필기는 일관된 서술체제로 구성되어 있지 않고, 제재 역시 정치 역사 경제 및 문화 전반, 자연현상, 인물 일화 등 온갖 영역에 미치고 있으며 일반적으로 야사, 시화, 소화 등의 구성요소를 지닌다. 해당 내용들을 권별로 분류하면 권1에 141화, 권2에 136화, 권3에 111화로 모두 388화의 주제가 실려있다. 『계음만필』이 筆記의 요소를 갖추고 있을 뿐만 아니라, 내용적인 면에서 풍부한 정보를 담고 있음에도 불구하고 조선후기의 필기의 총화집인 『大東野乘』이나 『稗林』 등 기타총화집에는 『溪陰漫筆』의 書名조차 거론되지 않았다. 『계음만필』에 관한 소개는 서울대 규장각의 해제가 있을 뿐, 연구 논문이나 번역본은 없는 실정이다. 『계음만필』은 조선왕조의 시대상 내지는 인물, 학문, 문학, 풍속, 상례, 천문등 다양한 자료들이 수록되어 있는 수필집이다. 학문적 자료로서의 가치뿐만 아니라, 16 • 7세기 사회, 정치, 문화, 역사 등에 대해서도 여타 기록에서 찾을 수 없는 내용들이 수록되어 있어 매우 유용한 가치를 지닌다. 특히 개인 문집 실려져 있지 않은 야사 기록 등을 통해 인물의 내면세계와 진면목까지 살펴볼 수 있는 자료라는 점에서 그 활용가치가 매우 높다. 또한 우리나라 필기문학의 외연을 확장함과 동시에 문학사적 지평을 넓혀 간다는 점에서 의의가 자못 크다고 할 수 있다. 본고는『계음만필』자체에 대한 미시적 접근에서 출발하였다. 필기전체에서『계음만필』이 차지하는 비중이나 한국문학사에 있어서『계음만필』이 가지는 의의에 대해서 자세히 조명하지 못한 것이 본고의 한계점이라 할 수 있다. This study examines 『Gyeeummanpil(溪陰漫筆)』 written by Dojae Yun Heun.『Gyeeummanpil』 consists of three volumes and three books of manuscripts and is at present owned by Kyujanggak Library, Seoul National University. This book is also called as 『Dojaesupil(陶齋隨筆)』 following Yun Heun"s pen name.『Gyeeummanpil』 doesn"t have a preface or an epilogue, so when this book was written, what the compiler"s intention was, the writing process, its narrative style, its narrative system and others have been unknown. Yet, judging from the fact that the first half of the last story of Volume 3 of 『Gyeeummanpil』 is about Kim Gyeong-jing in the year of Jeongchuk(1637), it can be assumed to have been written in the winter of 1637 or the early 1638 when Yun Heun passed away. And, as the title of causery shows, it belongs to note literature with light essays, miscellaneous records, conversation by writing and etc. Its notes are not composed of a consistent narrative system, and its topics also cover all the areas including politics, history, economics, culture in general, natural phenomena, anecdotes of individuals and usually has the components of hidden histories, pictorial poems, short stories and so on. When relevant contents are categorized in each volume, Volume 1 has 141 stories, Volume 2 has 136 stories, and Volume 3 has 111 stories, therefore 388 stories in total. Even though 『Gyeeummanpil』 has not only the elements of note literature but also a rich stock of information in terms of contents, even its name was not mentioned in『Daedongyaseung(大東野乘)』 or 『Paerim(稗林)』, the whole collection of note literature of the latter half of Joseon dynasty, and other ones including. As for the introduction of 『Gyeeummanpil』, there is a bibliography by Kyujanggak, SNU, but no research theses or translation. 『Gyeeummanpil』 is a collection of essays containing a variety of materials, such as the times, figures, study, literature, customs, funeral rites, astronomy and etc. of Joseon dynasty. It not only has the values as an academic material, but also is very worthy because it includes the contents about the society, politics, culture, history and etc. of the 16th and 17th century that cannot be found in other records. In particular, it is very useful in that this material helps investigate a person"s inner world and true qualities through unofficial recordes and others included in a personal collection of literary works. In addition, it is very meaningful in that it extends the denotation of Korean note literature and simultaneously broadens the prospect of literary history. This article begins from a microscopic approach to 『Gyeeummanpil』 itself. The limits of this study is that the importance of 『Gyeeummanpil』 in the whole note literature and the meanings of 『Gyeeummanpil』 in the history of Korean literature were not examined closely.

石洲 李相龍의 삶과 詩文學

황만기(Hwang, Man-ki) 대동한문학회 2020 大東漢文學 Vol.65 No.-

본고는 석주 이상룡의 삶과 시문학에 대한 연구이다. 석주의 삶을 망명 이전과 망명 이후로 나누어서 망명이전에는 보수 유학자로서의 삶에 포커스를 맞추었고, 망명 이후는 독립투사로서의 삶에 의미를 두었다. 石洲의 시문학에 대해서는 지행합일의 실천과 繼述의 정신, 교육을 통한 지식인의 면모, 憂國丹衷의 항일민족운동, 歸去來로의 向念 등 네 가지로 구분하여 고찰하였다. 구한말 애국계몽기에 있어서 석주 이상룡을 언급하지 않을 수 없다. 3남 중 장남으로 태어난 그는 어려서는 族祖인 平潭 李銓에게서 가르침을 받았고, 19세인 1876년에 조부인 忘湖 李鍾泰의 명으로 퇴계 학맥의 계보를 이은 西山 金興洛에게서 학문을 익혔다. 그는 노블리스 오블리제를 실천한 민족사의 커다란 발자취를 남긴 인물이다. 석주의 경륜은 지략가로 알려진 관중, 제갈량, 장량에 비유되었고, 절의적인 행동은 수양에서 고사리를 캐 먹다가 죽은 백이와 송나라의 의리를 지킨 文天祥의 삶에 비유되기도 하였다. 그의 활동은 역사적 평가에 있어서 空前絶後한 영웅적 업적이고, 그의 大節은 공자가 말한 强哉矯이고 맹자가 말한 浩然之氣인 것이다. This is a study on Seokju Lee Sang-ryong’s life and poetic literature. Seokju’s life was divided into before his exile and after the exile. Regarding his life before the exile, his life as a conservative Confucian scholar was focused on, and with regard to his life after the exile, the meanings of his life as a fighter for national independence were investigated. Seokju’s poetic literature was categorized into and examined in four parts, that is, the practice of Jihaenghapil(the agreement between knowledge and behavior) and spirit of succession, the aspects as an intellectual person through educational activities, the patriotic anti-Japan national movement, and the focus on homecoming. It’s hard not to mention Seokju Lee Sang-ryong regarding the period of patriotic enlightenment in late days of Joseon. He was born as the eldest son with two brothers, and was taught by Pyeongdam(平潭) Lee Jeon(李銓), his ancestor(族祖), in his childhood. He studied under Seosan(西山) Kim Heung-nak(金興洛), who had continued the tradition of Toegye’s academic genealogy, following the order of his grandfather, Mangho(忘湖) Lee Jong-tae(李鍾泰), at the age of 19 in 1876. He was a great hero who practiced noblesse oblige and has left a deep footprint in the national history. Seokju’s experience and knowledge have been compared to those of Gwanjung, Jegalryang, and Jangryang known as great strategic planners, and his faithful behaviors to those of Baekee who had died while digging up and eating bracken in Suyang and the life of Mun Cheon-sang(文天祥) who had been loyal to Song dynasty. His activities were heroic achievements unprecedented in historical assessment, and his great fidelity was Gangjaegyo(强哉矯) mentioned by Confucius and Hoyeonjigi(浩然之氣) mentioned by Mencius.