도요토미 히데요시의 조선침략 발발전 한일교섭 실태

윤유숙 한국일본학회 2007 日本學報 Vol.70 No.-

근세초 西日本 지역 ‘조선인 집단거주지’

윤유숙 고려대학교 역사연구소 2009 사총 Vol.68 No.-

As there were many daimyos in the western parts of Japan, there were also a relatively large number of Korean war prisoners taken from Joseon as well as those who chose to move to Japan permanently. In fact, touzinmachi and kouraichyou--villages where war prisoners from Joseon resided in communities--were formed, scattered throughout western Japan. The villages of Joseon residents which this paper examines are divided into the ones where Joseon people happened to live together and others where Joseon people of a particular profession collectively resided. Not all of those residential areas or villages were investigated in this essay; I do not propose to generalize the findings of this study hastily. However, as far as the author's research comprehended, these collective residential areas did not seem to have been established arbitrarily, or coercively, by forces of the Clan. The first-generation war prisoners from Joseon shared a sense of solidarity out of their national or professional identity, and naturally formed a community by gathering to live in close proximity. In the process, they were recognized as groups of specialized workmen or craftsmen by the Clan authorities in the context of the latter's promotion of commerce and industry. These groups included potters, bean curd makers, and tradesmen. As experts in their specialized trades, they were endowed with certain public status and treated honorably. Even in the Nagasaki area where Joseon residents were not characterized by particular skills, no legal sanctions are found which targeted only the Joseon residents. The legal and social status of Joseon immigrants or Joseon-Japanese residents in Japanese society, as well as any discriminatory practices against them, can be further illuminated with a more sustained comprehensive research of historical materials regarding the policies of the Clan of the region. Such is the continuing interest of this author, which should come to fruition in a future project.

조선후기 한일통교관계와 ‘己巳約條’(1809년)

윤유숙 일본사학회 2006 일본역사연구 Vol.24 No.-

17세기 朝日間 日本製 武器類의 교역과 밀매

윤유숙 역사학연구회 2008 사총 Vol.67 No.-

This essay examines the progress of Joseon-Japan trades from the beginning of the seventeenth century to 1667, the year when Nukebune occurred. The Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 was the key factor that made Joseon take interest in the Japan-made weaponry. Joseon recognized the particular effectiveness of Japanese rifles and swords, and accordingly endeavored to import the manufacturing technologies. When with the Giyu Agreement the commerce between the two countries officially resumed, Joseon began importing Japanese weapons through official channels. In the period from 1600 to 1610, when no regulations in Japan forbade exportations of weaponry, Joseon was able to purchase weapons with relative ease; and Japan in turn was cooperative. The Tokugawa Bakuhu pronounced a prohibition on the export of weapons in 1621, but Joseon, affected by the two invasions by Hugeum(後金) between 1620 and 1630, still more welcomed the Tsushima Clan's selling of weapons. After the regime of King Injo, Japanese weaponry drew even more attention, due to the Injo regime's policies toward Hugeum(後金). In other words, this was part of the plans to amplify military preparations. Although aware of its illegal nature, the Tsushima Clan kept exporting weapons because it enabled them to carry on interactions with Joseon with some advantage. However, when the Tsushima Clan's export of weapons was found out in the process of the Bakuhu's investigation of Yanagawaikken, the Tsushima Clan refrained from selling weapons to Joseon. Then in 1660s the Joseon government, in pursuit of Japanese sulphur and weapons, actively issued directions to tradesmen and interpreters to mediate purchases of such. The goods illegally brought in by Japanese vessels from 1663 to 1666 were purchased first by tradesmen or interpreters and then sold off, or offered as tributes, to Joseon's government institutions. After the mid-seventeenth century when the Hyojong regime unfolded plans to conquer Northen areas into the Ch'ing dynasty and to strengthen the armed forces, military institutions in the capital (Hansung) and local cities geared up to further promote military training and weapons production. As the production of rifles, gunpowder, and bullets increased, the demands for their raw materials such as iron and sulphur increased rapidly as well. But since sulphur mines had hardly been developed in Joseon at the time, Joseon had to rely upon the Japanese import as the only source of sulphur and gunpower. Joseon's smuggling of Japanese weapons of around 1660s, therefore, was a desperate measure taken in the conflict caused by the military reinforcement plans and the underdeveloped state of domestic weapons production systems.

근세초 西日本 지역 ‘조선인 집단거주지’

윤유숙 역사학연구회 2009 사총 Vol.88 No.-

As there were many daimyos in the western parts of Japan, there were also a relatively large number of Korean war prisoners taken from Joseon as well as those who chose to move to Japan permanently. In fact, touzinmachi and kouraichyou--villages where war prisoners from Joseon resided in communities--were formed, scattered throughout western Japan. The villages of Joseon residents which this paper examines are divided into the ones where Joseon people happened to live together and others where Joseon people of a particular profession collectively resided. Not all of those residential areas or villages were investigated in this essay; I do not propose to generalize the findings of this study hastily. However, as far as the author's research comprehended, these collective residential areas did not seem to have been established arbitrarily, or coercively, by forces of the Clan. The first-generation war prisoners from Joseon shared a sense of solidarity out of their national or professional identity, and naturally formed a community by gathering to live in close proximity. In the process, they were recognized as groups of specialized workmen or craftsmen by the Clan authorities in the context of the latter's promotion of commerce and industry. These groups included potters, bean curd makers, and tradesmen. As experts in their specialized trades, they were endowed with certain public status and treated honorably. Even in the Nagasaki area where Joseon residents were not characterized by particular skills, no legal sanctions are found which targeted only the Joseon residents. The legal and social status of Joseon immigrants or Joseon-Japanese residents in Japanese society, as well as any discriminatory practices against them, can be further illuminated with a more sustained comprehensive research of historical materials regarding the policies of the Clan of the region. Such is the continuing interest of this author, which should come to fruition in a future project.

전근대(前近代) 일본사회 남색(男色) 풍속의 역사에 관하여

윤유숙 중앙대학교 외국학연구소 2016 외국학연구 Vol.- No.37

The purpose of this paper is to trace the history of the custom of male homosexuality in premodern Japan. When attempting to grasp the political and cultural aspects of traditional Japan, male homosexuality is a factor that cannot be overlooked. It first became prevalent among Buddhist monks in ancient Japan and following the Heian period spread to the Japanese nobility as well. As warriors rose to power, male homosexuality extended into the samurai class, and by the Tokugawa period, the trend of the times conventionalized it into a form called "shudou" (衆道). The custom of male homosexuality further branched out to the chonin (町人), or merchants, as the economic power of the working class rapidly increased. The Tokugawa period was when the practice of baishoku (賣色) and red-light districts called yukaku (遊廓) prospered the most throughout the history of Japan, leading to the appearance of yukakus that particularly catered to male homosexuals during the same period. Male homosexual prostitution openly took place through show businesses such as kabuki. What caused male homosexuality to settle down as a custom varied for each social class, but regardless of period or class, its nature has always been about the pederasty between adult males and boys. That nature is said to have been greatly influenced by the "divine boy" rooted as a religious archetype within premodern Japanese societies. When reviewed within the context of East Asian history, Japanese society's attitude toward the custom of male homosexuality was surprisingly tolerant. Before the society became modernized and infused with western ideas and morals, male homosexuality was no different from heterosexuality in being regarded as a viable option to seeking pleasure, so it was not a subject of moral condemnation nor was it socially forbidden or taboo. Perhaps the openness to sex inherent in traditional Japan or in the religion and ideologies that governed Japanese societies had been what made it possible for male homosexuality to settle down as a custom. That will be a topic to be further explored in-depth in the future.

18세기 일본의 조선통신사 기록에 수록된 삽화 검토 - 『조선신사내빙기록』・『조선인내빙기』를 중심으로 -

윤유숙 한양대학교(ERICA캠퍼스) 일본학국제비교연구소 2023 비교일본학 Vol.58 No.-

본고는 1711년 통신사 기록 『조선신사내빙기록』, 1748년의 사행을 기록한 『조선인내빙기』 에 수록된 삽화의 특성을 검토한 것이다. 『조선신사내빙기록』은 통신사 사행단 전원의 명부(名簿), 금제, 선박의 크기, 통신사가 의례시에 착용하는 의복・관(冠), 지참한 기(旗)와 도구, 그것을 그린 삽화, 사행원의 관명(官名) 과 역할에 관한 설명 등이 기록되어 있다. 쓰시마번이 1711년 ‘통신사행단’의 구성에 관한 각종 정보를 모아 한권의 문헌으로 압축하여 기록한 것으로, 삽화는 사행단이 행렬로 이동할 때 ‘의장용으로 소지하는 도구’들의 용도 설명을 보충하는 시각자료로 묘사되었다. 삽화에 묘사된 물건들은 1711년 조선통신사 등성행렬도에서 조선인이 들고 있는 도구와 그 순서가 거의 동일하다. 삽화는 각종 깃발, 무기류, 악기들, 용정, 인신함 등의 형태를 실물 그대로 특징을 살려서 그렸고, 명칭도 대체로 정확하다. 다만 ‘세악’과 ‘인신함’이라 명명된 삽화는 그 형태와 용도에 불분명한 점이 있다. 세악은 특정 악기 혹은 ‘해금・필(苾)・적(笛)을 둘러서 말하는’ 표현인듯하고, 통신사는 관인(官印)을 보관하는 ‘인신함’과 공문서를 보관하는 ‘관첩함’을 일본에 가져간 사실이 확인되었다. 조선인내빙기 는 요도번의 번사 와타나베 가문에 전래되어 온 1748년 통신사 관련 사료 이다. 와타나베는 1748년 사행 때 요도 성하(城下)에서 통신사 향응을 담당했던 인물인데, 조선인내빙기 에 통신사를 맞이하는 요도번의 모습을 기록하고 말미 부분에 본인이 관찰한 통신사 일행의 풍습, 의상, 기물 등을 6면에 걸쳐 묘사해 두었다. 그삽화의특징은첫째, 묘사한대상의조선식명칭은기록하지않은것이많다. 크기, 형 태, 용도를 중점적으로 설명하면서 용도를 기구의 제목처럼 쓰거나 혹은 일본에서 사용되던 유사한 도구의 명칭을 그대로 적기도 했다. 둘째, 사행단의 이동을 관람하는 입장에서 가장 눈에 띄는 크고 화려한 기구, 예를 들면 청도기를 위시한 깃발, 교자(轎子), 국서함을 태운 가 마(龍井) 등은 아예 기록하지 않았다. 와타나베는 의장용 기물보다는 사행단의 구성원들을 매 우근접거리에서관찰해야비로소알수있는소지품과기호품을다수기록했다. 밥그릇, 밥 뚜껑, 곰방대, 접는손부채, 되, 밥솥, 밥상, 심지어곡식을까불르는데사용하던키등이그 것이다. 통신사 관련 문헌의 삽화는 통신사에 관한 구체적인 정보를 알려주는 시각자료이자 역사 자료이며, 때로는 ‘통신사 행렬도’에는 묘사되지 않은 사행의 실상을 전해주기도 한다. This paper reviewed the characteristics of the illustrations inserted in “Joseonsinsan aebinggirok(朝鮮信使來聘記錄)” and “Joseoninnaebinggi(朝鮮人來聘記)” which recorded about Joseon Tongsinsa(朝鮮通信使) in the 18th century. “Joseonshinsanaebinggirok” contains a list of all the members of the Tongsinsa(通信使), their prohibitions, the size of their ships, the clothing and crowns worn by the Tongsinsa members for each ceremony, the flags and tools they brought with them, illustrations of them, and descriptions of their official names and roles. This document was compiled by Tsushima as a compendium of information on the organization of the Tongsinsa members of 1711, and the illustrations are described as visual aids to supplement the descriptions of the use of the “tools for ceremonial purposes” as the Tongsinsa members travels in procession. The objects depicted in the illustration are almost identical in order to the tools held by Koreans in the 1711 Deungseong(登城) Parade(行列圖) of the Joseon Tongsinsa. The illustration depicts various flags, weapons, musical instruments, The box of an official seal, and personalities using their real characteristics, and the name is generally correct. “Joseoninnaebinggi” was handed down to the Watanabe(渡辺) family, a warrior(藩士) in Yodo Domain(淀藩). Watanabe was in charge of the entertainment of the delegation in the Yodo castle town during the visiting of the Tongsinsa in 1748, and at the end of the book, he describes the customs, costumes, and equipment of the Tongsinsa he observed on six pages. The characteristic of the illustration is that, first, many of the Joseon style names of the objects described are not recorded. The size, shape, and purpose were mainly explained. Second, from the standpoint of watching the movement of the delegation, the most noticeable large and colorful instruments, for example, flags such as Cheongdogi(淸道旗), Gyoja(轎子), and kilns carrying the Gukseo box(國書函), were not recorded at all. Watanabe recorded a number of belongings and favorites that could only be known by observing the members of the delegation group from a very close distance rather than the articles for the design. These include rice bowls, rice caps, kombangdae, folding hand fans, dae(되), rice cookers, dining tables, and even the winnowing basket. Illustrations in the he historical records related Joseon Tongsinsa are both visuals and documentation with specific information about Tongsinsa, and sometimes convey the reality of the travel of Tongsinsa that is not depicted in the ‘Picture of Tongsinsa Parade(통신사행렬도)’.

2009년 새역모 지유샤(自由社) 교과서 중ㆍ․근세 관련 서술의 검토 -조선 관련 서술을 중심으로-

윤유숙 역사교육학회 2009 역사교육논집 Vol.43 No.-

This essay examines how a few Japanese history textbooks represent Japan’s historical relations with Korea, focusing on the 2001, 2005 editions of the Husoshya Middle School History Book and the 2009 edition of the Jiyusha Middle School History Book. In particular, the essay is an attempt to analyze the characteristics and problems in these textbooks’ representations of Japan-Joseon relations in the mid-modern period, especially such issues as waegu, the 1592 Japanese invasion of Joseon, the Joseon-Japan relation in the Edo era, and Japan’s foreign policies in the early Edo era. The 2009 edition of the Jiyusha Middle School History Book is very similar to the 2005 edition of the Husoshya Middle School History Book on the whole--not just in the descriptions of aforementioned issues--with only occasional variations in terminology. This in turn signifies that the problems which had been pointed out in 2005 were not corrected or addressed; and also that the ideals of Japan-centricism, Western-centric historical consciousness and historigraphy, which had been upheld by Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, are still being advocated. The historical consciousness motivating Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform is reflected in the representations of the Japan’s relations to Joseon and foreign policies of the mid-modern period which this essay examines. The descriptions of waegu and the 1592 invasion remain uninfluenced by recent academic views and findings, with Japan’s impact on neighboring countries subtly understated. In addition, Joseon, Ryukyu, Ejochi--all on friendly diplomatic terms with Japan in the Edo era--are implicitly positioned hierarchically below the Tokugawa Bakuhu. Any relations to China are largely omitted or curtailed, while in comparison Japan’s interaction with the West and its consequences are positively represented and evaluated. These tendencies in history textbooks can inculcate extreme ethnocentrism and Japan-centric historical consciousness in Japanese students and consequently paralyze or impair their capacity for realistic world views and well-balanced, critical understandings of historical contexts. Considering the future necessity for mutually beneficial co-existence of East Asian countries, it is highly imperative that textbook historiograhy should incorporate an objective and critical standpoint regarding Japan’s history in East Asia.

조직검사를 시행한 소아 경부 종류의 임상적 고찰 : 단일 기관 연구

윤유숙,윤혜원,김선영,설지영,송창준,김진만,박경덕 대한소아청소년과학회 2005 Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics (CEP) Vol.48 No.8

Purpose : Neck masses, in pediatric population, derive from a multitude of congenital, inflammatory, or neoplastic diseases. The majority of these masses represent benign conditions. However, thorough clinical evaluation is required to rule out malignant diseases. We evaluated the causes, clinical characteristics and outcomes of children with neck masses who underwent tissue biopsy. Methods : A total of 28 medical records of children with neck mass who underwent tissue biopsy at Chungnam National University Hospital, from January 2000 to March 2004 were retrospectively analyzed. The methods of biopsy were ultrasonography guided core biopsy(CB), fine needle aspiration biopsy(FNAB) and excisional biopsy. Results : Out of 28 patients, half were boys. The most common location of the mass was the posterior cervical area(N=19, 67.9%). Laboratory findings of peripheral blood and serologic studies were nonspecific. In 25(89.3%) cases, CB or FNAB was initially performed for neck masses. Among them 10 cases(40%) were reactive hyperplasia, 8(32%) inflammatory granulation tissues, 4(16%) necrotizing lymphadenitis, and 3(12%) acute suppurative inflammations. Initially, excisional biopsy was performed for diagnosis in 3(10.7%) cases. Diagnosis of these cases was thyroglossal duct cyst, dermoid cyst and lymphoblastic lymphoma, respectively. Conclusion : Most neck masses in children were benign. CB and FNAB were safe methods for tissue sampling, without need for general anesthesia. 목 적 : 소아에서 경부 종류는 다양한 원인에 의해 나타나는데 대부분이 양성 경과를 보이며, 감염에 의한 염증성 반응인 경우가 많지만 선천성 낭종이나 악성 종양의 가능성도 있어 주의를 요한다. 본 연구에서는 경부 종류를 주소로 내원하여 조직검사를 시행한 환아들에서 그 원인과 임상 양상, 치료 경과를 알아보고자 하였다. 방 법 : 2000년 1월부터 2004년 3월까지 충남대학교병원 소아과에 경부 종류를 주소로 내원하여 조직검사를 시행 받았던 환아 28례의 진료 기록을 중심으로 후향적으로 연구하였으며 조직검사 방법을 세침 흡인생검술, 심부생검술, 절제생검으로 나누어 연령, 성별, 임상 양상 및 조직검사 결과와 치료에 대한 반응 등을 조사하였다.결 과 : 조직검사를 받은 환아들은 총 28례로 남아가 14례(50%), 여아가 14례(50%)였고 종류의 위치로 구분하면 목빗근 뒷부위가 19례(67.9%)로 가장 많았다. 말초혈액 검사나 혈청학적 검사 등의 검사실 검사 상 특이할만한 의미 있는 소견은 없었다. 세침 흡인생검술과 심부생검술을 먼저 시행 받은 환아들은 25례(89.3%) 있었는데 반응성 증식인 경우가 10례(40%)로 가장 많았고 육아종성 염증상태가 8례(32%), 괴사성 염증을 보였던 환아들은 4례(16%), 화농성 병변을 보였던 경우가 3례(12%) 있었다. 처음부터 절제생검을 하였던 환아들은 3례(10.7%)로 선천성 이상에 의한 갑상설관 낭과 표피 낭종이 있었으며 1례는 림프아구성 림프종으로 진단되었다.결 론:소아에게서 흔하게 나타나는 경부 종류는 그 원인이 다양하지만 대부분 양성 경과를 보이며 세침 흡인생검술과 심부생검술은 전신 마취를 하지 않고도 안전하게 조직을 얻을 수 있는 방법으로 치료적 절제가 필요한 경우를 제외하고는 경부 종류의 조직을 얻어 조기에 진단하고 치료하는데 도움이 되고 있다.

年中行事와 儀式으로 본 근세 왜관

윤유숙 고려대학교 글로벌일본연구원 2011 일본연구 Vol.15 No.0

This paper aims to elucidate the routine activities in everyday lives of the Japanese in Waegwan by examining their annual activities and various rituals. The annual activities are approached in twofold ways. Firstly, it is noteworthy that annual activities occasioned the exchange of gifts between Joseon residents and the Japanese. Those from Tsusima who came over to Waegwan as part of diplomatic delegation or as government officials exchanged gifts with Joseon officials who entertained them, in celebration of annual holidays. The giving and taking of gifts is not mentioned in the official trade regulations, but we may suppose that it was naturally established as customary practice. This also signifies that there existed traffic in products between Joseon and Japan apart from authorized trade or diplomatic ceremonies. Secondly, in view of Gozekku(五 節句), which was a major holiday in the Edo period, July was the busiest time in Waegwan when there took place the most annual activities. In Waegwan they usually performed Segaki(施餓鬼) at the Tong Hyang Temple to honor the ancestors. The cemeteries in the Tumopo Waegwan were annually visited as well. As for the rituals performed in Waegwan, I examine four different kinds in this study. One of them is the ceremonial recital of Gabegaki, which is the set of rules that were to be observed by those living in Waegwan. This recital was performed by the head of Waegwan in front of the Waegwan inhabitants. At the end of the seventeenth century, only Gabegaki was recited. But by the mid-eighteenth century, the recited documents were three in total: Gabegaki, the paper sent from Chosengosihai(朝鮮御支配), and the paper about Kokan(交奸). The second ritual is the exchange of blessings which took place among all the Waegwan inhabitants on the first day of each month. This served, it seems, the purpose of roll call and also helped make sure of everyone``s well being. The third includes the ceremonial rituals that had to do with occasions to celebrate or mourn concerning the Daimyo(大名) or the families of Daimyo. On the death of Daimyo, in particular, the Waegwan inhabitants were required to remain chaste and watch their behavior; also Joseon translators came in to pay condolences. The fourth concerns punishment and execution: the Tsusima clan(對 馬藩) would officially execute, at a site near Waegwan, the Tsusima residents who were caught for smuggling or other illegal deeds.