甲骨文으로 본 商代 武丁妃 婦好

양동숙 淑明女子大學校 亞細亞女性問題硏究所 1992 아시아여성연구 Vol.31 No.-

Fu-Hao is the first prominent lady recorded on Chinese history. She is known to have lived during Shang's era from the late 13rd until early 12nd century B.C., as the wife of the King Wu-Ding. Finally her life as a real person(not fictitious) has been confirmed upon discovery of her tombstone. Fu-Hao was born as a royal family member during the Shang era and later became the wife of the King Wu-Ding. Her family name was Zi but followed the dynasty rule of adding a feminine prefix, making her last name, Hao. After her tombstone was located along with her grave, she was recognized as the oldest Chinese lady whose real life had been identified in written histories. Fu-Hao is now perceived as the queen who took control of Feud-land, hoated royal rituals, and bravely led generals and soldiers to a victorious battle. Her superactive involvements in political, economic, social, and cultural events are manifested in a number of beeds, tools, pottery, and bonic equipments, which were found in her graveyard. Her husband cared for her so much but she suffered from many illnesses to death in later life. She was finally buried in the south yard of the royal palace.

해방 후 공창제 폐지과정 연구

양동숙 역사학연구소 2001 역사 연구 Vol.- No.9

The purpose of this study is to examine in a concrete way the abolition process of licensed prostitution in Korea forced by the enactment and enforcement of the abolition law and the role of the law for the prostitutes. After liberation, prostitutes were economically confined by the debts outstanding to the owner and were treated as tainted group based on socially pervading purism. In order to improve the state of the depersonalization, groups for women's rights took a movement for abolition of licensed prostitution, which had existed from Japanese colonial period. Finally in 1946 U.S. military government enacted and proclaimed Rule 70 (rule prohibiting trade of women) which enforces the abolition of human trade and outstanding debts. But while Rule 70 was perceived by women's rights group as a mean to abrogate the licensed prostitution, U.S. military government under the good name of voluntary prostitution, induced secret prostitution and came to allow racketeers to do prostitution business. As matter of Fact, Rule 70 was not intended to help prostitutes find jobs and become independent free of debts. Therefore, all social standings came to demand immediate abrogation of prostitution both licensed and private, and the economic and social measures for prostitutes. They also formed Alliance for Saving Prostitutes. U.S. military government established the department for women's rights within the central governmental organization. The department, however, had its limit from the beginning because it had been organized excluding female leftist groups and it limited its activity to demanding the enactment of abolition law of licensed prostitution. Suth Choseon interim congress enacted the law abrogating the licensed prostitution, in which buying and selling prostitution are prohibited. As a result, the prostitution saw its end even if it was perfunctorily. In the process of enactment, the realistic meaning that was derived through the argument concerning the penalty terms and effective date, was not for abolition of prostitution and prostitutes' independence. Administration under the law with these problems couldn't provide the solution that helps prostitutes get away from red-light district and live independently. U.S. military government evicted prostitutes from the quarters enforcing the abolition law of licensed prostitution. Though significant number of former prostitutes were demanding measures for financial assistance and social protection, measures taken by government authority for venereal disease, employment and enlightenment was not effective at all. Due to lack of employment solution, measures for venereal diseases was not operated as a substantial medical service foe getting prostitutes out of red-light district. In the meantime, by issuing business license to the person who already doing prostitution business based on result of medical checkup for venereal disease, it resulted in providing legal means that guarantees the secret prostitution after abolition of licensed prostitution. With regards to employment, the licensed prostitutes were introduced to the entertainment spots defined illegal by the rule prohibiting entertainment business at the time. Therefore, the policies made by authorities were nothing but permitting secret prostitution and prostitutes merely changed their names from licensed to secret. In conclusion, the abolition process of licensed prostitution in Korea after liberation started as means to protect human rights by abrogating prostitution allowed in Japanese colonial period and helping prostitutes escape and live independently, but realistically it was not effective. Also government authorities including the department for women's rights failed to establish and enforce the socio-economic measures and protection plan for prostitutes and further forced them to become criminals by making ill-fated policies. The abolition process after 1945 liberation indeed caused new phenomenon of surg of secret prostitution and number of prostitutes.

중국 어머니리더십의 유형별 고찰

양동숙 숙명여자대학교숙명리더십개발원 2007 숙명리더십연구 Vol.6 No.-

다양하고 평등한 인간관계를 중시하는 현대 사회에서 리더십 패러다임의 전환과 더불어 가정에서의 리더십교육의 필요성이 높아지고 있다. 가정은 모든 인간에게 일차적인 리더십교육의 장소로서 이는 어머니 리더십의 중요성이 역설되고 있는 중요한 요소이다. 본 연구는 한국을 비롯해 여러 나라에서 역대로 훌륭한 어머니 상을 이룩했던 어머니들의 자취를 고찰하고, 그들의 특징을 현대 어머니 리더십의 모형 모델을 조성하여 보는 것을 목적으로 한다. 본 연구는 중국의 어머니들을 다루어 역대 중국 여인들이 자녀양육과 자녀교육에 힘써 자녀를 훌륭한 인물로 길러낸 어머니의 종적을 유형별로 살펴보았다. 중국의 어머니들의 리더십을 실천형, 격려형, 정신적인 지주형, 희생형 등 다섯 가지 유형으로 나누어 살펴보았다. 실천형의 어머니는 솔선수범하여 자녀를 양육했던 맹자, 개자추, 노사, 우우의 어머니처럼 교육신념을 몸소 실천에 옮긴 어머니들이다. 신뢰형 어머니는 증삼, 장준, 서하객의 어머니처럼 자녀를 신뢰하여 실패를 무릅쓰고 굳은 의지로 자신의 뜻을 성취 하도록 끝까지 믿어준 어머니다. 격려형 어머니는 자녀를 격려하여 어려움을 극복하고 소신 있게 살아가도록 했던 공자, 소식, 우순, 종명 등의 어머니다. 지주형 어머니는 파금, 정령의 어머니처럼 자녀의 뒤에 거목처럼 지키며 정신적인 버팀목이 되어준 어머니다. 희생형 어머니는 자신을 돌보지 않고 오로지 희생적으로 자녀를 일으켜 세운 양금화, 소다화, 마보봉과 같은 어머니들이다. 이들의 자녀 교육정신은 21세기 새로운 시대가 요구하는 어머니상을 대변하며 어머니리더십의 이론 정립에 선도적 예증으로 조금도 손색이 없다. In modern society that values diverse and equal interpersonal relationships, the need for paradigm shift in leadership and educating leadership in family environment are rising. Because family is where people first learn about leadership, mother's leadership is particularly important. The present research examined the lives of historically exemplary mothers in various countries including Korea and developed contemporary mother's leadership models based on the characteristics of those mothers. Specifically, this research focused on Chinese mothers who put forth their strength on raising and educating their children to be great men in the past. We classified the Chinese mothers to five models, such as practical, encouraging, trusting, emotionally propping, and sacrificing mothers. Like Meangja's mother, practical mothers are those who take initiatives and set examples when raising their children. Trusting mothers completely trust their children. For instance, Jyengsam's mother trusted her son despite his strong suspicion of murder. Encouraging mothers are, like Joungmyung's mother, who consistently encourage their children when they feel frustration. Haeseo's mother, emotionally propping mothers act like a big tree behind their sons to support them. Lastly, similar to Mabowong's mother, sacrificing mothers completely sacrifice themselves to their children. Although this research classified the mothers to one of the five types, the mothers have nearly all five leadership characteristics and are held in great respect by thirteen billion Chinese.

대한부인회 결성과 활동 연구(1948~50)

양동숙 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2010 한국학논총 Vol.34 No.-

본 논문은 대한민국 정부수립 후에서 한국전쟁 전까지 단일 여성단체로 통합 결성된 관제관변 여성단체, 대한부인회의 결성과정과 활동을 살펴보았다. 대한민국 정부수립 후, 이승만은 자파 중심의 협소한 조각으로 인하여 한민당과 분열하게 되었다. 대한국민당 결성을 둘러싸고 독촉국민회 세력도 분열하자, 이승만은 독촉국민회 조직 강화사업에 주력하였다. 그것은 곧 독촉국민회의 반관반민단체로의 전환이었다. 뿐만 아니라 이승만은 여순사건 후 반공주의를 전 국민에게 확산시킬 필요성을 강하게 가져, 정부 관계 장관들의 동의를 얻어 관민합작위원회를 설치하였다. 이승만은 대한국민회를 시작으로 대한부인회를 비롯한 다른 우익 대중단체도 반관반민 단체로 전환시키려 하였다. 그 과정은 부녀 행정조직의 여성단체 활동 개입이라는 과정을 통하여 전개되었다. 곧 여성단체의 동원을 통해 전 국민적으로 국민운동을 전개한다는 것이었다. 그 결과 독촉부인회는 서울시 관제 부인회와 통합된 후 대한부인회로 재조직되었다. 대한부인회 결성으로 종전 독촉부인회를 중심으로 한 군소 여성단체는 단일체가 되었다. 대한부인회 성원과 지부는 미군정기 우익 여성단체들의 성원과 지부를 대부분 그대로 승계하였다. 미군정기 독촉부인회와 부녀국의 협력 체제도 대한부인회와 부녀국의 조직적인 연계로 그대로 이어졌다. 특히 부녀국 직원은 대한부인회 회원을 겸하였다. 여성단체와 여성정책 담당 공무원 사이에는 상호 겸직이 가능하였다. 여성단체 활동은 곧 부녀과 업무이면서 동시에 민간의 여성운동이었다. 대한부인회의 부서는 결성 당시 5개 부서로 출발하였지만, 제1공화국 후기로 오면서 부서가 확대되었다. 이러한 조직부서의 확대는 대한부인회의 정부사업에의 참여와 동원의 범위가 더욱 확대되었음을 의미한다. 또한 대한부인회는 정부로부터 재정 지원을 받았다. 국민운동비 또는 대한부인회 등 각 사회단체 유지비라는 명목의 기부금 형태였는데, 이는 점차로 반(半)공식적인 세금으로 발전하였다. 그래서 국민들은 각 지방, 각 지부마다 약간씩 차이를 보이지만, 매월 국민운동비를 의무적으로 납부해야만 하였다. 대한부인회는 정부로부터 일정액의 운영비(보조금)를 받는 대신 정부의 주요 정치활동이나 여성대상 계몽운동 및 구호․원호사업 등에 동원되었다. 이승만은 정치적 위기에 직면할 때마다, 대한부인회를 비롯한 여러 대중단체들을 동원하여 자신의 반공주의 의제를 전국적으로 공론화하였다. 대한부인회는 여기에 부응하여 반공활동, 반공투쟁을 지상 목표로 내세웠다. 대한부인회의 친정부․친이승만적인 성격은 반공주의 의제의 전국적 공론화라 할 수 있는 주한미군 철수 반대운동과 내각책임제 개헌안 반대운동에서 잘 나타났다. 대한부인회는 서울시 부녀국과 함께 신생활운동을 활발히 전개하였다. 대한부인회의 신생활운동은 다양하고 광범위하며 세세한 일상생활의 규율을 만들어냈다. 일제가 태평양전쟁 말기에 시행한 생활규제의 메커니즘과 흡사한 외양을 띠었던 대한부인회의 국민운동은 주민생활에 대한 국가권력의 통제를 강화하고, 국가주의를 여성들에게 내면화시키고 있었다. 대한부인회는 행정조직과 결합을 구축하여, 반관반민 성격의 단체로 변화한 후에도 여전히 의회로의 진출을 시도하였다. 대한부인회는 제2대 국회 구성을 위한, 1950... This study aims to analyze how Daehan Buinhwe that supported Syngman Lee government in Korea in 1948 before the Korean War emerged and changed and how its political and social activities were. After the establishment of government, the creation of Daehan Buinhwe was accomplished because Dokchok National Association was transformed into an organization half official and half civil. Moreover, there was the need to spread anti-communism among the people after the Yeosun incident. Accordingly, Daehan Buinhwe was created by integrating Dokchokbuinhwe with the Seoul city government's Buinhwe. The various women's associations centering on Dokchokbuinhwe was restructured into a system of a unified association upon the creation of Daehan Buinhwe. The members and branches of Daehan Buinhwe were not changed from those of the rightist women's organizations during the US military government. The systematic relationship between Daehan Buinhwe and Bunyogook also followed the mutual assistance system between Dokchokbuinhwe and Bunyogook during the US military government. Especially the employees at Bunyogook were also members of Daehan Buinhwe. Moreover, Daehan Buinhwe received funding from the government. On the surface, it was in the name of National Movement Funding, Maintenance Funding for various social institutions such as Daehan Buinhwe. Daehan Buinhwe was mobilized and used in key government political activities, enlightenment movements for women, and relief and support activities with operational money (support money) from some of the money received from the government. The nature of pro-government and pro-Lee of Daehan Buinhwe is well reflected in the movement to oppose the withdrawal of the US Armed Forces in Korea, and the movement to oppose the legislation of the parliamentary cabinet system. They were the public agendas of anti-communism. Whenever Syngman Lee faced a political crisis, he mobilized various public associations such as Daehan Buinhwe to spread the discussions of anti-communism agendas throughout the country. Daehan Buinhwe in meeting his demands chose anti-communistic activities and anti-communistic struggles as their central objective. The New Living Movement of Daehan Buinhwe approached the political goal of national movement through indirect methods. Daehan Buinhwe lead the New Living Movement along with Seoul City Government's Bunyogook. Movements such as the New Living Life, Save Energy Movement, Rebuild National Life Movement, and so on created various, comprehensive, and specific rules for ordinary lives. On the surface, it was similar to the mechanism by the Japanese Empire to regulate daily lifes during the late period of the Pacific War. The purpose of the national movements of Daehan Buinhwe was to control the whole aspects of the lifes of citizens to instill anti-communism deeper. On the other hand, Daehan Buinhwe tried to enter the parliament even after it was transformed to an organization half official and half civil working with administrative institutions to commence various systematic projects for the nation. Daehan Buinhwe participated in the 5.30 general ection in 1950 to constitute the second national assembly. The number of candidates was reduced to 11 from the first assembly, but Youngshin Lim from the Women's Nationalist Party and Suncheon Park of Daehan Buinhwe won. Daehan Buinhwe controlled a vast sphere of influence based on the administrative power of a system with Syngman Lee on the top even when it insisted it was non-political, non-party, and non-faction, and tried to control the institutional political space represented by the national assembly. Based on the analysis of organization and activity of the Daehan Buinhwe, its main characteristics are as the following. First, the Daehan Buinhwe that performed important roles in the processes to establish the government by the Syngman Lee political section and the formation processes to found the state were gradually unified. Second, t...

韓國 五種 字典의 字源 分析과 甲骨文․『說文』과의 비교연구 Ⅳ

양동숙 중국어문학연구회 2007 중국어문학논집 Vol.0 No.42

本论文是将韩国汉字字典的字源解释与甲骨文及『说文』的字源解释比较的研究。首先选了合乎如下条件的五种韩国汉字字典。第一是有字源解释, 第二书的大小相等, 第三出版年度相近。先选出了甲骨文中常用, 並在韩国单独使用的4百多个字, 根据部首加以排列。然後为本論文选了从己部首到手部首的五十个字。此为本次研究的范围。这五种字典中的五十个字, 与甲骨文的字源比较。同时也加入比甲骨文晚一千多年的『说文』的解释, 以便字形的比较。因『说文』以小篆为主,『说文』的字形解释对後代的字源解释有莫大的影响。这六百多字的分析将分十馀篇論文加以研究。本論文为第四次的研究结果。因此将与第一次六十二个字和第二次八十一个字, 及弟三次七十一个字的研究合起来得了结果。五种字典中的二百六十四个字, 与甲骨文比较後得出如下几点结果。韩国五种字典的二百六十四个字字源解释与甲骨文一致的有47%, 与『说文』一致的有56%, 韩国五种字典与『说文』一致的比≪甲骨文≫一致的高9%。许多甲骨文象形字到了小篆变成会意․形声字了。『说文』根据已变的小篆字形解释。因此五种字典裏的象形字多与甲骨文一致的字多, 会意․形声字多与『说文』一致的字就多了。通过本論文显示了一部分韩国五种汉字字典的字源解释的情况

서주갑골문의 고찰

양동숙 영남중국어문학회 1990 중국어문학 Vol.17 No.1

自殷노甲骨文之發見至今已九十餘年·在此間裏不斷地發掘·搜集·考釋·硏究已獲得數十萬片的甲骨資料, 已誠字也將二千餘字, 甲骨學的硏究達驚人的地步. 如此之成果不但在中國文字學上啓示莫大, 旦在中國語言, 歷史·考古·科學技術等, 各方面提供最新鮮, 甲骨學在中國學術界墟固了地位此故, 一提甲骨們都認爲是段商時代之文字. 西周之甲骨文自 1950年代起, 次陜西省爲中心逐漸發見, 而數量不多無法得到學術界的關心·到了 1975年北京昌平, 1977年陜西岐山, 1979年扶風, 齊家村裏一連串地出土大量的甲骨片, 有字的甲骨片地不少. 證明周代也用過甲骨文, 從此將眠界放寬到殷墟甲骨文以外的甲骨文, 擴大了甲骨學的硏究範圍. 西周時代的甲骨文, 以同一個甲骨文的立場而言, 與殷墟甲骨文一脈相承, 而時代不同畢意有各有各的特點, 本稿將西周建立甲骨文整理出其特色. 1. 西周甲骨文之使用時代. 由西周建立前文王時期, 到昭, 穆王時期. 2. 西周甲骨文之內容, 與殷墟甲骨文一稱, 祭祀, 報告, 出入, 田猶, 征伐, 政治, 經濟, 軍事等, 占問各方面之事. 3. 西周甲骨文大部字出於宮殿宗廟其址, 一萬七千片中只三千片爲牛骨, 此外皆龍腹甲. 4. 其整理方法一般都是方整, 鑽, 排列整齊, 密集·約, 兆有一定的相關關係, 左右的卜兆向於龍板中心. 5. 西周甲骨文之最大特色爲字體之細小·大者的五毫米, 小者一毫米, 一般而言小者爲점多. 6. 日期的記錄殷代以日月年爲順, 西周別與其相反以年月日爲順.

갑골문의 철합

양동숙 한국중어중문학회 1996 중어중문학 Vol.18 No.-

갑골문에 나타난 상대의 건축

양동숙 한국중어중문학회 1998 중어중문학 Vol.22 No.-

갑골문으로 본 상대의 질병

양동숙 한국중어중문학회 1999 중어중문학 Vol.24 No.-

‘히로시마현 조선인 피폭자 협의회’의 결성과 원수폭 금지운동

양동숙 민주화운동기념사업회 2018 기억과 전망 Vol.0 No.38

The purpose of this study is to examine the formation and activities of the ‘Hiroshima prefecture Korean Victims of an Atomic Air Raid Council’ in relation to the nuclear bomb ban campaign, and through this, to identify the context in which Japanese Korean A-bomb Victims were able to carry out the activities of the A-bomb survivors relief and disposal of nuclear weapons after post war. The background of formation of the ‘Hiroshima prefecture Korean Victims of an Atomic Air Raid Council’, which was formed by Japanese Korean A-bomb as the first organization, was based on the changes of the lives of Japanese Korean who became poorer during the 1950s and 1970s, and the strong externalism in Japanese society. It heightened the nuclear bomb ban campaign in Hiroshima after 1955, and the awareness of the responsibility in Japanese civil society for the colonialism that was awakened from the hibakusha techo trial in case of Sohn-Jindu accident in 1960s and 1970s. After formation of ‘Hiroshima prefecture Korean Victims of an Atomic Air Raid Council’, they shared the goal of the nuclear bomb ban campaign. They identified the real condition of the Japanese Korean A-bomb Victims and located them in the anti-nuclear disarmament peace movement for the first time in the world. It also covered the issue of the North Korean A-bomb Victims who are not receiving any support from Japan in terms of diplomatic relations between Japan and North Korea. The activities of the ‘Hiroshima prefecture Korean Victims of an Atomic Air Raid Council’ were the exposure to the difficult issues under the democratic system. It was also the activity that strictly adhered to the principle of the the nuclear bomb ban campaign, which rejected the nuclear weapons of any country.