장기복무 제대군인의 재취업위기와 전직지원프로그램

이광석, 김겸훈, 이승철 충북대학교 국가위기관리연구소 2011 국가위기관리연구 Vol.5 No.1

본 연구의 목적은 장기복무 후 전역한 제대군인의 악화된 재취업 환경을 분석하고 그에 따른 대응방안으로서의 전직지원프로그램에 대한 개선안을 도출하는데 있다. 분 석결과 현재 우리 군에서 운용 중인 장기복무 제대군인을 위한 전직지원프로그램이 기능적인 측면에서 매우 제한적일 뿐만 아니라 실효성 측면에서도 기대에 미치지 못 함을 확인하였다. 따라서 오늘날과 같이 고용 없는 성장과 고실업의 사회경제적 환경 에서 일자리가 부족으로 인해 직면하게 될 재취업희망 제대군인들의 취업위기에 효 율적으로 대응할 수 없다. 개선안으로 우선 전직지원프로그램에서 심리적 지원을 강 화할 필요가 있다. 지속적으로 심리적 안정과 치유를 위한 카운슬링 서비스를 전역대 상자 확정 시점부터 재취업 이후까지 단계별로 구축하여 제공하는 것이 필요하다. 전 역준비기간이 너무 짧고 재직기간동안 자신의 능력을 개발할 수 있는 기회가 제한적 이다. 따라서 전역준비기간의 연장과 수요자중심의 맞춤형 직업보도교육프로그램을 발굴하고 다양한 능력개발 프로그램을 운영하여 개인에게 경력관리 기회를 확충해 주는 것이 필요하다. 군과 기업은 지속적인 소통을 통해 재취업에 대한 상호적인 요 구와 조건을 공유하여 전역 후 재취업하고자 하는 희망자들에게 양질의 일자리를 제 공할 수 있도록 새로운 일자리를 발굴하고 육성해야 한다. 정부는 법과 제도적 정비 는 물론이고 재정지원이나 세제지원을 통해 뒷받침한다. According to the analysis results our military is currently operating in support programs for long-term service veterans is very limited in terms of functional and not feasible. By improvement, psychological support to the veterans need to strengther. Ongoing psychological counseling services and the need for healing. From a global point to re-employment step is to build support. Global warm-up period is too short and limited period of self-development. Thus, global warm-up preiod should be extended and consumer-oriented reporting, custom job training program should be excavated. And on a personal level the opportunity to a career should be expanded military and corporate needs. For re-employment through ongoing communication, sharing a mutual feedback. Then comes when you want to re-employment seekers throughout their decent work should be provided. The government should support financial support and tax incentives as well as legal and institutional maintenance.

안동 유림 李壽琰의 『疏廳日錄』을 통해 본 1881년 嶺南萬人疏의 재구성

이광우(Yi, Gwang-woo) 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2020 서강인문논총 Vol.0 No.59

1880년 제2차 修信使로 파견된 金弘集은 주일 청나라 공사의 參贊官 黄遵憲으로부터 『朝鮮策略』을 입수해 고종에게 바쳤다. 이 책의 요지는 남하정책을 추진하고 있던 러시아를 견제하기 위하여 중국·일본·미국과 연합해야 한다는 것이었다. 이를 긍정적으로 검토한 정부는 미국과의 통상을 추진하였다. 그러나 衛正斥邪를 기치로 내세운 재야 유림은 이 소식을 듣고 크게 반발하였으며, 1880~1881년 동안 이른바 척사 운동을 전개하게 된다. 이 기간 동안 전개된 척사 운동 중 가장 파급력이 컸던 것은 1881년 2월 올려진 嶺南萬人疏이다. 4차에 걸쳐 진행된 영남만인소는 당색과 학맥을 초월하여 경기·충청·전라도 등 여러 지역 유림의 호응을 이끌어 내었다. 정치·사회적 이해관계가 첨예했던 이전 만인소와 달리 척사라는 분명한 공감대가 형성되었기 때문이다. 이에 본 논문에서는 기존의 연구 성과를 참고하되, 1881년 영남만인소의 전개 양상을 안동 유림 李壽琰(1846~1927)이 작성한 것으로 추정되는 『疏廳日錄』을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 『소청일록』은 영남만인소를 소개하는데 그간 활용되지 않은 자료로서, 1880년 11월 斥邪通文이 발급된 시기부터 1881년 5월 4차 상소를 마치고 귀향하기까지 영남만인소의 전개 과정, 그 과정에서 촉발된 疏儒 간의 갈등과 여러 고초, 그리고 개항 이후 변화된 도성의 모습을 바라보는 작성자의 고민 등이 생생하게 소개되어 있다. 이를 바탕으로 개항기 재야 유림의 척사 의식뿐만 아니라, 만인소를 통해 유림 공론이 형성되고 합의가 이루어지는 제 양상을 확인할 수 있었다. In 1880, Kim Hong-jip, who was dispatched to the second sooshinsa, acquired the 『Joseon Strategy』 from Hwang Jun-heon, the minister of the Qing Dynasty of Japan, and dedicated it to King Gojong. The point of the book was that China, Japan, and the United States must join forces to keep Russia in check, as it was pushing for a southward policy. The government reviewed this in a positive light and promoted trade with America. However, Confucian scholars out of power who used Wijeongcheoksa as their banner strongly opposed this and started the so-called Cheocksa Movements during the years of 1880 to 1881. During this time, the most influential Cheocksa movement was the Yeongnam Maninso in February of 1881. The Yeongnam Maninso, which was held four times, brought about support from Confucian scholars of diverse areas such as the Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, transcending partisan coloring and scholarly lineages. Unlike previous maninsos in which political and social interests were clear, they were based on the clear bond of sympathy of Cheocksa. At this, this thesis makes references to existing research results but made observations of the development aspects of the Yeongnam Maninso in 1881 with a focus on 『Socheongillok』, which was assumed to be written by Yi Su-yeom of Andong Yurim. 『Socheongillok』 is material that has not previously been used for the introduction of Yeongnam Maninso and from the time that the Cheoksatongmun was issued in November of 1880, it made vivid introductions of contents such as the development process of Yeongnam Maninso from the time of the fourth appeal in May of 1881 to the time to the time of the return home, conflicts and hardships among soyoos that occurred in that process, and concerns of the author as he looked upon the changed images of the city after the ports were opened. Based on this, it was possible to confirm not only the consciousness of Cheoksa among Confucians out of power during the open port period, but also aspects in which Confucian public opinion was formed through the maninso and agreements were made.

16~17세기 경상도(慶尙道) 자인현(慈仁縣) 복현(復縣) 과정과 이를 둘러싼 자인(慈仁),경주(慶州) 지역 재지사족의 동향

이광우 ( Gwang Woo Yi ),이수환 ( Soo Hwan Lee ) 한국고문서학회 2012 古文書硏究 Vol.41 No.-

This paper looked into the process of the restoration to a hyeon(縣) of Jainhyeon(慈仁縣), which became independent in 1637 after existing as a sub-hyeon(屬縣) of Gyeongjubu(慶州府), Gyeongsang-do(慶尙道) during the Joseon(朝鮮) period, and the trend of the gentry in Gyeongjubu and Jainhyeon surrounding the process. The precincts such as Hyang(鄕), So(所), Bugok(部曲) including sub-hyeon, went through a series of consistent restructuring processes from the mid-Goryeo(高麗中期) period in accordance with a gradual centralization policy. Among others, the restructuring related to sub-hyeon was mostly completed before the 16th century; therefore, the adjustment of its status was made, involving the promotion toward Jueup(主邑, main eup) and integration. It was a general pattern that the other sub-hyeons were restructured as Myeon-ri(面里) as part of Jueup by the later Joseon period. Accordingly, the restoration to a hyeon of Jainhyeon in 1637 may draw attention as an unusual case in relation to the reorganization of the administrative districts of the Joseon period. Another notable factor in relation to the restoration to a hyeon of Jainhyeon is that there remain various types of documentary data derived during the restoration process that enable us to confirm the position of the gentry in Gyeongjubu and Jainhyeon at that time. The restructuring of precincts was carried out extensively in the early Joseon period; however, owing to limited data, it was not possible to find the position of the members of the Jueup and precinct villages of those times. In contrast, the restoration to a hyeon of Jainhyeon is often found in Jirijiryu(地理誌類, geographic book), and, in particular, there remain diverse old literary documents prepared at that time in the Gyeongju Yangwol Yi family(慶州李氏 楊月門中), which makes it possible to witness the position of the gentry from those two villages. The restoration of Jainhyeon to a hyeon is largely made up of three stages. As first, there was an attempt to separate Jainhyeon from Gyeongjubu and combine it with nearby Gyeongsanhyeon(慶山縣) or Daegubu(大邱府) during the late 16th century. Second, there was an attempt to restore it as a hyeon in the 1630s, and restoration to a hyeon was granted royal permission in 1637. Third, there was a movement for combining Gusabugok, which was located in the northern region of the village, as a northern myeon of Jainhyeon. During the above restoration process, the gentry from the two villages proposed a variety of reasons; however, the most crucial issue was obviously taxation. The taxation of Jainhyeon had been managed by its Jueup, Gyeongjubu. Meanwhile, some absurdity had appeared. Furthermore, unlike other precincts of Gyeongjubu, Jainhyeon was a sub-hyeon that did not have nearly any relationship with the gentry of Gyeongjubu; therefore, its level should have been severer. Consequently, the gentry of Jainhyeon pursued separation from Jueup, and the gentry of Gyeongjubu tried to stop this through Yuhyangso(留鄕所, advisory office) and national power. The driving force for Jainhyeon to pursue its restoration to a hyeon may be found in the growth of the local gentry. The gentry of Jainhyeon began to be created from the 16th century and came to lead local public opinion based on Hyanggyo(鄕校, Confucian temples and schools) activities and army activities for justice at the time of the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. Against this backdrop of growth, the gentry attempted the restoration to hyeon of Jainhyeon in order to operate the right to the Confucian temples and schools independently while escaping from absurd level of taxation and control of Jueup.

재경(在京)·관서(關西) 지역 지산(芝山) 조호익(曺好益) 문인의 활동과 존사(尊師) 의식

이광우(Yi, Gwang-woo) 영남퇴계학연구원 2021 퇴계학논집 Vol.- No.29

이 논문은 지산(芝山) 조호익(曺好益)의 문인 가운데 재경(在京)·관서(關西) 지역 문인의 활동과 그들의 존사(尊師) 의식을 바탕으로 전개된 추숭 사업을 살펴 본 것이다. 조호익은 퇴계(退溪) 이황(李滉)의 문인으로 영남 지역에서 각광을 받았지만, 향촌을 무단(武斷)한다는 이유로 평안도 강동(江東)으로 전가사변(全家徙邊) 당하였다. 이후 장기간 유배 생활을 하면서 관서 일대에서 다수의 재경·관서 문인을 배출하고 관서부자(關西夫子)라는 칭호를 받게 된다. 그의 재경 문인은 대체로 관서 지역에 부임한 지방관의 자제로서 어린 나이에 조호익으로부터 학문을 배웠다. 반면, 관서 문인은 향촌 내에서 사회·경제적 기반을 갖춘 사족 가문 출신이었다. 재경 문인을 대표하는 인사로는 김육(金堉)·이시직(李時稷)·이정남(李井男)·이유성(李惟聖) 등이 있으며, 관서 문인 중에서는 박대덕(朴大德)·윤근(尹瑾)·홍덕휘(洪德輝) 등의 활동이 두드러진다. 재경·관서 문인의 특징 중 하나는 퇴계학파의 일반적인 재전(再傳) 문인 층과 달리 당색(黨色)과 학파에 구애되지 않고 두루 존재한다는 것이다. 이들은 조호익 사후 각종 추숭 사업에 상호 협조하는 모습을 보여주었다. 특히 영천 임고서원(臨皐書院)의 장현광(張顯光) 병향(並享) 논란, 성천(成川) 학령서원(鶴翎書院) 청액(請額) 과정에서 재경 문인 김육을 필두로 영천 및 관서 문인은 동일한 존사 의식을 바탕으로 추숭 사업을 진행해 나갔다. This thesis has taken a look at the worship project on the basis of activities of literary men in the Seoul and Gwanseo (northwestern part of the Korean Peninsula) regions from Jisan Cho Ho-ik’s literary men and their ceremony dedicated for most reverend teacher. Cho Ho-ik had a spotlight in the Youngnam region as a literary man of Toegye Yi Hwang, but he was involved in Jeongasabyeon (a punishment on a family to exile in remote area) to Gangdong, Pyeongan-do because he was engaged in affairs of local village without authorization. Thereafter, while he was in exile for a long time, he educated a number of literary men from Seoul and Gwanseo in the Gwanseo area he earned high praise and was referred as the Gwangseo-Buja. His literary men from Seoul were generally children of local government officers appointed from the Gwanseo region and they learned academic aspects from Cho Ho-ik since their young ages. On the other hand, the literary men of Gwanseo were from the noble clans that were had the social and economic foundations within the locality. For those who represented the literary men from Seoul, there were Kim Yuk, Lee Si-jik, Lee Jeong-nam, Lee Yoo-seong and others, and from the literary men of Gwanseo, there were Park Dae-deok, Yoon Geun, Hong Deok-hwi and others who had conspicuous activities. One of the characteristics of those literary men in the Seoul and Gwanseo is that there was no barrier for political preferences and academic factions as they were co-existed together unlike the conventional literary men class of other Toegye School Factions. They displayed mutually cooperating with each other for various worship projects after the passing of Cho Ho-ik. In particular, in the controversy of Jang Hyeon-gwang’s Byeonghyang (setting of mortuary tablets in parallel in a shrine) of Imgo Seowon of Youngcheon and in the process of petitioning for Hakryeong Seowon of Seongcheon, the Yungcheon and literary men of Gwanseo, led by Kim Yuk who was one of the literary men from Seoul carried on the worship project on the basis of the same ceremony dedicated for most reverend teacher.

The correlation between Anti-Mullerian hormone and ovarian response for ovulation induction in women undergoing infertility treatment

( Gwang Yi ),( Jung Ryeol Lee ),( Chang Suk Suh ),( Byung Chul Jee ) 대한산부인과학회 2012 대한산부인과학회 학술대회 Vol.98 No.-

Serum Anti-Mullerian hormone (AMH) levels are increasingly used for predicting ovarian response to controlled hyperstimulation. We evaluate the correlation between serum levels of AMH and ovarian response for ovulation induction (OI) in infertile women treated with clomiphene citrate (CC) or CC with gonadotropins and investigate the predictive effect of AMH for ovarian response. One-hundred four cycles of sixty five women who received CC (31 cycles) or CC with gonadotropin (74 cycles) for ovulation induction followed by timed intercourse or intrauterine insemination (IUI) were retrospectively evaluated. Baseline serum concentration of AMH was measured on early follicular phase. To assess ovarian response, number of follicles on day of hCG triggering or last ultrasound monitoring was measured and divided by dose of exogenous gonadotropins in patient treated with CC and gonadotropin. All women included in this study were received 100mg/d of CC for five days. Since women`s age would be a confounding factor, the absolute AMH values were converted to the multiples of median (MoM) for each corresponding age. The median values in each age were referenced to age-specific distribution of serum AMH level for 21,226 Korean women (Lee JY, AOGS 2012; in press). In group of patients treated with CC, there was no significant correlation between AMH level and follicle number. Women with more than one follicle of size . 14mm (n=25) had higher MoM of AMH (1.19±0.87) compared to that (0.91±1.01) of women with no growing follicle (n=5) but difference was not statistically significant. In patients treated with CC and gonadotropins, AMH level was significantly correlated with calculated follicle number (number of measured follicle per 100 IU of exogenous gonadotropins): follicle size . 11mm (R2=0.138, P=0.016), follicle size . 14mm (R2=0.146, P=0.027). Number of measured follicle increases with increasing AMH level till 10 ng/mL, but in women with AMH above the value, follicle number decreases. Correlation between the MoMs of AMH and number of measured follicle showed a similar pattern, but not statistically significant. Serum AMH is not predictive of ovarian response in case of CC treatment for ovulation induction. Ovarian response to gonadotropin tend to decrease in women with high serum level of AMH. Further large scaled study is needed.

Stimulated intrauterine insemination in women with unilateral tubal occlusion

Yi, Gwang,Jee, Byung Chul,Suh, Chang Suk,Kim, Seok Hyun The Korean Society for Reproductive Medicine 2012 Clinical and Experimental Reproductive Medicine Vol.39 No.2

Objective: To investigate the value of stimulated intrauterine insemination (IUI) in women with unilateral tubal occlusion. Methods: Superovulation and IUI was performed during 2003-2010 and the medical records were reviewed retrospectively. Thirty-seven infertile women (52 cycles) with unilateral tubal occlusion diagnosed by hysterosalpingography and without other causes of infertility were selected. One-hundred fourteen patients with unexplained infertility served as a control group (182 cycles). The main outcome was the clinical pregnancy rate per cycle. Results: The pregnancy rate per cycle was similar, 17.3% for the unilateral tubal occlusion group and 16.5% for the unexplained infertility group. The rate of miscarriage (11.1% vs. 23.3%) and ectopic pregnancy (11.1% vs. 6.7%) was similar between the two groups. The pregnancy rate was higher in patients with proximal occlusion (25.0%) compared with distal occlusion (13.9%) or unexplained infertility, but not statistically significant. Conclusion: Stimulated IUI can be suggested as the initial treatment option in women with unilateral proximal or distal tubal occlusion.

1994년부터 2006년까지 한국 석면취급 사업장의 석면 노출농도

이광용 ( Gwang Yong Yi ),신용철 ( Yong Chul Shin ),윤충식 ( Chung Sik Yoon ),박두용 ( Doo Yong Park ) 한국산업위생학회 2013 한국산업보건학회지 Vol.23 No.2

Objectives: This paper was prepapred to report airborne asbestos fiber concentrations in asbestos textile, brake-lining, commutator, and building materials manufacturing industries, and some other asbestos related industries in Korea from 1994 to 2006. Methods: Airborne asbestos data that have been sampled and analyzed in the above industries during 1994-2006 were collected. These data were reviewed to scrutinize the qualified data based on the records such as sampling and analyzed method and quality control procedures. All asbestos data were generated using the National Institute for Occupational Safety & Health (NIOSH) Method 7400. Results: Average concentration of asbestos fiber was 2.14 fibers/cc(0.02-15.6 fibers/cc) in the asbestos textile industry, 0.26 fibers/cc(0.01-1.01 fibers/cc) in the building-materials industry, 0.15 fibers/cc(0.01-0.93 fibers/cc) in the brake-lining manufacturing industry, and 0.14 fibers/cc(0.03-1.36 fibers/cc) in the commutator producing industry. For these industries, the percentage of samples of which asbestos fiber concentrations above the limit of exposure(0.1 fibers/cc) was 97.6% in the asbestos textile industry, 62.3% in the building-materials industry, 53.5% in the brake-lining manufacturing industry, and 34.3% in the commutator producing industry. Asbestos fiber concentration was below the limit of exposure in the gasket producing, petrochemistry, musical instrument producing industries, and the brake-lining exchange operations. Conclusions: Airborne asbestos fiber level in the asbestos textile, brake-lining producing, commutator and building-material producing industries was above the limit of exposure, but in the gasket producing, petrochemistry, musical instrument producing industries and the brake-lining exchange operations were below the limit of exposure.

1920∼30년대 일본인관학자(日本人官學者)의 조선향약(朝鮮鄕約) 연구에 대한 검토

이광우 ( Gwang-woo Yi ) 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 2016 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.65

鄕約은 조선시대 재지사족 주도로 운영되던 대표적인 자치 규범이었기에, 조선을 식민지화한 일제는 원활한 지방 통치를 도모하기 위해 향약을 주목하였고, 이를 보조하려는 日本人官學者들의 향약 연구가 이루어졌다. 이에 본 논문에서는 1920∼30년대 일본인 관학자 3인의 향약 연구를 검토하였다. 이들 연구는 근대적인 방법으로 향약을 다루었다는 점에서 연구사적 가치가 있으나, 식민주의적 역사인식이 반영 된 연구이기에 주의를 기울일 필요가 있다. 먼저 조선총독부 관료이자 식민지 조선의 지방관이었던 도미나가 분이치[富永文一]는 민풍개선 과 사회구제에 향약이 활용될 수 있다고 보았다. 이에 咸鏡北道知事를 지내면서 직접 향약을 제정하기도 했다. 마츠다 코[松田甲]는 1930 년 조선총독부의 지방자치제도 개정에 발맞추어 향약을 연구하였다. 그는 향약을 현대적 의미로 계승한 것이 昨今의 지방자치제도라고 평 가하면서, 지역민의 협조를 강조하였다. 다카하시 도루[高橘亨]의 향 약 연구는 1931년 조선총독부의 중견청년 및 중견인물 양성정책과 관련되어 있다. 이들은 일제의 식민지 정책을 협조하기 위해 양성되었는데, 다카하시는 향약을 제정했던 栗谷이 과거 조선의 가장 이상적인 중견인물이라고 하면서, 그의 행적과 향약을 소개하였던 것이다. 이와 같이 일본인 관학자들은 전근대 이상적인 교화정책으로 향약을 주목 하였고, 그것의 현대적 활용을 모색하였다. 그러나 그 현대적 모색은 일제의 식민지 통치를 보조하는 것이었다. Hyang-yak was the representative autonomous norms that were administered by provincial noble family of Joseon era. When Japan colonized Joseon, it focused on Hyang-yak for the ease of controlling regions and Japanese governmental scholars assisted it and conducted studies on Hyang-yak. This paper reviewed Hyang-yak studies of three Japanese governmental scholars in the 1920s∼1930s. Their studies are historically meaningful in the sense that they dealt with Hyang-yak in a modern way but attention should be paid to the research period that reflects colonial historical awareness. An example of such was Dominaga Bunichi, an official of the Japanese Government-General of Korea and local governmental official of colonized Joseon, thought that Hyang-yak could be used for improving folkways and social relief. So while he was a governor of North Hamkyung Province, he enacted Hyang-yak himself. Matsuda Ko studied Hyang-yak along with the revision of local autonomy system in 1930. He viewed that the contemporary local autonomy system came from Hyang-yak translated in a modern way and emphasized the cooperation of local people. Takahashi Doru’s study on Hyang-yak is related to the policy of the Japanese Government-General of Korea to train leading youth and important personnel. They were educated to cooperate with the colonial policy of Japan and among them, Takahashi referred to Yulgok Yi as the most ideal leading youth of past Joseon and introduced his activities and Hyang-yak. Like this, Japanese governmental scholars focused on Hyang-yak as an ideal reform policy from premodern days and searched for ways to use it in a modern way. But the modern studies were to assist Japanese colonial rule.

인듐 관련 직업병 사례 및 국내 사업장 현황

이광용 ( Gwang Yong Yi ),박두용 ( Doo Yong Park ) 한국산업위생학회 2013 한국산업보건학회지 Vol.23 No.3

Objectives: The purpose of this study is to provide current the recent information on indium-related adverse health effects and the Korean indium-related industries. Methods: Peer review papers were searched in environmental, occupational and medical journals with the keyword of ‘Indium’ and ‘ITO’ and reviewed. To determine the indium related industries and indium consumption amounts, references and database were investigated and analyzed. In addition, field walk-through surveys and interviews were conducted in order to collect field data and to ascertain the field situation for the processes and industries. Results: A total of 10 cases of indium lung diseases have been reported in series since the first case reported in 2001. Seven cases were found in Japan, two cases in the United States, and one in China. No indium lung case has been reported yet in Korea, but it is believed that there are high potential risks among workers in indium-related industries. There are four categories in indiumrelated- industry; indium production and smelting, manufacturing of indium products such as ITO target, the production of thin films of flat panel display, and indium recovery industry. We found that all these types of industries are operating in Korea. Therefore, it is necessary for industrial hygienists to understand the processes and industries related to indium as well as the adverse health effects of indium. Conclusions: It was found that all four categories of indium-related industry from the indium production to recovery industry are active in Korea. However, the adverse health effects of indium are not well recognized. Therefore, it is believed that there is a high risks in indium-related industry, and it is necessary to make emergency interventions.

조선시대 학파의 ‘도통’ 의식과 서원의 확산 -16세기 후반~17세기 전반 퇴계학파를 중심으로-

이광우 ( Yi Gwang-woo ) 한국서원학회 2021 한국서원학보 Vol.12 No.-

본 논문은 16세기 후반~17세기 전반 학파의 ‘도통’ 의식이 서원 확산에 끼친 영향을 영남 지역 退溪學派를 중심으로 살펴본 것이다. 영남은 사림의 淵藪로서 이른 시기부터 서원이 활발하게 설립되었다. 특히 재야 南人의 거점으로 그들의 집단적 ‘도통’ 의식이 구현된 퇴계학파 계열의 서원이 다수 설립된 지역이다. 그밖에도 붕당정치에 따른 정치적 부침 속에 南溟學派와 栗谷學派 계열의 서원도 공존하였기에 개별 서원의 학파적 성격에 대한 연구도 적지 않게 진행되었다. 즉, 영남 서원은 교육ㆍ교화 공간이라는 본연의 성격보다 특정 학맥의 구심점 또는 黨派의 공론처라는 성격이 어느 지역 보다 두드러지게 나타나, ‘도통’ 의식의 전개에 따른 서원 설립 양상을 살펴보는데 좋은 사례가 된다. 특히 16세기 후반부터 17세기 전반까지 퇴계학파가 분화되는 가운데, 月川 趙穆, 西厓 柳成龍, 寒岡 鄭逑 등 퇴계의 高弟로부터 이어지는 再傳 문인 집단은 퇴계학파의 ‘도통’을 자신들에게 귀결시키기 위하여 경쟁적으로 서원을 설립하였다. 이러한 양상은 서원이 ‘도통’의 중심지로 자리매김 했음을 보여주는 대목이다. 한편으로는 학문적 계보가 권력이 되던 조선후기 사회에서 각 학파의 ‘도통’ 의식이 서원 남설의 단초가 되었음을 알 수 있게 해준다. The purpose of this thesis is to take a look at the influence of the ‘Dotong’ of the academic faction with the expansion of seowon from the later period of 16C to the first part of 17C with the focus on Toegye School in the Yeongnam region. Yeongnam was the hub site of scholars where many seowons were established actively during the period ranging from the early period. In particular, with Namin(南人) as the focal point, this is the region where a number of seowon was established by Toegye School that realized the ideals of ‘Dotong’. Furthermore, with the shift s in political situations due to the practice of factional politics, there were seowons stemming from Nammyeong(南冥) School and Yulgok(栗谷) School that there were a s ignificant number of st udies on the charact erist ics of individual seowon for academic factions. Namely, Yeongnam Seowon showed more conspicuously features over other regions regarding its characteristics in focal point of specific academic lines or processing of public opinions of political factions rather than its innate characteristics as the space of educat ion and edificat ion, and therefore, it has been a great case to take a look at the t rend of establishing seowons following the deployment of the ideals of ‘Dotong’. While Toegye School was divided from the later 16C to first half of 1 7C in p art icular, the re-conveyance of group of educated scholars continued from the pupils of Toegye, including Wolcheon(月川) Cho Mok(趙穆), Seoaw(西厓) Ryu Seong-ryong(柳成龍), Hangang(寒岡) Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and others, competitively established seowons in order to conclude the ideals of ‘Dotong’ from Toegye School to themselves. Such a trend demonstrates that seowons have firmly established as the core site of ‘Dotong’. On the other hand, in the later period of Joseon society when the academic hierarchy was directly correlated to the power, the ideals of ‘Dotong’ of each academic faction, it is shown that it was the beginning of the wide expansion of seowon.