남해안 연해읍성의 雉城 小考 : 河東邑城의 치성을 중심으로

이일갑 동아시아문물연구소 2007 文物硏究 Vol.- No.11

The supplementary defensive castles(Chisung, 雉城) at a town castle located at a small town along the coast waters of the south sea were representative fortifications, which were built as a set of structures and a town castle's subsidiary facilities along with impregnable protective castle walls, castle gate grounds, moats, and lower defensive and offensive walls built on top of a castle(Yeojang, 女墻) during the Joseon Dynasty period, so those data is really important to understand the structure and construction methods of fortifications at the coastal towns of the south sea at that time. In case of Gyeongsang-do, there existed town castles built in a location where provincial higher administrative units along with Daedohobu(a kind of local administration, 大都護府) and barracks at Gyeongju, Gimhae, and Changwon, and the town castles showed a difference in size from other town castles belonging to the lower administrative units by one point five to two times. These aspects show that the higher level the administrative units, the more supplementary defensive castles and besides, at the town castles having barracks and naval barracks, the much larger numbers of supplementary defensive castles in the town castles were planned and built in comparison with other town castles built at general counties or prefectures. The basic numerical value of supplementary defensive castles in town castles was divided into 6-site-location and 12-site-location in the Joseon Dynasty period. In other words, the two types of supplementary defensive castles were as follows; the 6-site-location consisted of four fully-grown bulls and two right-left symmetrical castle forms at the main gate site ; the 12-site-location consisted of four fully grown bulls with two supplementary defensive castles respectively at the left and right of main gate site. Therefore, the fact that more than 12 locations of supplementary defensive castles were built proves that the Joseon people fortified their defensive facilities to protect town castles from the Japanese pirates at that time who frequently committed provocative acts especially at the coastal town castles along the south sea; thus it is presumed that the Joseon people's fortifications project once centered on Hasam-do during the early Joseon period turned its most emphasis on the coastal areas of Gyeongsang-do, i.e. coastal town castles along the south sea. Among the coastal town castles, inland town castles and supplementary defensive castles of Youngjin Castle(營鎭堡城) was the square type ground plan used for building for the longest time and the next was a rectangular-base with narrow flat upper section, and the last was a rectangular form. It is found that in the former times on King Sejong's 15th year ruling period(1433), there had been a lot more frequencies of a rectangular square with almost the same ratio of length over width, which was used either by Naesangseong where barracks and town administration commonly co-existed or by town castles built in the higher level unit towns among the administrative districts. Next, from after the 15th century through the 16th century, the ground plan for the supplementary defensive castles was mainly a regular square and a rectangular; in contrast, rectangular base with narrow flat upper section diminished or extinguished. Likewise, in case of naval forces Youngjin Castle built before and after the 15th century, the regular square had been a main-stream, and such convention was passed through the early-middle Joseon Dynasty periods to the later period of Lee's Dynasty. In addition, in King Sejong's 15th ruling period(1433), rules and forms for supplementary defensive castles in town castles were applied, and accordingly, rectangular base with narrow flat upper section form castles were built; however a square form and a rectangular form were also continuously used in building supplementary defensive castles. Besides, in case of rectangular for... 남해안 연해읍성의 치성은 읍성에 축조된 대표적인 방어시설로서 甕城門 址, 垓字, 女墻과 더불어 조선시대 읍성 부대시설에서 세트로 축조되고 있어남해안 연해읍성의 방어시설의 구조와 축조수법을 이해하는데 중요한 자료가 된다고 할 수 있다. 경상도의 경우 경주, 김해, 창원 등의 대도호부와 병영이 설치된 상위 행정단위 및 군대의 상급지휘체계의 지휘관이 위치하는 곳에 축조된 읍성이 하위 행정단위의 읍성에 비해 치성수가 1.5배 내지 2배가량 차이를 보이고 있다. 이러한양상은 행정단위가 상위 일수록 치성이 증가하며 또한 병영 및 수영이 설치된내상성일수록 치성의 숫자가 일반군현에 축조된 읍성 치성에 비해 많은 숫자로계획되어 축조되고 있는 것임을 알 수 있다. 조선시대 읍성에 설치되는 치성의 기본적인 수치는 읍성의 4성우와 주요문지의 좌우 적대를 갖춘 6개소의 형태와 4성우와 각 문지 좌우에 각각 2개소가 설치된 12개소의 두 가지 종류로 크게 나눌 수 있다. 이처럼 남해안지역의 연해읍성에 12개소 이상의 많은 치성이 설치되는 것은 왜구의 침구로부터 읍성을 보호하기 위한 방어시설의 강화에 따른 것으로 조선 전기의 하삼도에 집중된 읍성 축성사업이 특히 경상도 연해 즉 남해안 연해읍성의 축조에 가장 중점을 두었다고 할 수 있겠다. 남해안지역 연해읍성과 내륙읍성 및 영진보성 치성 가운데 정방형 평면플랜을 가진 치성이 가장 오랜 기간동안 축조 사용되고 있으며 다음으로 방대형이 나타나고 마지막으로 장방형이나타나고 있다. 특히 세종 15년(1433)을 기준으로 그 이전 시기에는 정방형이훨씬 많은 빈도를 보이고 있으며 여기에 해당되는 읍성은 공통적으로 병영과 읍치가 공존하는 내상성이거나 행정구역 단위 가운데 상급단위의 고을에 설치된읍성들임을 알 수 있다. 다음으로 15세기이후 16세기를 거치면서 치성의 평면플랜은 정방형과 장방형이 주류를 이루고 있으며 방대형의 형태는 쇠퇴하거나 소멸되고 있다. 또한15세기 전후에 축조되는 수군 영진보성의 경우에도 정방형이 주류를 이루고 있어 조선시대 전기에서 중기를 거쳐 후기에 이르기까지 계속해서 정방형의 전통이 이어지고 있다고 할 수 있겠다. 또한 세종 15년(1433) 치성 축조 규식의 적용 이후에는 방대형의 치성이축조되고 있지만 정방형과 장방형의 치성도 계속해서 축조되고 있다. 더구나 장방형 치성의 경우에는 방대형보다 오래기간 지속적으로 축조되는 있는 것을 확인할 수 있어 방대형의 축조를 규식화한 축성방침은 지켜지지 않고 있음을 알수 있는 것이다. 남해안 연해읍성의 치성을 비롯한 영남 내륙읍성의 치성에서 정방형, 장방형, 방대형의 치성이 혼용되는 이유는 치성 간에 길이의 차이를 두어 상호보완토록 하고자 함이다. 또한 지형적인 조건이나 성 둘레에 따라 너비와 길이가 정해져축조되는 것과 더불어 상위지휘체계의 영진성 일수록 치성의 길이와 너비가 더크게 축조되었다고 하겠다. 다음으로 남해안 연해읍성의 치성의 길이는 비교적 5m라는 규식이 일정하게 지켜지며 축조되고 있었다고 할 수 있겠다. 아울러 치성 길이 5m의 규식은성종조와 중종조에 축조되는 영진보성의 치성에서도 일괄적으로 확인되고 있고, 17세기에 축조되는 동래후기읍성의 치성에서도 길이가 5m로 확인되고 있어 남해안 연해읍성의 치성의 길이는 5m로 조선시대 전 기간 내내 계속적으로 지켜...

발해 도성의 의례공간과 왕권의 위상

윤재운(Yun, Jae-Woon) 한국고대사학회 2013 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.71

발해 도성은 내성이 외성의 중북부에 위치했을 뿐만 아니라, 중축선에 의한 좌우대칭을 기본적인 특징으로 한다. 상경성이 삼중성으로서 위와 같은 특징을 지니고 있는것과 달리 서고성이나 팔련성은 내외 이중성이다. 세 도성은 그 규모와 평면에서 그다지 차이를 보이지는 않는다. 발해 도성의 입지조건으로는 농업·유목접경선의 남쪽에 접한 농경지대에 위치하고 있었다는 점이다. 이는 구국, 중경, 상경, 동경의 네 곳의 도성의 방어체제가 당, 말갈(흑수말갈)이나 거란을 주로 고려했다는 점에서도 알 수 있다. 농경 지역에 대한 통치기능과 유목 지역에 대한 외교적 정치 기능을 수행하기 위한 곳이 선택된 것이다. 또한 발해 도성이 가로구획을 통한 계획도시라는 점에서 발해의 국가 전략을 엿볼 수 있다고 생각된다. 또한 발해는 天孫의식을 가진 동북아시아의 覇者로서 천하에 그 위엄을 드러낼 수 있는 도성을 만들고자 하였다. 때문에 고구려의 도성과 수당의 도성을 연구하고, 또한 일본의 도성도 참고하여 도성계획을 수립하였다. 발해가 상경성의 전체 구도와 구획에서 수당의 장안성을 참고한 것은 황제국의 위상을 보여주기 위한 것이었고, 궁전의 배치를 고구려의 안학궁 궁전과 같이 한 것은 천손으로서의 고구려 계승의식을 보여주기 위한 것이었다. The basic features of the castle town of Balhae are the inner castle located in northern central part of the outer castle and the bilateral symmetry by the axis line. Unlike Sanggyeong Castle has those features as a triple castle, Seogo Castle and Palryeon Castle have no outer castle wrapping around the outside as a dual castle in and outside. The three castle towns are a dual or triple castle, there are no big differences in size and plane among them. The stepwise construction theory that focused on the scale development of Seogo Castle-Sanggyeong Castle-Palryeon Castle in the Chinese academic world was based on the perception that the castle town system of Balhae was the complete embodiment of the experiences of Seogo Castle, which was thoroughly constructed by mimicking the format of Jangan Castle, in the middle 9th century. It emphasizes the influence theory that the capabilities and cultural level of Balhae grew and developed under the influence of Tang Dynasty. However, it should be reviewed again given that the palace arrangement phenomenon of Sanggyeong Castle was different from the Taegeuk and Daemyeong Palace of Jangan Castle in certain ways and that “Gyeongoimaejang” proves the existence of urban planning for Sanggyeong Castle. Finally, Balhae’s space dominance through its castle town was examined in two aspects. As for the conditions of location of its castle town, it was situated in the agricultural areas adjacent to the agricultural and nomadic line in south, which is also demonstrated in the defense system of the castle town in Guguk, Junggyeong, Sanggyeong, and Donggyeong that usually considered Tang Dynasty, Malgal(HeuksuMalgal) and Kitan. They chose a location from which they could perform the ruling function over the agricultural areas and the diplomatic and political functions over the nomadic areas. The fact that the castle town of Balhae was a planned city through road blocks gives some clues about its national strategies. In addition, Balhae wanted to build a castle town to show its majesty as the supreme ruler of Northeast Asia with the consciousness as the descendent of Heaven throughout the world, thus investigating the castle town of Doseong and Sudang in Goguryeo and consulting the castle towns of Japan to make a castle town plan. Balhae consulted the Jangan Castle of Sudang for the overall composition and zoning of Sanggyeong Castle to demonstrate its status as an imperial state and followed the Anhak Palace of Goguryeo for its palace arrangement to manifest its consciousness of inheriting Goguryeo as the descendent of Heaven.

근대이행기 태안읍성의 공간 구성과 입지의 변화

박범 호서사학회 2023 역사와 담론 Vol.- No.105

This study summarized the process of damage to Taean-town castle in detail and examined how the spatial composition of Taean-town castle changed through this. Changes in townships began to appear in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The damage to the town castle was taken as a natural result in the process of modern change. In particular, it went through the process of damage through the construction of a railroad and Japanese residence, but Taean did not. Previous studies considered that Taean-town castle was destroyed through the Donghak Peasant Revolution. However, through this study, it was mentioned that this is not necessarily the case. The damage to Taean-town castle, which had little to do with railroad construction and Japanese residence, proceeded as the spatial composition centered on a town castle changed. As the spatial composition in Eupchi strengthened the modern administrative and market functions, the wall function of a town castle gradually weakened. A space structure was created in which Taean residents had no choice but to frequently use the facilities in the town castle. The damage to the wall caused by the opening of the road network was a natural result. As private houses gradually entered the town castle space, only traces of the wall remained. After liberation, a new market was opened in the south of the town castle, and the center moved out of the town castle. As Taean-town castle became the surrounding area of Taean, an opportunity to preserve the remaining walls came.

읍성도시 유형별 도시발전 방안 연구 : 진주성?홍주읍성?나주읍성을 중심으로

이재희(Lee, Jae-Hee),안정근(Ahn, Jung-Geun),정현수(Jung, Hyun-Su) 한국주거환경학회 2015 주거환경(한국주거환경학회논문집) Vol.13 No.2

Urban decline in Castle towns was generated according to all sorts of regulation in land use, but this phenomenon allows traditional urban features to preserve due to the regulation of land use. In recent years, there have been a lot of efforts for tourist resources by restoring the parts of destroyed Eupseongs. In addition, Eupseongs are precious assets to present the direction of future cities along with the establishment of the city identity. Therefore, to suggest desirable development plans, the analysis on castle towns is required in terms of the unique history, culture, tradition, and arts of castle towns. In this regard, this study aims to suggest the differentiated development plans of castle towns, which have performed a central role of the region for a long period of time by classifying types of castle cities with regard to the urban planning and systems, business operation and management system, and development project around Eupseongs. According to the fortress of physical preservation forms, castle cities are classified into eupseongs, close to the original form, Eupesongs, whose parts are remaining, and Eupseongs, whose sites are only preserved due to the deterioration of the fortress. This study set target areas; Jinju-Fortress, Hongju-Eupseong and Naju-Eupseong, which represent each type, and conducted questionnaire surveys targeting relevant local residents and experts. First of all, the need for urban development plans according to the types of castle towns was verified through the cross analysis, and second, the variables of major effect were drawn through the multiple regression analysis. The study results are as follows: First, appointed management would be required for the castle cities, where fortress, which is close to the original form, is still remaining as the urban centers of the self-sufficient historic city on the premise of the preservation of castle cities. Second, the factors of sustainable population influx should be excavated through the cultural industry or the operation of educational programs in relation to the historic culture in castle cities, where some parts of the fortress are remaining. Third, in view of the structure of existing urban space, the restoration project of Eupseong is needed in castle cities, whose sites are only preserved due to the deterioration of the fortress.

읍성도시 유형별 도시공간구조 특성 분석

이재희(Lee, Jae-Hee),안정근(Ahn, Jung-Geun) 한국지역개발학회 2015 韓國地域開發學會誌 Vol.27 No.2

Recently, people became aware of the historical and cultural value of cities newly and began to take a special interest in historical and cultural resources that are possessed by a local area with a view to making use of them as a source for urban competitiveness. Therefore, this study aims to connect the dots of the characteristics of urban spatial structure according to types of castle towns which have been a central role of local areas for a long time to suggest the development plans in accordance with the types of castle towns through collecting opinions about the development direction of castle towns. As a result of analyzing development plans in accordance with the types of castle town as well as urban spatial structure, this study came to a conclusion as follows: First, castle towns that conserve castle as a shape closer to the original form should become a growth center in history and culture by linking its life zone and economic zone to surrounding areas, leading to a growing small and medium-sized city. Second, a city, where some parts of the castle remain, should promote the invigoration of the local economy through the inflow of talented people who are able to use historical and cultural resources that city holds by securing urban competitiveness by attracting creative industries related to cultural arts to the city. Third, regarding the castle towns, where the site only remains, and the castle was destroyed, the qualitative improvement should be a prerequisite through providing facilities in response to the basic demand of urban spatial structure, prior to the restoration project of the castle town, and the validity of restoration project should be deliberately examined.

안동놋다리밟기의 유형론 재고

한양명 실천민속학회 2019 실천민속학연구 Vol.34 No.-

In 1984, the Andong-Notdaribapgi has been designated as Intangible Cultural Property No. 7 in Gyeongsangbuk-do, and transmitting until now. A full survey of that play was conducted in 1975. Based on the results of this survey, participation in the National Folk Art Contest and designation of cultural properties were made. According to this report, Andong-Notdaribapgi was handed down in two types: ‘Notdaribapgi inside the castle’ and ‘Notdaribapgi outside the castle’, and Also the group of transmission and the way of playing were different. In the case of ‘Notdaribapgi inside the castle’, the play had been handed down by relatively low status women. Notdari’s form was simple as a “Jul-Notdari”, and there was no side play. On the other hand, ‘Notdaribapgi outside the castle’ had been led by the high status women, and not only the ‘Jul-Notdaribapgi’ but also the ‘Wunggul-Notdaribapgi’ were performed and various play performed on the sidelines. The reason I was looking back the results of the 1975 survey is because the research on the space and members of Eupchi(the center of town) has been carried out considerably, and the conditions for approaching the fact of Andong-Notdaribapgi has been more better. It is also because the general existence of DaedongNori was identified. In addition, the map of Andong-Eupchi which had been made by late Chosun Dynasty, and the fact that some relevant records have been secured also provided a chance to revisit the existing discussion. On the basis of these data, the results of reconsideration Andong-Notdaribapgi’s transmission and the Theory of Types are as follows. Notdaribapgi in Andong-Eupchi was not handed down like a ‘Notdaribapgi outside the castle’ and ‘Notdaribapgi inside the castle’, depending on the town’s residence, as in the previous discussion. It was revealed to some extent that it was handed down to a ‘type of closed village’, which includes women living in and around the town, and to a ‘type of closed village’ where women from each village make up towns. In other words, ‘Notdaribapgi outside the castle’ mentioned in the existing research is a game belonging to the ‘type of closed town’, and also this play was a large-scale play with women living in the eastern and western parts of the town, led by the women which belong to nobility called hyangli. ‘Notdaribapgi inside the castle’ is a ‘type of closed village’ game played by villages and seems to have been a small game that only women in the village participated in. ‘안동놋다리밟기’는 1984년에 경상북도 무형문화재 제 7호로 지정되어 전승되고 있다. 놀이에 대한 본격적인 조사는 1975년에 수행되었으며, 이 조사의 결과를 근거로 전국민속예술경연대회 참가와 문화재 지정이 이루어졌다. 조사보고서에 따르면, 안동의 놋다리밟기는 읍성 안의 ‘성안놋다리’와 읍성 밖의 ‘성밖놋다리’라는 두 형태로 전승되었으며 전승집단과 놀이의 방식이 서로 달랐다. 비교적 지체가 낮은 이들이 전승한 ‘성안놋다리’의 경우, 놋다리의 형태가 일렬형의 ‘줄놋다리’로 단순했으며 부대놀이도 없었다. 이에 비해 지체 높은 이들이 전승을 주도한 ‘성밖놋다리’의 경우, ‘줄놋다리’뿐만 아니라 원형의 ‘웅굴놋다리’와 다양한 부대놀이가 함께 연행되었다. 이와 같은 조사 결과를 다시 검토하게 된 것은. 그동안 읍치의 공간과 구성원 등에 관한 연구가 상당히 진행되어 읍치를 중심으로 전승된 안동놋다리밟기의 실상에 조금 더 다가갈 수 있는 여건이 마련되었고, 대동놀이의 일반적 존재양상이 드러났기 때문이다. 또한 조선 후기 안동 읍치의 공간 구성을 들여다볼 수 있는 지도[安東都會圖]와 관련 기록이 일부 확보된 것도 기존 논의를 다시 짚어보는 계기가 되었다. 이들 자료를 근거로 안동놋다리밟기의 전승과 유형의 문제를 살펴본 결과, 안동 읍치의 놋다리밟기는, 기존의 논의처럼 읍성을 기준으로 거주지역에 따라 ‘성밖놋다리’와 ‘성안놋다리’로 전승된 게 아니라, 읍성의 안팎에 거주하는 여성들을 포괄하는 ‘닫힌고을형’과 읍치를 구성하는 각 마을의 여성들이 참여하는 ‘닫힌마을형’으로 전승되었음이 드러났다. 또한 ‘계층성’에 근거한 놀이집단의 분화와 일상적 지위의 고하에 따른 놀이꾼의 차별적 역할 수행에 대한 기존 논의도 여러 정황상 수긍하기 어려운 것임이 어느 정도 밝혀졌다.

근대이행기 전주 읍치의 종교적 장소성 변화 : 읍성의 해체와 종교경관을 중심으로

최진성(Choi, Jin Seong) 경인교육대학교 기전문화연구소 2020 기전문화연구 Vol.41 No.1

이 글은 전주 읍치를 사례로 전주읍성의 해체를 전후한 종교경관의 변화과정을 살펴보았다. 조선시대는 통치의 효율성을 높이기 위해 읍치를 표준화하였다. 읍치의 표준화 조건은 첫째, 풍수지리 사상에 입각한 자연지리적 조건과 유교 이념에 근거한 인문적 조건이 필수적이었고, 그 중심지는 읍성이었다. 둘째, 전국 모든 읍치에 책임자인 수령이 파견되었다. 셋째, 주요 읍치에는 읍성을 쌓아 지역의 방어체제를 강화하였다. 이처럼 표준화된 읍치는 유교적 인간성의 완성을 목표로 하는 공간이었다. 전주 읍치의 경우, 읍성 남동쪽의 승암산 일대를 중심으로 후백제와 고려를 거쳐 조선 후기까지 불교와 유교 및 천주교 경관 등이 유지되면서 종교 성지로서의 장소성이 관성처럼 유지되었다. 그러나 근대이행기에 전주 읍성이 해체되면서 그 내부 공간이 식민지경관들로 채워지면서 탈장소화되었다. 이와 함께 종교경관의 중심축 또한 승암산 일대에서 읍성 서쪽의 다가산 일대 및 해체된 읍성의 내부 공간으로 이동하였다. 이와 관련된 주요 종교들은 개신교를 포함하여 일본신도, 일본불교, 일본기독교회 등이었다. This article examines Jeonju, Jeollabuk-do as an example of the process of changing religious landscapes before and after the dissolution of town castle from a regional humanities perspective. The Joseon Dynasty standardized eupchi(邑治) to increase the efficiency of government. As for the standardization conditions of eupchi, first, natural geographic conditions based on FengShui and humanistic conditions based on Confucian ideology were essential, and the center was town castles. The leader, who is in charge, is dispatched to all towns nationwide. Third, the eupchi s defense system was strengthened by building town castles in major eupchi. There is a space aimed at the completion of Confucian human beings. In the case of Jeonju eupchi, Buddhism, Confucianism, and Catholicism were maintained until the late Joseon Dynasty through Post-Baekje and Goryeo, mainly around the area of Seungam Mountain(僧巖山) in the southeastern part of town castle, and the place as a religious sanctuary remained like inertia. However, when the town castles was dismantled during the modern early period, Jeonju eupchi was de-placed by a modern urban space and filled with colonial landscapes. At the same time, the central axis of the religious landscape moved from the area around Seungam Mountain to the area of Daga Mountain(多佳山) close to the Japanese settlement and the interior space of the disintegrated town castles. The major religions involved were Protestantism, including Japanese Shintoism, Japanese Buddhism, and the Christian Church of Japan.

고려시대 청주목의 치소와 산성 ―원도심 발굴성과와 문헌자료의 보완 검토―

임형수 호서사학회 2024 역사와 담론 Vol.- No.109

In the process of researching the history of a region, revealing how the center of government, Chiso (ruling place), existed is a basic problem to solve. In the case of Cheongju, during the Joseon Dynasty period, there is no disagreement that the town castle area, which was demolished by the Japanese in the 1910s, is considered to be Chiso; however, debates persist over the location of Chiso; e.g in the Seowon- Sogyeong during the Silla Dynasty period, several fortress areas in addition to the town castle were identified as Chiso. On the other hand, the location of Cheongju-mok Chiso in the Goryeo Dynasty period was relatively neglected and only briefly described in conjunction with other periods, but in recent years, it has gradually received attention as a number of related ruins and artifacts have been excavated along with the redevelopment of the original city center. In this context, this paper summed up the location, scale, movement, and relationship of the Cheongju-mok Chiso in the Goryeo Dynasty period by the summary of the excavation results accumulated so far in the original city center of Cheongju and complementary review of them with the literature. Through this analysis, the paper aims to sum up the information about the location, scale, mobility, and relationship with nearby fortresses of Chiso in the Goyreo Dynasty period. While there are no clear traces of Chiso in the town castle area, it is suggested that specific stipulated roof tiles may be associated with Chiso. Additionally, evidence from nearby areas around the town castle, consecutive constructions of Silla and Goryeo relics, and the scale of military buildings near the fortress walls suggest that the scope of Goryeo Chiso might have been larger than the Joseon town castle. Furthermore, it is proposed that the fortresses near the downtown area were not Chiso but were possibly utilized by local residents as alternative defensive fortresses. Based on the above findings, it is concluded that Chiso in Cheongju-mok in the Goryeo was located roughly within the town castle area, and it is unlikely that Chiso was moved like the counties in the coastal region. Despite an increase in the quantity of Goryeo relics and artifacts unearthed in the Cheongju’s original city center, there is still a lack of qualitative answers to several hypotheses. With more unexplored regions remaining, hopefully, future excavation surveys will yield noteworthy results. 한 지역의 역사를 연구하는 과정에서 통치의 중심지인 치소가 어떻게 존재했는지를 밝히는 일은 기본적으로 풀어야 하는 문제이다. 청주지역의 경우 조선시대는 1910년대 일제에 의해 헐린 읍성 구역을 치소로 보는 데 이견이 없으나 신라 서원소경은 읍성 구역 외에 주변의 여러 산성이 치소로 비정되는 등 논의가 분분하였다. 반면에 고려시대 청주목 치소의 위치는 비교적 등한시되어 다른 시대와 맞물려 간략히 서술되는 수준에 그쳤는데, 근래 들어 원도심의 재개발에 따라 관련 유적과 유물이 다수 발굴되면서 서서히 관심을 받게 되었다. 이러한 상황에서 본고는 지금까지 누적된 청주 원도심 일대의 발굴성과를 정리하고 문헌자료와 보완 검토함으로써 고려시대 청주목 치소에 대해 위치와 규모, 이동 여부, 도심 인근 산성과의 관계 등을 정리하였다. 먼저 읍성 내부 구역은 치소의 존재 여부를 가릴 수 있을 정도로 뚜렷한 흔적이 아직 발견되지는 않았으나 특정 명문 기와가 치소와 관련이 있음을 타진하였다. 이어서 읍성 외부 구역에서 신라와 고려의 유적이 연이어 조영된 사례, 성벽 부근에서 확인된 관영 건물지의 규모 등을 통해 막연하나마 고려시대 치소의 범위가 조선시대 읍성보다 컸을 것으로 추정하였다. 다음으로 도심 인근 산성은 치소가 아니라 유사시 관민이 입보 산성으로 일부 활용했다고 보았다. 위의 내용을 바탕으로 고려시대 청주목 치소는 대략 읍성 구역에 위치하였으며 혹여 연해 지역의 군현처럼 치소가 이동했을 가능성은 희박하다는 결론을 내렸다. 그간 청주 원도심에서 발굴된 고려시대 유적과 유물은 이전에 비해 양적으로 증가하였으나 질적으로는 여러 가설에 대해 여전히 해답을 주지 못하는 상태이다. 미발굴 지역이 더 많이 남아 있는 만큼 향후 발굴조사를 통해 괄목할 만한 성과가 있기를 기대한다.

페이무 『小城之春』의 주변성

박정희(Park Jeong-Hee) 동북아시아문화학회 2009 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.18

‘Spring in a Small Town’was met with both words of praise and criticism as soon as it opened in September, 1948. When most of the reviews were bad it closed, just one week after it opened. The long takes, unique shooting angle and narration style of the film received good reviews from many film critics. It stood the test of time in terms of film language and technique, but when the film opened in Shanghai in 1948, it was criticized for its ‘decadent and sick’contents. However, around thirty years later, ‘Spring in a Small Town’ was evaluated as a model national film by a Chinese film company, and the director, Fei Mu, was praised as a pioneer of Chinese films. China had to make a choice in 1948. It was an important time when people had to decide what position to take, and whether they would stay in China or leave. I have chosen to write about Fei Mu because of his choice of versatility that distances himself from mainstream topics of the unique time of 1948. I decided to write about Fei Mu to look into the diverse forms of early Japanese film history through Fei Mu, who combined western film theory and traditional Chinese aesthetics to form his own type of Chinese national film. This study aimed to examine Fei Mu’s pursuit and materialization of film aesthetic through his work, ‘Spring in a Small Town,’ and examined the cultural psychology of Chinese people in 1948 through symbols in the film, such as a small town and castle wall. ‘Spring in a Small Town’ can be seen as a symbol of the agonies of Chinese intellects in Fei Mu’s time.

Water Supply and Samurai Residence in the Castle Towns during the Edo Period: The Creation of the Modern Urban Dwellers

Satoshi, Fujimura East-Asian Society for Urban History 2021 Journal of east-asian urban history Vol.3 No.1

This article analyzes the publicness of early modern cities and the character of samurai residences as urban dwellers through the water supply and use of the Edo period in Japan. Firstly, in Edo, a megacity with a population of about one million, the Shogunate organized samurai residences (mainly those of feudal lords, Daimyo) into geographical organizations, and samurai residences paid for the repair of water facility and the water fee, just the same as the townspeople. Next, in Fukui (provincial castle town), samurai residence (Daimyo's vassal) organization for waterway didn't exist. The samurai residences were relieved of the burden of maintaining the waterways due to poverty. And, before the later Edo period, samurai vassals were not punished for violating the rules on water use, but they were eventually included in the punishment. The gap in feudal status between samurai and townspeople narrowed. It was a process of creating a modern urban society composed of equal dwellers. Although Edo and Fukui belonged to the same category as castle towns, the urban publicness and the position of samurai residences were different due to their dissimilar political positions as the Shogunate capital city and the Daimyo's provincial castle town.